Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Esta dissertação trata da variação no uso do pronome de segunda pessoa (singular e plural) na cidade de São Paulo. Duas formas alternativas são empregadas nessa comunidade de fala: a variante plena você(s) e a forma foneticamente reduzida cê(s). A pesquisa é desenvolvida de acordo com os pressupostos teórico-metodológicos da Sociolinguística Variacionista. Foram desenvolvidas análises sincrônica e diacrônica com dados extraídos de duas amostras (NURC-SP-1970 e GESOL-SP-2000). Os resultados evidenciam um equilíbrio na distribuição das duas variantes nessa comunidade de fala. Embora se verifique uma típica mudança em progresso (tempo aparente) na década de 1970, a análise dos anos 2000 revela um caso de variação estável na comunidade de fala. Nos anos 2000, a variante inovadora, a forma reduzida cê, tende a ser favorecida pelos informantes mais jovens e pelas mulheres acima de 50 anos de idade. Cê é desfavorecida entre os indivíduos de uma faixa etária intermediária (entre 35 e 45 anos) o que pode estar relacionado a questões de monitoramento da fala e ao mercado linguístico (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). Adicionalmente, cê tende a ser evitado entre os indivíduos mais escolarizados; e é favorecido em interações cujos informantes são familiares ou amigos. De um ponto de vista linguístico, o emprego das variantes é correlacionado pelo Princípio do Contorno Obrigatório e por questões morfossintáticas, semânticas e discursivo-cognitivas, com especial atenção à referência do pronome. Os resultados corroboram a hipótese de cliticização da variante reduzida, mas fornecem um contra-argumento à correlação direta entre erosão fonética e abstratização semântica, defendida na literatura sobre gramaticalização. / This master thesis analyzes the variation in the use of the second person pronoun (singular and plural) in the city of São Paulo. Two alternative forms are employed: você you, and a phonetically reduced form cê you. The research is developed according to the theoretical and methodological framework of Variationist Sociolinguistics. Both synchronic and diachronic multivariate analyses are pursued, with data extracted from two samples (NURC-SP-1970 and GESOL-SP-2000). The results show a balance in the distribution of the two variants in the speech community. Although it was observed a typical change in progress (apparent time) in the 1970s, the analysis of the 2000s data reveals a case of stable variation in the speech community. In the 2000s, the innovative, phonetically reduced variant tends to be favored by younger people and women over 50 years old. Cê is disfavored among individuals between 35 and 45 years which can be related to issues of speech monitoring and the linguistic market (Paiva & Duarte, 2003). In addition, cê tends to be avoided by those whose level of education is higher, and is favored in conversations between informants who are friends or relatives. From a linguistic perspective, the use of variants is correlated by the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) and by morphosyntactic, semantic and discursive-cognitive factors, with special attention to the reference of the pronoun. Results confirm the hypothesis of cliticization of the reduced variant, but reveal a counterargument for the direct correlation between \"phonetic erosion\" and \"semantic abstraction\", which has been claimed in the literature on grammaticalization

Este estudo investiga o uso variado da realização do artigo definido em DPs possessivos, no paradigma das três pessoas do discurso, em vídeos e cartas que representam o português paulista dos séculos XX e XXI. Tal fenômeno tem atraído a atenção dos estudiosos, a partir da tradição filológica e normativa, chegando aos estudos linguísticos correntes, uma vez que se verifica o intrigante fato de que o português europeu (PE) e o português brasileiro (PB) se distanciaram no seu percurso histórico em um aspecto crucial: enquanto no PE a presença do artigo diante do possessivo é praticamente categórica, no PB a variação ainda parece ser possível, ora produzindo DP possessivos com artigo (o meu livro está em cima da mesa), ora sem (meu livro está em cima da mesa). Entre os objetivos da pesquisa destacam-se a descrição do fenômeno no português paulista, a apresentação de uma proposta de análise para caracterizar o estatuto variável na realização do artigo em contextos possessivos, bem como o mapeamento dos fatores linguísticos e extralinguísticos que possam estar condicionando a variação. Para tanto, apoiamo-nos numa perspectiva teórica que engloba pressupostos gerativistas, tais como desenvolvidos na Teoria dos Princípios e Parâmetros (CHOMSKY, 1981, 1986), incluindo alguns refinamentos do Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY, 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001), além de pressupostos da Sociolinguística Variacionista, tais como desenvolvidos em Weinreich, Labov e Herzog (1968) e Labov (1972, 1994). Os resultados da análise quantitativa mostraram um aumento significativo no preenchimento do artigo definido no DP possessivo e mudança nos fatores condicionantes para a variação apontados por pesquisas anteriores. A abordagem teórica está ainda ancorada nos estudos recentes sobre a estrutura sintática do DP possessivo (FLORIPI, 2008; GALO, 2015; BRITO e LOPES, 2016). Finalmente, esta pesquisa buscou caracterizar com mais rigor o estatuto semântico do artigo definido no contexto dos DPs possessivos, com base nas particularidades do licenciamento dos Nomes Nus no PB (CYRINO e ESPINAL, 2016; FERREIRA e CORREIA 2016). A hipótese que assumimos foi a de que, o artigo definido nos DPs possessivos, tanto realizado lexicalmente, como nulo fonologicamente, licencia uma leitura que expressa uma relação possessiva, diferente da leitura denotada pelo artigo definido em DPs definidos. Portanto