Submitted by Marilene Donadel (marilene.donadel@unioeste.br) on 2018-11-05T22:30:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Eder_Couto_2018.pdf: 11289736 bytes, checksum: 1c1b3553b16cc52c9b8d342e287f241e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-05T22:30:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eder_Couto_2018.pdf: 11289736 bytes, checksum: 1c1b3553b16cc52c9b8d342e287f241e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-05 / Situations related to traffic are part of the daily life of cities, reflecting issues involving the urban mobility problem, a component of a greater adversity that is the urban crisis, in which the dispute over the use and occupation of the urban space, brings about reform movements which aim to solver, among others, also the issue of urban mobility and one of its aspects lived by citizens, traffic. The traffic situation due to the consequences of accidents becomes a public health problem, because it requires equipment and technical equipment to meet the demand from traffic accidents, a fact that represents a channel of public resources, which in most of situations could be used in actions, for example, prevention. Knowing that the problem of traffic accidents makes the Municipality of Toledo-PR appear in the national and state scenario as one of the municipalities with the highest rates of traffic accidents. I understand the themes and their relationships through a bibliographical research and through a documentary research supported in also reports of the Health Department of the Municipality of Toledo-PR and of the database of the Fire Department the profile of victims of accidents was characterized and a quantitative analysis of the public expenditures of the Health Department and of the consultations carried out by the units of this secretariat with respect to traffic accidents in order to determine the financial participation of the traffic accidents in the public health expenses of the municipality. It was found that a percentage of victims of traffic accidents, sent to municipal health units, are not registered as such and some accident victims do not even accept such referral, even if they suffer some type of injury. It is concluded that databases on victims of traffic accidents need to be integrated, so that assessments and actions can be made more accurately and assertively. / Situações atinentes ao trânsito fazem parte do cotidiano das cidades e são reflexo de questões que envolvem o problema de mobilidade urbana, componente de uma adversidade maior que é a crise, na qual, a disputa pelo uso e ocupação do espaço urbano faz surgir movimentos de reforma. É preciso considerar que visam solver, dentre outras, também a questão da mobilidade urbana e de um de seus aspectos vivido pelos cidadãos - o trânsito. A situação do trânsito devido às consequências dos acidentes, tornam-se um problema de saúde pública, justo porque exige equipamentos e aparatos técnicos para atender à demanda proveniente de acidentes, que representa uma via de canalização de recursos públicos, os quais na maioria das situações, poderiam ser empregados em ações de prevenção. Sabendo que a problemática dos acidentes de trânsito faz o Município de Toledo-PR figurar no cenário nacional e estadual com um dos com maiores índices de acidentes de trânsito. O tema e suas correlações foram abordados por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica e de uma pesquisa documental cuja também teve por fundamento relatórios da Secretaria da Saúde do Município de Toledo-PR e do banco de dados do Corpo de Bombeiros. Nesse sentido, caracterizou-se o perfil de vítimas de acidentes de trânsito e foi executada uma análise quantitativa dos gastos públicos da Secretaria da Saúde e dos atendimentos efetuados pelas unidades desta secretaria, referentes a acidentes de trânsito. O intuito foi de apurar a participação financeira dos acidentes de trânsito nas despesas da saúde pública do município. Constatou-se que, um percentual de vítimas encaminhadas para as unidades de saúde municipais, não são registradas como tal e algumas vítimas de acidentes sequer aceitam o encaminhamento, mesmo sofrendo alguma lesão. Contudo, os bancos de dados sobre vítimas de acidentes de trânsito precisam ser integrados para que apurações e ações possam ser feitas com mais precisão e assertividade.

