Varieties of Capitalism theory predicts that the skill specificity of workers determines their demand for social protection. In this thesis, I test this assumption using a measure of occupational mobility between pre- and post-unemployment, which I apply to European workers in different skill groups as defined by Fleckenstein et al., (2011). Using this measure as an indicator of the portability of workers' skills, I then evaluate whether the lower marketability of human capital investments is associated with greater demand for unemployment protection. The findings demonstrate that whilst this relationship is apparent in certain countries, notably Coordinated Market Economies such as Germany, the assumptions do not apply across institutional settings. Consequently, skill specificity cannot explain variation in attitudes towards unemployment protection policies between countries.

Ce mémoire cherche à comprendre un paradoxe : les États-providence les plus généreux, façonnés par des partis sociaux-démocrates, sont financés par des taxes beaucoup plus régressives que les États-providence les moins généreux où les partis de droite, plus souvent au pouvoir, mettent en place une taxation plus progressive. Pour comprendre ce paradoxe, ce mémoire débute en analysant les pressions induites par la mondialisation des capitaux sur la taxation. Ensuite, le mémoire explore les causes institutionnelles des régimes fiscaux en effectuant une revue de la littérature analytique. Ces contraintes institutionnelles et fonctionnelles sur le comportement et les préférences des acteurs politiques permettent de définir trois idéaux-types de régimes fiscaux. Ces idéaux-types cadrent avec la typologie des régimes d’État-providence d’Esping-Andersen. En regroupant des typologies sur les régimes fiscaux et les régimes d’État-providence, ce mémoire souligne que le financement des politiques publiques représente une composante cruciale de l’économie politique de l’État-providence. / This thesis is about a paradox: the most generous welfare states, built by social-democratic parties, are financed by more regressive taxes than residual welfare states, which are funded by progressive taxes, despite the fact that they are governed by right parties more often. To understand this paradox, this thesis starts by analysing the pressures that globalisation puts on taxation. Then, the thesis reviews the literature of political science research on taxation to understand the institutional origins of distinct tax regimes. Three ideal types of tax regimes are defined by the study of institutional and functional constraints on political actors’ preferences and behaviour. These ideal types fit with Esping-Andersen’s typology of welfare states regimes. By regrouping typologies on tax and welfare regimes, this thesis explores the link between revenues and expenses while showing that the funding of public policies is a crucial feature of the political economy of welfare states.

(in English): In this thesis I focus on the system of social protection in Japan at the turn of the 21st century and the role of the state in this system. In the first chapter I define the terms society, social policy and welfare state. The second chapter is dedicated to the historical development of the social policy from antiquity to the end of the Second World War. In the next chapter I concern myself with the character of the social protection system in Japan at the beginning of the third millennium, the changes in the Japanese society and the financial state of the social protection system. In the last chapter I analyse the reforms that have been done since the beginning of the new century and which propose was to stabilize the system of the social protection in Japan and make it sustainable.

In this thesis, I analys suburb- and housing planning and interior decoration carried out primarily in Stockholm between the 1930s and the 1950s. Functionalism, the overall concept of the period, has perhaps been interpreted in terms of ideological concepts, interpreted as "democratic" and as a progressive dividing line between the past and the future. I examine how housing and suburban planning in Sweden in the mid-20th century was affected by how housing and town planning related to that period's clear class boundaries and well-defined gender roles. I analyse both rhetoric and physical planning. Whether the architect had explicit ambitions to achieve spatial differentiation of socio-economic categories, how suburban planners dealt with their historical inheritance and the principles about categorisation and spatial separation. I also analyse how ideas of class, gender and spatial differentiation of family members affected the organisation and design of rooms in the housing planning of the mid-20th century. The general conclusion of the thesis as a whole is that ideas about class, sex and familial hierarchy were reflected in functionalist housing and interior decoration. The planned suburbs in Stockholm involved explicit strategies for differentiating population categories in different suburbs. The planned suburbs, which were regarded as