não se trata de um definido expletivo (CASTRO, 2006). / This thesis investigates the varied use of the definite article in possessives DPs, in the paradigm of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd persons, in videos and letters that represent the Paulistian Brazilian Portuguese from the 20th and 21st centuries. Such phenomenon has attracted experts attention, from the philological and normative tradition to current linguistic studies, since an intriguing fact is verified: European Portuguese (PE) and Brazilian Portuguese (PB) have distanced themselves in their historical course in a crucial aspect: In PE the use of the definite article in possessive noun phrases is nearly mandatory, while in PB this use of the article is variable. Amongst the goals of this research, the following stand out: to describe this phenomenon in Paulistian Brazilian Portuguese, present a proposal of analysis to characterize the variation status in the presence of the article in possessives contexts, as well as mapping the linguistic and extralinguistic factors that may be conditioning the variation. To achieve them, we adopt an approach based on Principles and Parameters Model (CHOMSKY, 1981, 1986), including some refinements of the Minimalist Program (CHOMSKY, 1995, 1998, 2000, 2001), as well as a Quantitative Sociolinguistics approach (WEINREICH, LABOV and HERZOG, 1968; LABOV, 1972, 1994). The results of the quantitative analysis showed a significant increase in the usage of the definite article in the possessive DP and change of conditioning factors for the variation pointed out by previous researches. The theoretical approach is also anchored in recent studies on the syntactic structure of possessive DP (FLORIPI, 2008; GALO, 2015; BRITTO e LOPES, 2016). Finally, this research attempted to thoroughly characterize the semantic status of the definite article in the context of the possessive DPs, based on the peculiarities of the Bare Nouns licensing in PB (CYRINO e ESPINAL, 2016; FERREIRA e CORREIA, 2016). We assumed the hypothesis that the definite article in the possessive DPs, lexically realized or phonologically null, allows a reading that expresses a possessive relation, different from the reading denoted by the definite article in definite DPs. Therefore, it is not an expletive definite article (CASTRO, 2006).

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-04-05T14:42:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-04-24T03:49:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-24T03:49:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 patriciarafaelaotoniribeiro.pdf: 2225598 bytes, checksum: 96da28570e67b420a49dc173a2049ae4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-01 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho investiga a variação linguística na concordância de número nos sintagmas nominais (SNs) e nos sintagmas verbais (SVs) entre os falantes do município de Oliveira Fortes-MG, com o objetivo de identificar o perfil sociolinguístico da comunidade. Partimos da hipótese de que o município, em função de sua sociohistória e de suas características demográficas, tem um perfil marcado pelo conservadorismo linguístico, a partir da perspectiva de que, historicamente, no português brasileiro, a variante ausência de marca explícita de número é anterior à variante presença de marca explícita de número, em virtude da polarização territorial rural/urbana do país. A pesquisa pauta-se nos pressupostos da Sociolinguística Variacionista (LABOV, 2008 [1972], 1982, 1994, 2001) e, como desdobramento, nos estudos sobre Redes Sociais (MILROY, 1980, 1987, 2004; MILROY & MILROY, 1985; BORTONI- RICARDO, 1985, 2011). Para a investigação, foram coletados dados de vinte e quatro informantes, através de entrevista sociolinguisticamente orientada, ficha social e ficha de redes. O corpus apresenta 1407 ocorrências da variável concordância de número no sintagma nominal e 810 ocorrências da variável concordância de número no sintagma verbal, dentre as quais há o predomínio da variante ausência de marca explícita de número (89,6% nos SNs e 80,6% nos SVs). Em função desse resultado, confirmou-se a hipótese inicial, uma vez que foi constatado o conservadorismo linguístico em Oliveira Fortes-MG, motivado pelas particularidades do município e pela configuração das redes sociais dos moradores. / This work surveys the linguistic variation in number agreement in noun phrases (NP) and in verbal phrases (VP) among speakers from Oliveira Fortes-MG aiming to identify the sociolinguistic profile of this community. We have assumed that this town according to its sociohistory and demographic characteristics has a profile underlined by linguistic conservativeness from the perspective that, historically, the variant absence of the explicit number mark is earlier than the variant presence of the explicit number mark in Brazilian Portuguese. This happens because of the country territorial polarization rural/urban. This research is based on the pretext of the Variationist Sociolinguistics (LABOV, 2008 [1972], 1982, 1994, 2001) and, as adevelopment, on studies about Social Networks (MILROY, 1980, 1987, 2004; MILROY & MILROY, 1985; BORTONI- RICARDO, 1985, 2011). For the current investigation, it was collected some data from twenty-four informers throughout sociolinguistics oriented interviews, social forms and social networks. The corpus shows 1,407 occurrences of number agreement variation in noun phrases and 810 occurrences of number variation in verbal phrases. It was seen that there is a predominance of the variant absence of the explicit number mark (89.6% in NPs e 80.6% in VPs). Due to this result, it was possible to reaffirm the initial hypothesis, once it was testified that the linguistic conservativeness in Oliveira Fortes-MG is motivated by particularities of the town and its inhabitant’s social networks settings.