Neste trabalho é proposto um modelo para estimar a geração e a distribuição de viagens intraurbanas baseado em agentes, denominado Modelo GDA. Neste modelo foram aplicadas simulações em Sistemas Multiagentes (SMA), nas quais foram usadas, como dados de entrada, informações relativas ao morador e ao uso do solo. Na estimativa da geração de viagens, a simulação SMA foi usada para estimar uma população sintética baseada nas informações sociodemográficas dos moradores e para obter um plano de atividades associado a cada morador. Na estimativa da distribuição de viagens, a simulação SMA foi usada para obter uma matriz Origem-Destino (OD) com base no plano de atividades dos moradores e nos atributos do uso do solo. Para definir os critérios da distribuição de viagens, foram testadas teorias alternativas à força gravitacional, como a teoria das redes livres de escala e o conceito de path dependence. Foi feita uma aplicação do Modelo GDA na cidade de São Carlos (SP), cujos resultados estimados foram comparados aos resultados observados, provenientes da pesquisa Origem-Destino (OD), e aos resultados estimados obtidos pela aplicação de modelos gravitacionais nesta cidade. Os resultados mostraram que os resultados estimados obtidos pelo Modelo GDA são tão acurados quanto aos do modelo gravitacional. Conclui-se que o Modelo GDA, comparativamente ao modelo gravitacional, possui vantagens quanto à sua aplicabilidade, pois em vez de serem utilizados pelo modelo dados provenientes de pesquisas de tráfego, geralmente onerosos e de difícil aquisição; são empregados dados acerca do morador e do uso do solo, de fácil coleta e atualização periódica. / In this work, an agent-based model in order to estimate trip generation and trip distribution in an intra-urban context (GDA model) is proposed. Simulations using Multiagent Systems (MAS), with input data concerning dwellers and land use were applied in this model. To estimate the trip generation, the MAS simulation was used to elaborate a synthetic population based on sociodemographic information of the dwellers and to obtain an activity plan of each dweller. To estimate the trip distribution, the MAS simulation was used to obtain an Origin-Destiny (OD) matrix based on the dwellers activity plans and the land use characteristics. To define the trip distribution rules, alternative theories to gravitational force like free scale networks and path dependence theories were tested. The GDA model was applied in the urban area of São Carlos (Brazil), whose estimates was compared to the observed data from the OD survey and the estimate data from the Gravity model applied in this same area. The results showed that the estimates from the GDA Model are as accurate as from the Gravity Model. It was observed that the GDA Model presents advantages in relation to the Gravity Model because instead of using traffic survey data, which often is expensive and difficult to get, it uses dwellers and land use information, which is periodically collected from government researches, making it easy for government agencies to obtain this information.

A Abidjan, l’offre de transport urbain, dominée par de petites unités artisanales aux côtés des modes de transports de masse de la société publique reste insuffisante pour une population urbaine sans cesse croissante. Le système de transport urbain se caractérise par des infrastructures peu adaptées et dégradées avec un niveau important de pollution de l’air. L’analyse des relations transactionnelles entre les parties prenantes met en lumière des conflits de compétences dans la gouvernance de la mobilité urbaine. Ces conflits, constituant des sources de blocage dans la régulation officielle, conduisent à une mauvaise coordination des actions et donnent lieu à la mise en place spontanée d’une régulation parallèle (menée par les syndicats de transporteurs) dans les gares urbaines. Malgré ces contraintes et limites, cette mobilité peut s’inscrire dans une logique de durabilité et répondre à un besoin social de déplacement de la population d’autant plus qu’elle présente des potentiels de développement que seule la volonté de l’ensemble des acteurs peut faire émerger. / In Abidjan, the supply of urban transport, dominated by small -scale units alongside modes of mass transit public company remains insufficient for a growing urban population. The urban