paradigmatic cases for the suburban planning of the period, involved explicit strategies for differentiating population categories in different suburbs, a strategy that was concretised in physical suburban planning. Terraced housing in one area, småstugor in another, blocks of flats in a third, detached houses in a fourth. Sociological arguments justified this type of suburban planning. The emotional affinity between neighbours was considered to be better if the neighbours belong to the same socio economic category. Planned homes, which were regarded as paradigmatic cases for the housing planning of this period, involved explicit strategies for differentiating family members into different rooms, distinguishing between private and public rooms within the sphere of the home, a strategy that was concretised in physical housing planning. I analyse how the magazine's editorial content contributed to producing a middle-class housing ideal. A central aspect of modern housing planning and the debate in around 1930 was the launch of the home as an essentially private sphere. The editorial team behind the magazine Hem i Sverige launched the home as a reaction against the idea of the home as essentially a private sphere, with a clear spatial hierarchy and division between different family members, between private and public spheres. I examined the participation of the Nordiska Kompaniet department store in the 1930 Stockholm exhibition. As an influential commercial actor, the store's management had a strategy of combining consumption with both benefit and enjoyment, dreams, pastimes and goal-oriented purchases. The starting point for Nordiska Kompaniet's interior decoration approach was the organisation and content of the upper middle-class home. The drawing rooms, the dining room, the serving area, the homes with clear dividing lines between private and public sphere. Family structures and familial hierarchy were emphasised on the basis of the upper middle-class family's tradition. / Forskarskolan för estetiska vetenskaper

We use new migration modelling and projection techniques in order to quantify the effect of migration in the context of ageing societies in Europe over the forthcoming decades. Using new empirical results, data and projections of migration flows developed in the framework of the WWWforEUROPE project, we inform the policy discussion concerning the role of demographic change, inequality dynamics, labour market integration of migrants and the sustainability of public finances in the continent. / Series: WWWforEurope

En partant de monographies parallèles qui analysent deux territoires emblématiques de logements sociaux à la périphérie de São Paulo et Paris, nous proposons dans cette thèse une compréhension simultanée de la situation de la Cité Balzac, un grand ensemble caractéristique des années 1960 qui a récemment passé par une intense et spectaculaire « rénovation urbaine » confronté à l’histoire d’un fragment du plus grand ensemble de grands ensembles de logements sociaux en Amérique latine, la Cidade Tiradentes, comme une stratégie visant à comprendre les cinquante dernières années de l’histoire du logement social dans les deux pays. Récents projets de rénovation urbaine, de nouveaux logements et d’équipement publics d’excellence dans les deux territoires confirment le caractère exceptionnel des études de cas, à partir de laquelle nous cherchons à établir des similitudes et contrastes, quelques questions communes et « regards croisés ». / In this thesis, we propose a simultaneous understanding of the history of two emblematic territories in the outskirts of São Paulo and Paris as a strategy to comprehend the last fifty years of the social housing history in both countries, through the analysis of the transformations of a typical grand ensemble build in the 1960 that has been recently through a deep renewal process, the Cité Balzac, confronted with the particular case of one fragment of the biggest housing projects complex in Latin America, the Cidade Tiradentes. Recent projects of urban renewal, new collective housing constructions and some special public equipments in both territories reinforce the exceptionality of the chosen cases, starting point for parallels, contrasts, common questions and crossed sights. / A partir de duas monografias paralelas que analisam territórios emblemáticos de habitação social na periferia de São Paulo e Paris, propomos nesta tese um entendimento simultâneo da situação da Cité Balzac, um grand ensemble característico dos anos 1960 que atravessou recentemente um profundo processo de ‘renovação urbana’, confrontada com a história de um fragmento do maior complexo de conjuntos habitacionais da América Latina, a Cidade Tiradentes, como estratégia para compreender os últimos cinquenta anos da história da habitação social em ambos os países. Projetos recentes de renovação urbana, de novos conjuntos habitacionais e equipamentos públicos de excelência em ambos os territórios confirmam a excepcionalidade dos casos estudados, a partir dos quais buscamos estabelecer similitudes, contrastes, questões comuns e ‘olhares cruzados’.