Abstract In my research I look at sound structure variation and change in the Viena dialect of two Karelian villages Jyskyjärvi and Kalevala. I explore how the final syllable A-ending vowel combinations (iA, eA, UA and OA) and long vowels aa and ää are represented in modern Viena dialects and how vowel clusters have changed in pronunciation over a period of thirty years. I study the change in language in real-time: I compare recorded interviews made between 1967–1971 and 2001. Methodologically my research stems from the sociolinguistic research tradition as well as language contact research. The central question is how the closely related Finnish language has perhaps begun to affect the Viena Karelian language. Looking at linguistic changes, one aim is to test morphological and lexical diffusion theories and strive to advance said theories. As regards idiolectic variation, I explore how the language attitudes of the informants affect their language variation and how a social network and its structure can explain the differences in idiolectic variation. The results show that there is a significant amount of variation in Viena Karelian's final syllable A-ending vowel clusters. This may have been affected by the minority position and endangered status of the Karelian language as well as the great changes in the society. Variation and linguistic change is affected by, among other things, morphological factors, frequency of lexemes, and the attempt at symmetry of the vowel clusters. In certain vowel clusters the typical variant of Viena dialects has become more common. However, in certain vowel clusters, a contact-initiated variant has increased in popularity. The data also show changes, which seem to have been affected by reasons external to the language (language contact) and reasons internal to the language (emergent systemic change). In this study, the testing of the diffusion theories shows that contact-initiated variants are becoming more common often in the order of an inverted morphotactic hierarchy and more easily taking hold of broad-frequency form groups. Contrary to my expectations, changes spreading from below have not in my data always progressed in the order of morphotactic hierarchy. The progression of language change may be mixed up by the transformation in the nature of the language change. The changes in the lexicon, on the other hand, have primarily progressed according to the hypothesis that changes spreading from below first affect the most frequently used vocabulary and changes spreading from above first affect the less used part of the vocabulary. The results of individual differences in variation show that the wide spread use of certain variants can be explained by the structure of the social network and the network members' influence on each other. However, social networks alone cannot be used to explain language change. Instead, the results of the study show that attitudes towards language and a person's ethnic loyalty affect the language choices made. Contact-induced shifts are generally more frequent in those informants' language to whom Finnish is a more enticing prestige language than Karelian. / Tiivistelmä Tarkastelen tutkimuksessani kahdessa karjalaiskylässä, Jyskyjärvellä ja Kalevalassa, puhuttavan vienalaismurteen äännerakenteen variaatiota ja muuttumista. Selvitän, miten jälkitavujen A-loppuiset vokaaliyhtymät (iA, eA, UA ja OA) sekä kaksoisvokaalit aa ja ää edustuvat nykyvienalaismurteissa ja miten vokaalijonojen edustus on muuttunut 30 vuodessa. Kielen muuttumista tutkin reaaliajassa: vertailen toisiinsa 1970-luvun taitteessa ja 2000-luvun taitteessa tallennettujen haastattelujen kieltä. Lähtökohdiltaan työni liittyy sekä sosiolingvistiseen tutkimusperinteeseen että kielikontaktitutkimukseen. Keskeinen kysymys on, miten vienankarjalan läheinen sukukieli, suomi, vaikuttaa nykyvienankarjalaan. Kielenmuutosten seuraamisessa yksi tavoite on myös testata morfologisen ja leksikaalisen diffuusion teorioita sekä pyrkiä kehittämään mainittuja teorioita eteenpäin. Variaation idiolekteittaisen tarkastelun kohdalla selvitän, miten informanttien kieliasenteet vaikuttavat heidän kielelliseen variaatioonsa ja pystyvätkö sosiaalinen verkko ja sen rakenne selittämään variaation idiolekteittaisia eroja. Tulokset osoittavat, että variaatio vienankarjalan jälkitavujen A-loppuisissa vokaalijonoissa on erittäin runsasta. Tähän lienevät vaikuttaneet karjalan kielen vähemmistöasema ja uhanalaisuus sekä suuret yhteiskunnalliset muutokset. Variaatiota ja kielenmuutoksia ovat säädelleet muun muassa morfologiset tekijät, lekseemien taajuus sekä jälkitavujen vokaalijonojen pyrkimys symmetriaan. Eräissä vokaalijonoissa vienalaismurteiden tyypillisin variantti on alkanut yleistyä, ja eräissä vokaalijonoissa taas kontaktilähtöinen variantti on lisännyt suosiotaan. Aineistossani on havaittavissa myös muutoksia, joihin lienevät vaikuttaneet sekä kielenulkoiset syyt (kielikontakti) että kielensisäiset syyt (orastava systeeminmuutos). Tässä työssä diffuusioteorioiden testaaminen on osoittanut, että kontaktilähtöiset variantit yleistyvät kielessä usein käänteisessä morfotaktisen hierarkian mukaisessa järjestyksessä ja tarttuvat herkemmin suurtaajuisiin muotoryhmiin. Sitä vastoin alhaalta leviävät muutokset eivät ole aineistossani aina edenneet morfotaktisen hierarkian