transport system is characterized by low adapted and degraded infrastructure with a high level of air pollution. Analysis of transactional relationships among stakeholders highlights conflicts of jurisdiction in the governance of urban mobility. These conflicts, which constitute sources of blockage in the official regulation, lead to uncoordinated actions and give rise to the spontaneous creation of a parallel regulation (by the transport unions) in urban stations. Despite these constraints and limitations, this mobility can be part of a logic of sustainability and meet a social need for movement of people especially as it has development potential that only the willingness of all stakeholders can emerge

Cette thèse a pour projet de poser les premiers jalons d’une recherche sur les transports publics dans deux des villes du Golfe arabo-persique, Abu Dhabi et Dubaï. Toutes deux doivent faire face à de nouveaux défis pour pérenniser le développement de leurs territoires urbains. Elles souhaitent en effet conserver leur statut de tête de pont dans l’innovation urbaine au Moyen-Orient. Elles se sont ainsi engagées dans des plans de diversification de leur économie urbaine et de développement durable (Dubaï the Smartest City, Masdar City). Au cours de cette recherche, nous analysons les nouvelles orientations de leurs politiques de planification, prises dans le but d’adapter leurs territoires urbains aux nouvelles mobilités. Elles ont connu une croissance particulièrement rapide à partir de la fin des années 1990, qui est devenue plus que signifiante à l’échelle globale depuis le milieu des années 2000. Parallèlement, et presque consécutivement elles ont mis en place une série de plans de modernisation de leurs réseaux de transports publics à Dubaï d’abord (Dubaï Tram, Dubaï Bus, Dubaï Métro) puis à Abu Dhabi (DoT Bus). Ces nouveaux développements des infrastructures de transports publics ont conduit à une remise en question du mode de fabrication de la ville au niveau des politiques d’aménagement. Comment Abu Dhabi et Dubaï se sont-elles adaptées à la mise en place des nouvelles infrastructures ? Quels en ont été les conséquences ? C’est à toutes ces réponses que se propose de répondre la thèse qui analyse les nouvelles politiques urbaines, les projets immobiliers et les logiques des acteurs impliqués dans le développement urbain des deux capitales émiriennes. Ce travail s'appuie sur un nombre d’enquêtes de terrain très important de façon à comprendre comment sont utilisés ces nouveaux réseaux et quelles sont aujourd’hui les conditions spécifiques de la mobilité des habitants de Dubaï et d’Abu Dhabi. / This dissertation aims at setting the first bases for a research on public transport in the Arab Gulf. Abu Dhabi and Dubai are two cities facing new challenges to sustain their urban developments, wishing to stay at the cutting edge of the race for the urban innovation in the Middle East. Both are engaged in diversification plans of their urban economy to sustain their development, labelled differently for both cities (Smartest City, Masdar City). We are reviewing planning measures taken to adapt these urban territory having known a spectacular growth since the 1990s which became significant on the global scale since the 2000s. Meanwhile, and almost consecutively a large modernization plans of public transport networks have been implemented in Abu Dhabi (DoT Bus) and in Dubai (Dubai Bus, Dubai Metro, Dubai Tram). Has the city making of both cities adapted to the new conditions due to the new policies and transit network? Has the new public transport infrastructure development in the induced a renewal of the city making processes? How has the city making process and regulation adapted to the new transit network? Few surveys and mostly qualitative interview of institutional actors in the several agencies that represent the operational and legal urbanism have been a tool added to the analysis of urban policies, the study of urban projects and actors strategy involved in urban development. We aim at putting into perspective the public transport policies, the official discourses and the urban sustainable planning, with the actual developments. We will study also the way the public transit networks is used to understand to which extent it fits the urban daily mobility requirements of Dubai and Abu Dhabi.