A presente tese trata da Previdência Social como instrumento de intervenção do Estado brasileiro na economia. Voltada ao direito econômico, apresenta à ciência do direito conhecimentos interdisciplinares a respeito das relações de trabalho e produção no Brasil, visando compreender as instituições jurídicas previdenciárias. Discute a economia capitalista, o Estado de Bem-Estar Social, seus diferentes modelos e os efeitos deste sobre a economia: desmercantilização da proteção social, estratificação da sociedade e redistribuição de renda. Critica o arcabouço jurídico do Estado liberal, fundado nos conceitos de direito subjetivo e relação jurídica que, ao reproduzirem a forma mercadoria, conceito da teoria marxista, mostram-se insuficientes para a compreensão dos direitos sociais. Apresenta o quadro normativo atual da Previdência Social Brasileira, bem como sua evolução legislativa e sua história econômica. O orçamento da seguridade social, tal qual desenhado na Constituição, é aspecto central do debate sobre o gasto público previdenciário e serve como instrumento da política econômica, por meio de institutos semelhantes à atual Desvinculação das Receitas da União DRU e manipulação dos índices de correção monetária aplicáveis aos benefícios, que foram utilizados para estabilizar a moeda e reduzir o déficit público. Fixados esses conceitos iniciais, o trabalho passa a discutir os efeitos da previdência brasileira sobre a economia. Aborda-se a solidariedade e a desmercantilização da proteção social, com ênfase nas relações de custeio, em especial a tributação da folha de pagamentos e o Seguro de Acidentes de Trabalho, cuja disciplina legal tornou-se das mais interessantes após a criação do Fator Acidentário de Prevenção FAP, e no pagamento de benefícios, em que se discute o salário-família, o fator previdenciário e a desaposentação. Sobre a estratificação social causada e reforçada pela previdência, trata-se da economia informal, as relações de terceirização e o trabalho doméstico. É identificada a estreita relação entre atividade econômica, as formas de custeio e o direito a benefícios. Por fim, é analisada a eficácia da previdência como instrumento de redistribuição de renda para redução das desigualdades sociais, com apresentação de estudos empíricos, discussão teórica e análise das normas jurídicas, bem como análise específica da previdência rural no Brasil, tendo em vista suas particularidades e as relações de trabalho e produção no campo. / This thesis discusses the pensions in social security system as an instrument for economic State interventions. Focused on economic law, this work introduces to jurisprudence some interdisciplinary knowledge about labor and manufacturing relations in Brazil, aiming to understand the social security legal institutions. It discusses capitalism, the welfare state, its different models and its effects on the economy: de-commodification of social protection, stratification of society and redistribution of incomes. It also criticizes the legal framework of liberal state, founded on the concepts of right and legal relationships, that reproduce the commodity form, concept of Marxist theory, and seems to be insufficient for a complete understanding of social rights. It displays the current framework of Brazilian Social Welfare, as well as its legislative developments and its economic history. The social security budget, as is outlined in the Constitution, is central to discussions on pension public spending and serves as an instrument of economic policy. Set these initial concepts, the work discuss the effects of pensions on Brazilian economy. It deals with the solidarity principle and de-commodification of social protection, with an emphasis on the taxation of payroll and employers\' liability insurance, whose legal discipline has become more interesting, and the payment of benefits to the retired. On social stratification caused and reinforced by social security, it analyzes the informal economy, outsourcing relationships and housework. It identified the close relationships between economic activity, forms of taxation and the right to benefits. Finally, it analyzes the effectiveness of the social security as redistributive tool to reduce social inequalities, with the presentation of empirical studies, theoretical discussion and analysis of legal acts, as well as specific analysis of rural social security in Brazil, given their specificities and labor relations and production in rural capitalism.

Le Congrès des Etats-Unis est une institution méconnue, mal comprise et souvent dénigrée, y compris par ses propres membres. On le dit en crise, inadapté aux exigences du monde moderne. L’objectif est donc d’évaluer les forces et les faiblesses objectives du Congrès contemporain pour le réinsérer dans la dynamique des freins et contre-pouvoirs au coeur du système politique américain. La période retenue s’étale de la victoire des Républicains menés par Newt Gingrich en 1994 jusqu’aux élections de mi-mandat de 2006 et au retour des Démocrates.  De la présidence Clinton à Bush, ces douze années offrent un contexte institutionnel varié. Elles forment une trajectoire historique fascinante de la rhétorique révolutionnaire qui accompagne les victoires de 1994 à la résignation d’une défaite marquée par une certaine corruption institutionnelle, partisane et idéologique. Le cœur de notre étude vise à étudier les conséquences institutionnelles du retour à un équilibre partisan dans les deux chambres du Congrès. La compétition entre les deux partis a été accompagnée par la polarisation du système politique. Notre étude retrace les débuts de l’entrée dans une nouvelle ère sur la colline du Capitole. On cherchera à combiner une approche politique et institutionnelle en analysant plus particulièrement trois domaines de l’action politique particulièrement révélateurs: les finances via la procédure budgétaire, la réforme de l’Etat providence, et les relations avec le judiciaire via les nominations des Juges d’Appel fédéraux, lieu privilégié de frictions entre la Maison-Blanche et le Sénat. À cette perspective institutionnelle, il s’agira d’ajouter une étude sociologique de cohorte des membres du Congrès, nécessaire pour comprendre les ressorts de l’action institutionnelle.  