mukaisessa järjestyksessä, kuten olen olettanut. Muutoksen muotoryhmittäistä etenemistä saattaakin "sekoittaa" muutoksen luonteen muuttuminen. Lekseemeittäin muutokset ovat edenneet pääosin hypoteesini mukaisesti: alhaalta leviävät muutokset ovat tarttuneet ensin sanaston suurtaajuiseen osaan ja ylhäältä leviävät muutokset ensin sanaston pientaajuiseen osaan. Tulokset variaation yksilöllisistä eroista osoittavat, että eräiden varianttien taaja käyttö selittyy sosiaalisen verkon rakenteesta ja verkon jäsenten vaikutuksesta mutta sosiaaliset verkot yksinään eivät pysty kielen vaihtelua selittämään. Sen sijaan tulokset viittaavat siihen, että kieliasenteet ja ihmisen etninen lojaalisuus vaikuttavat siihen, millaisia kielellisiä valintoja hän tekee. Kontaktilähtöiset innovaatiot ovat monin kohdin yleisempiä sellaisten informanttien kielessä, joille suomi on karjalaa vetovoimaisempi prestiisikieli.

In the Arabic-speaking world, sociopolitical upheaval, extended conflict and population displacement have triggered extensive contact between mutually intelligible varieties of the language. Notwithstanding these developments, Arabic sociolinguistic research on dialect contact settings remains limited to certain well-documented areas (e.g., Al-Wer 2020), with markedly less research targeting other locales believed to be highly propitious to convergent change, such as the long-term contact situation in Lebanon involving Lebanese and Palestinian Arabic (Fityan 1981; Hennessey 2011). Furthermore, few studies are embedded in a (comparative) variationist sociolinguistic framework (Owens 2013), and even fewer studies are articulated from a socio-historical perspective incorporating diachronic data sources with which to better understand the process of language change in Arabic (Owens 2013). Much previous research on Arabic dialects is also based on investigations of phonological variation (Al-Wer and de Jong 2018), with correspondingly less attention paid to (morpho-)syntactic variation (Choueiri 2019). The present study aims to address existing lacunae in the research literature by investigating the outcomes of dialect contact in Beirut between Palestinian Arabic (PA), the minority variety, and Lebanese Arabic (LA), the majority variety. Drawing on the framework of comparative variationist sociolinguistics (Poplack and Tagliamonte 2001) as well as research on dialect contact (Britain and Trudgill 2005), this study combines synchronic and diachronic data sources to compare three variables in LA and PA: a phonological variable, involving the word-medial raising of /a:/ to [e:] (e.g., [ka:n] alternating with [ke:n] 'he/it was'); and two morpho-syntactic variables: verbal negation and future temporal reference. The overarching aim of the research is to examine the extent to which PA shows evidence, as gauged from linguistic constraints on variant selection and variant repertoires, of becoming more structurally similar to LA in different linguistic components (Cheshire, Kerswill, and Williams 2005). The synchronic data come from 45 hours of spontaneous speech recorded in Beirut from 39 Palestinian and 27 Lebanese speakers stratified by age, sex, and level of education, generating 7,671 tokens representing the three targeted variables. A further 15,381 tokens of these three variables come from two diachronic datasets. The first is a sub-set of speech recordings from the Palestinian Oral History Archive, an online compendium of interviews with first-generation (older) Palestinians in Lebanon, recorded between the 1990s and early 2000s. The second diachronic dataset is the Lebanese Popular Theatre Corpus (LPTC), based on 34 televised plays dating from the 1960s and performed in colloquial LA. Results reveal that the [e:] variant, a stereotypical feature of LA, but not emblematic of PA spoken in Beirut (Hennessey 2011), is virtually absent from the speech of the older Palestinian generation in the synchronic and diachronic datasets, but it increases significantly in the speech of young (third-generation) Palestinian speakers, who replicate the linguistic conditioning of variant selection in LA. These results bolster the inference of contact-induced change in PA due to the influence of LA. With respect to verbal negation, the findings show that there is convergent change in terms of overall variant rates in this variable system in PA. Evidence suggests that this variable system is undergoing dialect levelling as a result of contact, with socially marked minority variants diminishing over time in the speech of educated Palestinians. The future temporal reference system, however, seems to be less amenable to contact-induced change, despite similarities in surface forms between LA and PA. Results indicate that this variable system is undergoing an internal change in PA independent of contact with LA, which is led by young, educated speakers, in line with what has been observed in PA spoken outside Lebanon (AbuAmsha 2016). Viewed in the aggregate, the results show that even though it is claimed that (morpho-) syntactic variables may be less susceptible to convergent change than phonological variables (Cheshire et al. 2005; Hinskens et al. 2005), we do not find a neat division between phonology and morpho-syntax. Word-medial imala is overtly commented on and explicitly identified by the