Cette thèse interroge la marche en ville, sa pratique, ses représentations, les comportements pédestres et les stratégies mises en place par les marcheurs lors de leurs déplacements à pied, dans des situations plus ou moins confortables et inconfortables mais également la façon dont les politiques urbaines appréhendent l’objet marche.Elle s’intéresse à la marche du quotidien en milieu urbain dense, la marche utilitaire, triviale et parfois niée parce qu’automatisée. Cette recherche appréhende les mobilités urbaines pédestres en présentant deux terrains principaux, à savoir :- l’in situ pour comprendre le « comment » de la marche en ville, autrement dit les comportements des marcheurs en fonction de situations plus ou moins confortables- l’ex situ pour identifier le « pourquoi » de la marche et ce que disent les marcheurs de cet objet. Il s’est agi d’étudier les représentations des mobilités urbaines pédestres.L’environnement (que nous entendons comme social, physique et temporel) est-il déterminant dans le comportement du marcheur ? Dans quelle(s) mesure(s) l’évaluation du niveau de confort d’une situation de marche est impliquée dans la mise en place de stratégies de déplacement pédestre ?Les représentations sociales de la marche sont-elles impliquées dans le choix de se déplacer à pied en ville ?Nous verrons également dans quelle(s) mesure(s) la marche et l’usager piéton sont devenus des enjeux pour les politiques publiques urbaines et plus particulièrement dans le contexte parisien (Mairie de Paris). Il s’agira de mettre en perspective ce travail de recherche au regard du contexte politique dans lequel il s’est inscrit / This thesis questions the walk in urban context, its practice, performances, walking behaviours and strategies used by walkers when walking, in more or less comfortable situations / uncomfortable, but also how urban policies apprehend this object.This research interests in the daily practice of walk in a dense urban context, usefulness, trivial walking and sometimes denied because automated.This research captures the pedestrian urban mobility by presenting the results of two main areas, namely:- The "In situ" to understand the "how" of walking in cities, in other words the walkers behaviours depending on more or less comfortable situations- The "Ex situ" to identify the "why" of walking and what walkers say about this object. It was about to study the representations of pedestrian urban mobilities.Is the environment (social, temporal and physical) determining the walker behaviour? In which measure(s) the evaluation of the comfort level of a driving situation is involved in the establishment of pedestrian movement strategies?Are the walking social representations involved in choosing to walk in cities?We will also see in which measures walking and pedestrian users have become issues for urban public policies and particularly in the Parisian context (City of Paris). The aim will be to put into perspective this research, in regards with the political context in which it is registered

This thesis deals with the environmental aspects of the common transport policy of the European Union. The first chapter outlines the development of the common transport policy from the beginning of the European Community up to the most recent strategy Transport 2050. The second chapter examines some of the environmental measures carried out in line with the common transport policy for particular modes and for urban mobility. The third chapter focuses on selected examples of consequences that the adopted measures have on the automotive industry and on the Czech Republic.

O atual modelo de planejamento dos transportes é constantemente confrontado com novos ideais associados à mobilidade sustentável. Assim, inúmeros pesquisadores debruçam-se em busca de indicadores e índices capazes de avaliar e monitorar o desempenho de políticas públicas relacionadas ao tema. Dessa forma foi desenvolvido o Índice de Mobilidade Urbana Sustentável (IMUS), uma ferramenta pautada nos preceitos da mobilidade sustentável com a proposta de tornar-se um apoio à gestão municipal. Por ser um método recente, sua aplicação ainda é limitada. Assim, o objetivo deste estudo concentra-se em realizar o cálculo do índice na cidade de Curitiba, muito conhecida por suas soluções urbanas que associam o planejamento dos transportes ao uso do solo. A aplicação do método na cidade fundamentou-se não apenas em obter o simples score relacionado ao desempenho das condições da mobilidade local, mas também possibilitaram avaliar o próprio método. O valor resultante alcançado foi correspondente a 0,747, confirmando Curitiba como uma cidade com características bastante positivas quanto às políticas urbanas voltadas à mobilidade. Por outro lado, foram identificadas algumas deficiências, especialmente quanto aos modos não motorizados de transporte. O cálculo do IMUS permitiu encontrar também indicadores que não foram capazes de identificar aspectos reconhecidamente favoráveis da cidade, demonstrando que possivelmente esses apresentem