Au-delà des membres de la chambre, l’étude d’une période dominée par le parti de l’éléphant nous permettra de plonger au cœur du mouvement conservateur. Après avoir présenté les racines historiques de l'idéologie conservatrice qui domine au sein du Parti républicain, il s'agira de révéler comment un mouvement contestataire a transformé l’institution du Congrès mais aussi comment l’institution a transformé le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain.  Dans un contexte international de renforcement du pouvoir exécutif, l’étude du Congrès doit permettre de redécouvrir certaines leçons sur les modalités de fonctionnement d’un système démocratique. Il s’agit de montrer qu'au-delà des questions techniques, des jeux de procédures obscures, dans la tension qui anime le Congrès, se joue l’avenir du concept de démocratie représentative ; de rétablir un certain équilibre dans la perception du système américain : système plus complexe qu’il n’apparaît dans les médias et même parfois la littérature. On ne peut se contenter d’étudier la présidence impériale sans prêter attention au vortex qui siège, toujours, au coeur de la constitution. Ainsi, sans  faire un panégyrique du pouvoir législatif, il s’agira de remettre en cause la tentation d’un Césarisme plus ou moins démocratique qui chercherait à faire du Congrès une chambre d’enregistrement des volontés de l’exécutif. / The United States Congress is often disparaged including by its own members. The critics of the institution decry the gridlock on Capitol Hill and Congress's alleged inability to deal with the challenges of the modern world. The unpopularity of today's Congress calls into question its ability to represent the American people. In that context it is necessary to try to assess whether or not Congress is truly dysfunctional. To that end, this study proposes to study a period of twelve years from 1994 to 2006 during which the Republican party dominated the institution. In 1994, under the leadership of Newt Gingrich, the Republicans returned to the majority in the House of Representatives for the first time in forty years. In 2006, after another midterm election, the Republican majorities in the House and the Senate were soundly defeated. Drawing on the long and tortuous history of the relationship between the Republican party and conservatism, the new majorities proposed large-scale change that amounted to a conservative revolution. They had initially laid out a clearly conservative agenda that insisted on balancing the budget and reducing the size of government. A detailed study of their fiscal policy and their attempts at entitlement reform over the period actually leads us to conclude that they eventually governed over ever larger deficits and a growing federal government whose policies were adjusted to favor different portions of the population. It is therefore necessary to try to account for the discrepancy between the initial goals and the eventual results. This entails studying first the evolution of the Republican members of Congress themselves to see whether the policy changes can be explained by the members becoming more moderate. Another explanation centers on the relationship between the members of the Congress and their constituents. The Republican majorities could have been forced to moderate their positions by the voters themselves in the elections of 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002 and 2004. Here the complex interplay that implies the interpretation of election results comes into play. Over the past decades, the American political system has been polarizing clearly. The growing ideological gap between the two parties and their bases calls into question the institutional stability of an institution built on the necessity to compromise. Especially since both parties have polarized while the margins of the majorities have grown more narrow. It is thus essential to look at the constraints set up by the institutional system. The arcane nuances of the legislative process directly impinges on the content of legislation. Indeed, if the majority rules decisively over the House of Representatives, in the Senate, the minority can very easily block most initiatives. The growing recourse to procedural shortcuts offered by the budget process is a testament to that fact.Finally, the relationship with the president of the United States is very much a factor in the equation. The twelve years of Republican domination in Congress covers two very different periods. Until January 2001, they had to battle with President Clinton in a context of divided government. Following George W. Bush's election in 2000, they started working under the command of the White House. The stark contrast in the way Senate republicans dealt with the two presidents when it came to their judicial nominees for the Federal Courts of Appeal offers an excellent opportunity to evaluate the continuing yet variable strength of the system of checks and balances set up by the U.S. Constitution. A deeper understanding of the workings of the contemporary Congress might allow for a more nuanced vision of the institution as much more than a roadblock on the road of presidential leadership and, perhaps, lead to a better appreciation of the way its members are trying or failing to fulfill their constitutional duty.