targeted Palestinian speech community as a marker of Lebanese speech. Its iconic association with Lebanese speech patterns renders it particularly susceptible to long-term dialect accommodation for some Palestinians. Verbal negation is also subject to social evaluation, as gauged from explicit speaker meta-commentary, and socially marked exponents appear vulnerable to attrition over time. By contrast, the expression of the future temporal reference appears less socially indexical than the other variables and is not subject to normative commentary or overt correction. These differences implicate the social salience of the targeted variables as a key factor influencing their susceptibility to convergence. Situating the results in a wider perspective, the findings highlight the utility of the comparative variationist framework in elucidating the process of language change in spoken Arabic, especially in PA as spoken in Beirut, as well as in distinguishing contact-induced change from internally-motivated change. The results of this study indicate that the effects of dialect contact, and critically, the existence of contact-induced change cannot be fully understood without using a multi-faceted comparative approach incorporating horizontal and vertical comparisons. The results converge in demonstrating that an empirically accountable quantitative approach based on actual speech data is capable of transcending the limitations of alternative frameworks of analysis that have been used to investigate change in dialect contact scenarios in the Arabic-speaking world.

This dissertation investigates the use of the subjunctive in completive clauses governed by verbs in Italian, both synchronically and diachronically, and in Vulgar Latin. By making use of the tools provided by the Variationist Sociolinguistic framework (Labov 1972, 1994), the current study sheds light on the underlying conditioning on variability using actual usage and speech-surrogate data. Contemporary actual speech data comes from LIP (De Mauro et al. 1993) and C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005) corpora, providing spontaneous discourse in casual and careful speech as well as sub-sample divisions representative of geographical variation. In order to measure any changes in the underlying conditioning on subjunctive selection, a diachronic benchmark is established: a corpus of speech-like surrogates of 16th to 20th century Italian, COHI (Corpus of Historical Italian), and a corpus of Vulgar Latin (Cena Trimalchionis, from the Satyricon by Petronius). The subjunctives were extracted in adherence to the principle of accountability (Labov 1972), using the method developed by Poplack (1992): every complement clause governed by a matrix verb (governor) that triggered the subjunctive at least once was included. This method enables us to circumvent the issue of the lack of consensus in the literature on exactly which contexts, i.e. verbs and/or meanings, should trigger the subjunctive in discourse. This issue surfaces as well from the meta-linguistic analysis of a compendium of 58 Italian grammars and treaties (CSGI, Collezione Storica di Grammatiche Italiane), constructed for the purpose of this research. A series of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors proposed by formal and prescriptive literature are operationalized and tested against the corpora of both Italian and Vulgar Latin, in order to ascertain the nature of variability in discourse: i.e. whether the use of the subjunctive is semantically motivated, productive in speech or undergoing desemanticization and lexicalization. Despite widespread assumption of a change that occurred after the political and the subsequent linguistic unification of Italy, i.e. that the subjunctive has lost ground in favour of the indicative when it was supposedly used categorically in the past, quantitative and statistical evidence shows that subjunctive selection is largely determined by lexical identity of the governor as well as embedded suppletive forms of essere, and that this pattern has been operative at least since the 16th century. On a more socio-linguistic aspect, this study confirms the linguistic prestige that the subjunctive has acquired in contemporary speech, being selected with a wider range of infrequent and singleton governors by highly educated speakers. Also, the highly lexicalized pattern on variability was found to be largely shared amongst the four main urban centres of Florence, Milan, Rome, and Naples, thus countering the assumption of divergent linguistic behaviour between northern and southern varieties of Italian. The study also shows that despite the significant time span targeted, no evidence of desemanticization has been found. Likewise, the variationist analysis on the Vulgar Latin subjunctive shows that subjunctive choice was already largely determined by, and restricted, to a few governors, identified as ‘volitive’ and ‘emotive’ matrices. These governors remained strong predictors for the selection of the subjunctive in Italian as well, suggesting that this lexical pattern has been transferred and consistently retained in the daughter language.