problemas de avaliação ou normalização de valores. A aplicação do método também se mostrou eficiente para promover uma avaliação intraurbana entre as diversas regiões da cidade. Nesse aspecto Curitiba demonstrou um saudável equilíbrio, sem apresentar grandes disparidades quanto suas políticas locais. Tal característica mostra-se bastante favorável para identificar Curitiba como um benchmarking da mobilidade sustentável. Finalmente o método foi testado como uma ferramenta de comparação entre cidades distintas, demonstrando também ser eficiente, desde que se mantenha uma estrutura de cálculo compatível entre as cidades que se deseja comparar. / The current transportation planning approach is constantly confronted with new values derived from the concept of sustainable mobility. As a consequence, several researchers have devoted time and effort in the search of indicators and indexes capable of evaluating and monitoring the performance of urban policies related to the theme. The Sustainable Urban Mobility Index (I_SUM) was one of them. It is a decision support tool developed to help municipal administrations in the planning and management of sustainable mobility. As it is a recent method, its application is still limited to just a few cases. The objective of this study is to conduct an application of the index in Curitiba, which is a well-known city due to the quality of its urban planning solutions that associate transport planning to land use. The application of the method in the city was motivated not only by the possibility of having a score showing the performance of the city regarding sustainable mobility, but also by the opportunity of evaluating the method itself. The overall resulting value was 0.747, what confirms that Curitiba has very positive characteristics and effective urban policies regarding sustainable mobility. Conversely, some deficiencies were identified, especially concerning non-motorized transport modes. The I_SUM calculation also allowed the identification of indicators that were not able to identify aspects that are good to the city. That may suggest problems in the assessment or normalization procedures of the index. The method application was also efficient for the evaluation of city subdivisions. Curitiba also performed well in that intra-urban evaluation, with a positive equilibrium of the values throughout the city. It may be an indication that the city policies are homogeneously applied in the entire urban area, what certainly contributes to characterize Curitiba as a benchmark of urban mobility. Finally, when used to compare distinct cities, the method was also efficient. In that case, the calculation was compatible with a structure adjusted to simultaneously represent the compared cities.

A verticalização dos edifícios gera adensamento populacional, reduz os espaços livres para edificação, promove o sombreamento de áreas e edificações vizinhas, canaliza o vento o que leva à alteração do microclima, aumenta o gasto de energia e impermeabilização do solo, todos estes fatores influem na qualidade do meio ambiente e da vida das pessoas. O objetivo proposto neste estudo foi compreender o processo de ocupação de espaço que ocorreu no Jardim Aquarius da cidade de São José dos Campos, SP, em função do aumento do adensamento populacional provocado pela crescente verticalização, influindo, principalmente na qualidade de vida e no meio ambiente. Os Resultados mostraram que o Jardim Aquarius, apresenta enorme verticalização, como bem ilustra o Jardim Aquarius o que resulta em adensamento populacional e, consequentemente, em prejuízos para a mobilidade urbana de uma forma geral. As grandes cidades funcionam com eficácia quando em seus Planos Diretores estão previstos confortáveis e confiáveis sistemas de transporte de massa. Conclui-se que um replanejamento para o Jardim Aquarius pode resultar em melhora da qualidade ambiental, trazendo bem-estar para a população em geral. / The verticalization of buildings begets densification, reduces clearances for edification, promotes the shading areas and neighboring buildings, pipelines the wind which leads to alteration of microclimate, increases energy expenditure and soil sealing, all these factors influence the quality of the environment and peoples lives. The objective of this study was to understand the process of occupation of space that has been occurring in Aquarius in the city of São José dos Campos, SP, as a function of increased densification caused by increasing verticalization, working mainly on the quality of life and the environment. The results showed that the municipality of São José dos Campos, offers enormous vertical integration, as well illustrates the Aquarius Garden resulting in densification and, consequently, in losses to urban mobility in General. The big cities work effectively when their Plans are provided for comfortable and reliable mass transit systems. It is concluded that a redesign of the garden Aquarius can result in improved environmental quality, bringing well-being to the population in General.