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:27:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marily Diniz do Amaral Chaves.pdf: 843520 bytes, checksum: 04846d2043e489690d779db526550596 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-05-18 / This dissertation aims to outline the constitutional system of supplementary health. To achieve this, we approach the social right to health in the context of the Social State, in a perspective of evolution of the fundamental rights. Health services and actions, despite being an obligation of the State, have been granted to private initiative, which participates either complementing SUS (the Brazilian Public Health System), or by means of profit obtention. In light of this, it was necessary to solve the collision between the principles of Social State and free enterprise, by means of the consideration guided by the principle of dignity of the human person. This is the reason why we examined the efficacy of this principle in relation to the right to health, both in the scope of the Public Sector and regarding supplementary health. Having analyzed public and private health systems, and observing the efficacy of fundamental rights and the binding of the Public Power and also of private initiative to those rights, we outlined, in this dissertation, the juridical system of supplementary health / Esta tese propõe-se a delinear o regime constitucional da saúde suplementar. Para tanto, abordamos o direito social à saúde no contexto do Estado Social, em uma perspectiva de evolução dos direitos fundamentais. As ações e serviços de saúde, embora sejam obrigação do Estado, foram deferidas à iniciativa privada, que participa tanto de forma complementar ao SUS, quanto mediante a obtenção de lucro. Diante dessa constatação, fez-se necessário dirimir a colisão entre o princípio do Estado Social e o da livre iniciativa, por meio da ponderação norteada pelo princípio da dignidade da pessoa humana, motivo pelo qual foi examinada a eficácia desse princípio em relação ao direito à saúde, tanto no âmbito do Setor Público como no tocante à saúde suplementar. Tendo analisado os sistemas de saúde públicos e privados e atentando para a eficácia dos direitos fundamentais e para a vinculação tanto do Poder Público como dos particulares a tais direitos, delineamos o regime jurídico da saúde suplementar

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-12T10:57:08Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Vieira das Neves de Arruda.pdf: 1854841 bytes, checksum: 52c8a92b6df0287f20c4e0f0d5b7ff21 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T10:57:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Vieira das Neves de Arruda.pdf: 1854841 bytes, checksum: 52c8a92b6df0287f20c4e0f0d5b7ff21 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-24 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The present study aims to analyze the end of the Wellfare State, and the emergence of the Neoliberal model and the withdrawal of various obligations of the State towards citizens, the legal order and government plans in the most several countries. Moving on to the Brazilian case, it can be seen that the Federal Constitution of 1988 was against Neoliberalism as far as social rights are concerned, establishing a series of devices that assure citizens of the basics necessary for their dignified existence. Thus, the present work verifies that a new model of state is needed that can reconcile the market freedom of the neoliberal model with the social rights of Welfare State, in order to comply with the constitutional precepts. To do so, it starts from the Concept of State, as well as its origins and evolution, from the absolutism to the Neoliberalism, passing through the Classic Liberal State and the Welfare State or Social State. Subsequently, the Social Constitutions, the Economic and Social Order in the Constitution of 1988, the principle of solidarity in the Constitution, solidarity capitalism in the economic view are discussed. Finally, the Brazilian oil sector, with its regulation and its importance in the development of the proposal of Solidary Capitalism / O presente estudo tem como objetivo analisar o fim do Estado do Bem-Estar Social (Wellfare State), e o surgimento do modelo Neoliberal e a retirada de diversas obrigações do Estado para com os cidadãos, do ordenamento jurídico e dos planos de governo nos mais diversos países. Adentrando no caso brasileiro, verifica-se que a Constituição Federal de 1988 foi na contramão do Neoliberalismo quanto aos direitos sociais, estabelecendo uma série de dispositivos que assegurem aos indivíduos todo o básico necessário para a sua existência digna. Assim, o presente trabalho verifica ser necessário um novo modelo de Estado que consiga compatibilizar a liberdade de mercado do modelo neoliberal com os direitos sociais do Welfare State, de modo a se cumprir com os preceitos constitucionais. Para tanto, parte-se do Conceito de Estado, bem como suas origens e evolução, desde o Absolutismo até o Neoliberalismo, passando pelo Estado Liberal Clássico e o Welfare State ou Estado Social. Posteriormente, são abordadas as Constituições Sociais, a Ordem Econômica e Social na Constituição de 1988, o princípio da solidariedade na Constituição, o capitalismo solidário na visão da economia. Por fim, apresenta-se o setor petrolífero brasileiro, com sua regulação e sua importância no desenvolvimento da proposta de Capitalismo Solidário