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2018-07-30T19:59:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O FINAL.pdf: 2612834 bytes, checksum: 57632b3a6c17b1b1cb4931a237ec93e4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-30T19:59:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTA??O FINAL.pdf: 2612834 bytes, checksum: 57632b3a6c17b1b1cb4931a237ec93e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This paper makes a sociolinguistic analysis of the use of strategies of Relativization in the popular and standard norms of the spoken Portuguese in Feira de Santana-BA, based on the theoretical-methodological contribution of the Variationist Sociolinguistics, based on Weinreich, Labov and Herzog (2006 [1968]). For the methodological treatment of the analysis, the relative clauses are subdivided in non-prepositional strategies ? the gap-leaving variant and the resumptive pronoun strategy? and prepositional strategies ? the pied piping variant, the PP-chopping strategy, the PP-chopping strategy with resumptive and the where and when relatives. The focus of this research is the covariation between the pied piping strategy (subscribed by the traditional grammar) and the PP-chopping strategy (considered an innovative strategy in the Brazilian Portuguese), having as corpus real speech data extracted from 24 interviews (12 of the standard norm and 12 of the popular norm) of the project The Portuguese language of the Bahia semiarid region ? Phase 3: samples of the spoken languagein Feira de Santana-Ba, headquartered in the Nucleus of Portuguese Language Studies (NELP). Starting from the theoretical assumptions of the theory of variation and linguistic change, this study brings a reflection on the Brazilian Portuguese (PB) socio-history, highlighting the linguistic contact, the late urbanization and schooling of Brazil, the irregular linguistic transmission, the hypothesis of approach between the popular and standard norms of PB and the socio-history of the urban center of Feira de Santana-BA, emphasizing its commercial characteristics, the migratory factor and its geographical position. The data were investigated based on linguistic and social variables in order to answer which linguistic and sociocultural factors act in the variable use of the PP-chopping relative and the pied piping strategy and if there is an approximation or a distancing of the standard and popular norms in regards to the use of these strategies in the Portuguese of Feira de Santana. The results confirm the syntactic change attested by Tarallo (1983), by evidencing the majority use of the PP-chopping relative by the feirense speakers in both standard and popular norms, allowing to the contestation that there is an approximation of the norms in the spoken Portuguese in of Feira de Santana, confirming what Lucchesi (2001) and Mattos and Silva (2004) ratified about the Brazilian Portuguese. / Esta disserta??o faz uma an?lise sociolingu?stica do uso das estrat?gias de relativiza??o nas normas culta e popular do portugu?s falado em Feira de Santana-BA, apoiando-se no aporte te?rico-metodol?gico da Sociolingu?stica Variacionista, com base em Weinreich, Labov e Herzog (2006 [1968]). Para o tratamento metodol?gico da an?lise, subdividem-se as ora??es relativas em estrat?gias n?o preposicionadas ? relativa com lacuna e relativa com lembrete ? e preposicionadas ? relativa pied piping, relativa cortadora, relativa cortadora com lembrete e relativas de onde e quando. O foco desta investiga??o ? a covaria??o entre a relativa pied piping (abonada pela gram?tica tradicional) e a relativa cortadora (considerada uma estrat?gia inovadora do portugu?s brasileiro), tendo como corpus dados reais de fala extra?dos de 24 entrevistas (12 da norma culta e 12 da norma popular) do projeto A l?ngua portuguesa do semi?rido baiano ? Fase 3: amostras da l?ngua falada em Feira de Santana-Ba, sediado no N?cleo de Estudos da L?ngua Portuguesa (NELP). Partindo dos pressupostos te?ricos da teoria da varia??o e da mudan?a lingu?stica, pontua-se uma reflex?o sobre a s?cio-hist?ria do portugu?s brasileiro (PB), evidenciando o contato lingu?stico, as tardias urbaniza??o e escolariza??o do Brasil, a transmiss?o lingu?stica irregular, a hip?tese de aproxima??o entre as normas culta e popular do PB e a s?cio-hist?ria do munic?pio de Feira de Santana-BA, enfatizando suas caracter?sticas comerciais, o fator migrat?rio e sua posi??o geogr?fica. Os dados foram investigados com base em vari?veis lingu?sticas e sociais buscando responder quais fatores lingu?sticos e socioculturais atuam no uso vari?vel da relativa cortadora e da pied piping e se h? uma aproxima??o ou um distanciamento das normas culta e popular no que se refere ao uso dessas estrat?gias no portugu?s feirense. Os resultados confirmam a mudan?a sint?tica atestada por Tarallo (1983) ao evidenciar uso majorit?rio da relativa cortadora pelos falantes feirenses tanto na norma culta quanto na norma popular, permitindo constatar que h? uma aproxima??o das normas no portugu?s feirense, ratificando o que dizem Lucchesi (2001) e Mattos e Silva (2004) sobre o PB.