Este trabalho de pesquisa buscou investigar a mobilidade urbana do município de Palmas, estado do Tocantins, com o objetivo de confrontar o Plano Diretor com as ações da gestão municipal no que se refere aos anos de 2006 a 2014, período em que foram realizadas audiências públicas na cidade. O planejamento, desenvolvimento e crescimento da cidade de Palmas no desenho urbano ressaltam alguns pontos em seus componentes de mobilidade que são abordados. No que diz respeito à metodologia e às características deste estudo, optou-se pela pesquisa qualitativa; e quanto ao delineamento configura-se como análise documental. As diretrizes do Plano Diretor Municipal foram observadas e identificadas, sabendo que os trabalhos dos indicadores apresentados são contínuos, visto que toda formulação das ações foi votada a partir de audiências públicas. As análises das diretrizes do Plano Diretor foram feitas de acordo com transporte ransporte especial públicopúblico, bicicleta como veículo de transporte urbano, sistema viário para pedestre, implantação da acessibilidade, transporte coletivo e gestão municipal, alem das, ações previstas para mobilidade urbana de Palmas (TO). / The aim of this research is to inquire the urban mobility in the city of Palmas located in the State of Tocantins. The main goal is to confront the Master Plan and the actions of the Municipal Management, regarding the urban mobility of Palmas from 2006 to 2014, a period that were realized public hearings in the city. The planning, development and city growth in urban design highlight some points in the mobility plan that is approached. In this work are identified information and enlightenment of the implications of the municipal mobility planning. Regarding the methodology and research features, it is chosen a qualitative research; the research is exploratory; and on the design, it is configured as document analysis. The guidelines of the Master Plan were observed and identified to emphasize the citys situation, acknowledging that the indicators presented are continuous, seeing that all the actions were voted from public hearings. Analyses of the Master Plan guidelines were made according to public special transportation, bicycle as urban transport vehicle, road system for pedestrians, implantation of accessibility, public transport and municipal management. and the actions planned for urban mobility in Palmas (TO).

[pt] Esta pesquisa disserta sobre as soluções de mobilidade urbana em favelas de encostas como parte integrante do planejamento urbano, tendo como foco a implantação do sistema de transporte teleférico e como estudo de caso, o teleférico do Complexo do Alemão. Inicialmente é apresentado um panorama histórico das intervenções do poder público nas favelas do Rio de Janeiro e como se desenvolveu a mobilidade urbana nessas áreas. Em seguida, é exposto o problema da mobilidade nas favelas e a implantação de equipamentos alternativos de transportes. Os Projetos de implantação do teleférico Metrocable em Medellín, o teleférico de San Augustín em Caracas, o teleférico do morro da Providência e o projeto para o teleférico da favela da Rocinha são expostos como exemplos desse sistema. No Estudo de caso, foram analisados os impactos da implantação do teleférico no Complexo do Alemão, sua eficiência e principalmente, os custos de execução, operação e os custos sociais. Considera-se que o impacto estudado é moldado por análises contextuais, avaliações empíricas de visitas ao local, entrevistas com os moradores e usuários do sistema em questão, conteúdos bibliográficos e análise de indicadores. / [en] This research is on urban mobility solutions in favelas (slums) on hills as an integral part of urban planning. With a focus on the implementation of cable cars as transport systems, this research examines the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão as a case study which is located on the north side of the city of Rio de Janeiro. In Chapter 1, the research outlines the problem of poverty and absence of urban planning in Brazilian cities, which has intensified since the 1950s because of the rapid influx of migrants in search for work in the great economic city centers. Currently in Rio de Janeiro, 22 per cent of the population lives in favelas. The population of the favelas grew disproportionally in the last two decades, four times more than the population of the officially recognized areas of the city. The problem of housing in the favelization process of the city is aggravated by poor sanitation, violent conflicts, problems with security and safety, a lack of public services, poor access, precarious urban mobility, irregular services like illegal connections to electricity, among other problems. Additionally, there is the overarching problem of urban mobility. Spatial segregation makes it difficult for low-income populations to move from one place to another and is mainly due to the historical selection of occupations in isolated and peripheral areas of the city. The problem of mobility is further aggravated by underdeveloped transitional areas between the rural and urban parts of the city especially when, like in the case of this research, those populations occupy areas with steep hills. The chapter continues by tracing a history of public policies affecting the favelas of Rio de Janeiro, from the first removal of tenement houses in the city center in the nineteenth century, to the developmental policies of today. The chapter follows the formation of the first favelas with an occupation organized by the people who were removed from tenement houses and who needed