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2016-07-13T23:29:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 entrega DISSERTA??O SIMEIA.pdf: 2026591 bytes, checksum: 1a9f43b45ba81ae8ce62414bca386df7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-13T23:29:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 entrega DISSERTA??O SIMEIA.pdf: 2026591 bytes, checksum: 1a9f43b45ba81ae8ce62414bca386df7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / This dissertation is mainly aimed to do a mapping or not of occurrence of plural reading in the first person of existing verbs in spoken language in the Baiano semiarid region through a sociolinguistic analysis, checking which linguistic and sociocultural factors that contribute or not to this variation.We sought to investigate the hypothesis that there are patterns of variation and quantitative differences among the communities studied, due to: i) the ethnic background; ii) the community isolation and iii) the distance geographic area of the capital city, urbanization center. For this, it was taken as a research topic verbal agreement with the first person plural (P4) in rural communities of the Baiano semi-arid region, this topic has already been investigated by scholars as Silva (2003) and Lucchesi, Baxter and Silva (2009) which focused only in rural communities marked ethnically, Nina (1980), Almeida (2006), Araujo (2012), in addition to the descriptive analysis undertaken by dialectology scholars of the early twentieth century and by Veado (1982). Perceiving that the studies with the theme of the verbal agreement with P4 take, in most cases, as an example urban Brazilian Portuguese and also the study of pronominal switching (we / us), it is believed that this research becomes relevant because it is a work, in a way, unprecedented, once investigates rural speech and search to see specifically how the verb agreement is made with the first person plural in this variety. It drew up a comparative study between the dialects of the Baiano regions: Rio de Contas and Jeremoabo which according to social history are formed by black people (Barra / Bananal community) and white people (Mato Grosso community), located in the municipality communities of Rio de Contas; remaining Indians in Tapera community, Quilombo remnants in Casinhas community; mestizos and whites people in Lagoa do In?cio community, such communities are located in the municipality of Jeremoabo.In conclusion, the characterization of popular Portuguese of the country is marked by the socio-historical influence of each chosen community. Therefore, it can state that the verbal agreement is a variable phenomenon in the Baiano semi-arid region that it has gained trend towards the use of CV. Thus, it is used the theoretical - methodological model of Variationist Sociolinguistics it was found that the contact of ethnic groups, such as the isolation of some of them, resulted in linguistic differences, so that it can?t be ignored that formation of the popular Brazilian Portuguese language has its roots planted in the rural variety. / Esta disserta??o teve como objetivo central realizar um mapeamento da ocorr?ncia ou n?o da marca??o de plural na primeira pessoa dos verbos existentes na l?ngua falada no Semi?rido Baiano atrav?s de uma an?lise sociolingu?stica, verificando quais fatores lingu?sticos e socioculturais contribuem ou n?o para essa varia??o. Buscou-se investigar a hip?tese de existem padr?es de varia??o e diferen?as quantitativas entre as comunidades estudadas, por conta: i) da forma??o ?tnica; ii) do isolamento da comunidade e iii) da dist?ncia espa?o geogr?fico da capital, centro de urbaniza??o. Para isso, tomou-se como t?pico de pesquisa a concord?ncia verbal com a primeira pessoa do plural (P4) em comunidades rurais do semi?rido baiano, t?pico este j? investigado por estudiosos como Silva (2003) e Lucchesi, Baxter e Silva (2009), que centraram apenas em comunidades rurais marcadas etnicamente, Nina (1980), Almeida (2006), Araujo (2012), al?m da an?lise descritiva empreendida por dialet?logos do inicio do s?culo XX e de Veado (1982), entre outros. Observando que os estudos realizados com a tem?tica da concord?ncia verbal com P4 tomam, na maioria das vezes, como amostra o portugu?s brasileiro urbano ou apenas o estudo da altern?ncia pronominal (n?s/a gente), acredita-se que esta pesquisa torna-se relevante por ser um trabalho, de certa forma, in?dito, visto que investiga a fala rural e busca ver, especificamente, como a concord?ncia verbal se realiza com a primeira pessoa do plural nessa variedade. Tra?ou-se um estudo comparativo entre os falares das regi?es baianas: Rio de Contas e Jeremoabo que segundo a s?cio-hist?ria s?o formadas por negros (a comunidade de Barra/Bananal) e brancos (a comunidade de Mato Grosso), comunidades situadas do munic?pio de Rio de Contas; remanescentes de ?ndios na comunidade de Tapera, remanescentes de quilombolas na comunidade Casinhas; mesti?os e brancos na comunidade Lagoa do In?cio, comunidades essas situadas no munic?pio de Jeremoabo. Concluiu-se que a caracteriza??o do portugu?s popular do pa?s est? pautada na influ?ncia s?cio-hist?rica de cada comunidade escolhida. Deste modo, ? poss?vel afirmar que a concord?ncia verbal ? um fen?meno vari?vel na regi?o semi?rida baiana que tem ganhado tend?ncia ao uso da marca??o de plural nas formas verbais. Desse modo, utilizando-se o modelo te?rico-metodol?gico da Sociolingu?stica Variacionista constatou-se que o contato de etnias, tal como o isolamento de algumas delas, implicou em diferen?as lingu?sticas, de modo que n?o se pode desconsiderar que forma??o do portugu?s popular brasileiro tem suas ra?zes fincadas na variedade rural.

Die vorliegende Arbeit mit dem Titel „Ebíra English in Nigerian Supersystems: Inventory and Variation“ befasst sich mit einer kleinen Varietät des Nigerianischen Englisch, die für eine Untersuchung aus zwei Gründen besonders geeignet erscheint: Einerseits bin ich selbst Mitglied dieser Volksgruppe, was mir einen besonderen Zugang zu guten, aktuellen und vor allem natürlichen Sprachdaten ermöglicht. Diese sind für eine soziophonetische Untersuchung mit den Konzepten und modernen Methoden der Variationslinguistik von besonderer Bedeutung. Andererseits ist die vorliegende Arbeit keine weitere Studie über die großen Systeme des nigerianischen Englisch oder über die beiden größten und bereits relativ gut untersuchten Systeme des Yoruba-Englisch im Südwesten des Landes oder des Hausa-Englisch im Norden, sondern über eine relative kleine Gruppe dazwischen, die historisch zunächst von den Yoruba und später immer mehr von den Hausa-Sprechern beeinflusst wurde und nach wie vor beeinflusst ist. Diese empirische soziophonetische Studie stellt zwei Forschungsfragen: FF1) Welches Vokalinventar besitzt Ebíra Englisch? Diese Frage ergibt sich aus den widersprüchlichen Ergebnissen vorheriger Untersuchungen (zu Nigerianischen, Yoruba- bzw. Hausa-Englisch) und soll hier erstmals in einer Analyse von digitalen Aufnahmen von 28 jüngeren und älteren Männern und Frauen (16 bzw. 12) aus den Jahren 2014-2016 untersucht werden. Diese Aufnahmen wurden im Rahmen von soziolinguistischen Interviews gemacht, die die bekannten Sprachstile (nach Labov) umfassen: Wortliste, Lesepassage (die bewährte Kurzgeschichte The Boy who Cried Wolf mit jeweils 90 vorkommenden englischen Vokalen) und Konversation. Diese Frage ist auch vor dem Hintergrund des Einflusses der beiden nahen Hauptvarietäten Yoruba- und Hausa-Englisch interessant (FF1b). Auf der Grundlage von fast 15.000 extrahierten Vokalen erfolgte jeweils nach der sorgfältigen Aussortierung unbrauchbarer oder unvollständiger Daten eine quantitative Untersuchung mit Hilfe des Analyseinstruments PRAAT, mit dem sich die Vokalqualität in Form von Formanten messen und darstellen lässt. Die Untersuchung umfasste die bekannten Monophthongkontraste (nach Wells` lexical sets) FLEECE & KIT, FOOT & GOOSE (+ USE ), LOT & THOUGHT & STRUT , TRAP & BATH & lettER , sowie NURSE , und die relativen Diphthonge FACE , GOAT und CURE. FF2) Welche sprachlichen und sozialen Variablen können die Variation dieses Ebíra Englisch Vokalsystems erklären? Neben den bekannten sozialen Variablen Alter (bzw. Altersgruppe), Geschlecht, Mehrsprachigkeit und Bildung wurden v.a. die sprachlichen Variablen Vokaldauer, phonetische Umgebung der Vokale und Sprachstil untersucht. Interessanterweise war für eine so detaillierte Analyse der Variation die zunächst recht groß wirkende Anzahl der extrahierten Vokale nicht in jedem Fall groß genug oder nicht gut genug verteilt.