to live near the economic city centers, the eventual expansion to other areas, the first removal policies for temporary housing and subsequently a more rigid posture of the state in regard to favelas. The 1960s and 1970s were periods marked by the removal and political denial of favelas, it was only in the 1980s that the state began to provide public policies to improve favelas. Thus, there has been a gradual acceptance of these occupations in the landscape of the city. Beyond the social problems aforementioned, Chapter 2 points more specifically to the problems of mobility in favelas on hills because of high building density, risks of landslides and precarious road access. In Rio de Janeiro, the state started to intervene in regard to the issue of mobility in favelas during the first term of Leonel Brizola (1983-1987), with the construction of the Inclined Plane in the Pavão Pavãozinho favela. But it was not until the Favela Bairro program that mobility initiatives were executed on a much wider scale, the program initiated walkways and improved stairs which greatly increased accessibility and the flow of traffic on road networks. With an urbanization policy for favelas in motion, other urban mobility transport systems were established, like the inclined plane on the Hill of Santa Marta in 2008 and the elevator of Cantagalo in 2010. While these transport systems assert the presence of the state in marginal communities, the daily transportation of the residents are mainly local options like vans and motorcycle taxis which continue to play a fundamental role and also contribute to the local economy. This generates income for residents because many of the people working with this type of transport also live in the favelas. The chapter then describes cable car technology and looks at specific examples of cable cars built or planning to be built in the favelas of Latin America. The lines of Medellin are used as an example because they inspired so many others like San Agustín in Caracas, Complexo do Alemão in Rio de Janeiro, Providencia in Rio de Janeiro and the cable car project of Rocinha in Rio de Janeiro. The city of Medellin for many years suffered from violence generated by drug trafficking and came to be known in the early 90s as one of the most violent cities in the world. The high murder rate and violence receded after a series of investments that occurred in the city, mainly investments towards urbanization, education and security. The urban planning of Medellin was based on major public interventions through specific projects in the poorest sectors of the city. Initially structured around the cable cars, called Metrocables, and spatially articulated with other projects extended to formal sectors of the city, known as Urban Integral Projects (Proyectos Urbanos Integrales-PUIs), the aim of these initiatives was to connect various urban spaces. One of the characteristics of these projects was the emphasis on aesthetics as an engine for social change. This aesthetic quality to the new cable cars resulted in an increase of residents self-esteem but was also criticized for its stark contrast with poor local reality. In 2004, the Line K of the cable car was constructed in Comunas 1 and 2, and initiated an urban planning of the city based on the theory of Social Urbanism, with several projects aimed at improving infrastructure and education in favelas. In 2010, Line K was supplemented by a transfer to the Line L, which goes to the Arvi Park, an ecological park created on the border of a green area to Comuna 1, stimulating tourism. There is also Line J which meets Comunas 7 and 13, inaugurated in 2008. Medellín has become a model for other cities to adopt the cable car system for transportation in favelas. One example was the cable car of San Agustín in Caracas, designed as an important integrator between the favela and the rest of the city. In January 2010, the system started was connected to the subway. In contrast to Medellin, the Metrocable system in Caracas is characterized with large stations that integrate cultural facilities, sports arenas, and shopping centers together in one convenient location. The estimated daily demand during the planning stages of the project was 15 thousand passengers. Approximately 40,000 people live in San Augustin which means that the demand estimate would amount to 37.5 per cent of the residents. The data in 2012 showed that only 4,500 passengers use the system daily, about three times less than expected, showing that the cable car, which cost 318 million dollars, is being underutilized. In Rio de Janeiro, in the favela Morro da Providência, there is a cable car built and because the favela is considered the first favela in Rio, current projects by the municipal government show that there is interest in promoting tourism and to integrate it with the dynamics of cultural and historical revitalization of the port area and the cable car is the vehicle proposed for this purpose. However, the Hill of Providence (Morro da Providência) is suffering from forced evictions, mainly due to the Morar Carioca project, an urban program of the city government. These interventions have not been discussed with the residents and involve the demolition of nearly half of the residences. The idea is to replace the residences with a historical and cultural center in the favela. According to the city administration, about 42 houses block, in the context of urban landscape, the view of the chapel located at the highest point of the hill and thus those 42 houses would have to be removed. Although the construction of the cable car has also caused the removal of a few houses, its implementation is linked more with tourism in the favela. Various resident led protests organized with activists and supported by critical news sources released in Brazil and abroad, put the Hill of Providence in the spotlight as an example of the negative impact of mega-events on the poor. Consequently, after the injunction obtained in a lawsuit, the projects in the community are at a standstill and the houses that were scheduled to be removed remain standing. In Rocinha, the PAC 2 (Accelerating Growth Program is a federal program that has as the main objective the development of the country through the planning and execution of large urban infrastructure, works in the transportation sector and the energy sector) provides for the cable car installation, an elevator, escalators, and other mobility infrastructure. This project is very controversial because the cable car project has an estimated budget of 700 million reais, an amount that would consume approximately 44 per cent of the total amount available for the PAC 2. Most debate is on the residents priorities, which if considered would require that the funds be applied to the sanitation of the favela, which the current project does not guarantee. In the project under study, the cable car will connect to the future subway station of Line 4 in São Conrado to the top of the favela and have 6 stations distributed in two lines, 2,500 meters long. This would be the third cable car built in the favelas of the city, reflecting a state trend to adopt this transportation method in favelas. It seems that cable cars are more than a modal of mass transport, but also as a way to enter favelas as a new tourist attraction of the city. In Chapter 3, the case study is presented about the cable car of Complexo do Alemão, an integral part of PAC. The cable car was built with 3.4 km in length, 152 cabins half of which are in regular operation, while the other half is parked. The system has six stations and the capacity to carry 30,000 passengers daily. The path between the first transfer station with the train, the Bonsucesso Station, and the last stop, the Palmeiras Station, is traversed in about 20 minutes. Using other means of transport, the time to travel the distance between these two places is about 40 minutes. The six stations are located on the tops of hills that form the intricacies of the favelas and therefore, many residents complain about the accessibility of the system. For those who live far away and do not see advantage in climbing the hill to use the system, it is more common to use van or motorcycle taxis to move around. This is the main reason that the cable car is underused even though residents are entitled to two free trips per day. According to the Supervia, which operates the system, the daily movement of people is about 10,000 to 11,000 people, but, as we reported, the equipment has been design for a capacity of 30,000 passengers per day. The construction of the cable car cost the government R$ 210 million, equivalent to 22.35 per cent of the total PAC work in Complexo do Alemão, and the operating cost is about 50.1 million reais a year. What we can conclude is that the cable car has a relatively high operating cost for low use by residents, and it is also expensive to build. The high investment in the cable car is not justified when there are still major problems to be solved in favelas. One of the main complaints made by residents is the lack of investments in priority areas, such as basic sanitation. As part of this research a survey was given to 50 residents. When asked if the resources used to cable car execution, being very high, could be implemented in other areas, 74 per cent said yes. Among the responses on areas where resources should be invested, they pointed mainly to sanitation, health and education. Some health problems in the favelas worsened while tourism has increased with the use of the cable car. Also according to the data from the Supervia, the percentage of passengers with gratuities, i.e. registered residents using the cable car during the week is 75 per cent and the percentage of those who paid the fare, mostly tourists, is 25 per cent. On weekends, the number of visitors almost doubled: 54 per cent of gratuities and 46 per cent of tourists. The cable car has always had a tourist appeal due to its comfort and excitement by offering the experience of getting a suspended adventure of great heights with a privileged view of the favela landscape. This also happens with the cable car of the Complexo do Alemão, but in another context, within a patrimonialization effort of those spaces. The research makes clear that even with the difficulties within a space precariously built, mobility solutions that were initially created by the residents are still the most used, for example, the alternative transport system like vans and motorcycle taxis. To establish that the cable car is the solution for urban mobility on slopes of slums is quite questionable, as each case requires a specific and detailed study. In the case of the Complexo do Alemão, for example, both positive and negative factors were found. On the one hand the cable car considerably reduced the Bonsucesso travel time to some community points and provided connection with the train, on the other, the number of users contained does not justify its high cost. It is also clear that the general population in favelas want more primary rights met like access to health care, the installation of sewer systems, and competent schools as their priority.