A parir da análise de Esping-Andersen dos três tipos de Welfare States presentes na Europa Ocidental: o Social Democrata, o Corporativista e o Liberal, analisa-se a diferença do impacto da União Européia nos diferentes tipos de Welfare States. Compara-se o país escolhido, a Suécia, como modelo de Welfare State Social Democrata, e é escrutinado o resultado da supranacionalidade no escopo do seu Welfare State em comparação com os outros países da Europa Ocidental. É utilizada na pesquisa uma análise histórica institucional. A análise empreendida verificou que as instituições do Welfare State sueco, são menos suscetíveis ao impacto de uma maior supranacionalidade. Contraposta a outros modelos de Welfare State ele é mais resistente. Os modelos de Welfare Liberais e Conservadores estão sobre uma maior pressão causada pelo aumento da supranacionalidade. / From the classic Esping-Andersen distinction among the three types of Welfare States that exist in the developed world we try to find the differences in the impact of a stronger supranationality on the Welfare States. For this purpose we select the Swedish case, as the Social Democrat Welfare State per excellence. Analyzing the institutions of the Swedish Welfare State we emphasize the importance of the trajectories of the creation of its welfare state to the weaker vulnerability when faced with the challenges of the European Union. The universality and the strong support of its population makes the Swedish Welfare State vulnerable, but in a lesser degree than other States in Western Europe. The beginning of the 1970´s was a difficult period for the countries of Western Europe. Faced with similar challenges, Sweden chose to follow a path that was directed towards the maintenance of its full employment compromise. This compromise of keeping the unemployment level lower than in other countries in Europe is still valid today.

Submitted by Cláudia Bueno (claudiamoura18@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T13:29:39Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Otoniel Rodrigues da Silva - 2015.pdf: 1077088 bytes, checksum: d7c3f07bd5a5cf1047c6f2e40d9b6b52 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-02-02T06:42:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Otoniel Rodrigues da Silva - 2015.pdf: 1077088 bytes, checksum: d7c3f07bd5a5cf1047c6f2e40d9b6b52 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-02T06:42:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Otoniel Rodrigues da Silva - 2015.pdf: 1077088 bytes, checksum: d7c3f07bd5a5cf1047c6f2e40d9b6b52 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-30 / The main goal of this research is the investigation of the effectiveness of the pension coverage given to the family farmer at this conjunction of the welfare state. The analyzes are guided by the conception that all State’s interventions in the social background, aimed to improve the standard of living of the people, must be seen as investments and not as expenses, because unike the old aid politics on poverty, they increased the productivity level, and they are vital to the nation’s economic development. The family farmer is also institution of the Social Security Law, appearing in the “special insured” category. Bearing in mind that the conception of social security is tied to the fundamentals of the welfare State, this model of state is analyzed with emphasis on the theme in discussion. The text is also committed to delineate, with the greatest possible accuracy, the figure of the family farmer in the historical, doctrinaire and legal aspects, in the social, politic and economical contexts. There is also a brief recapitulation of the evolution of the Brazilian social security law, regarding the family farmer/special insured, and comments about the Brazilian General Social Security Regime. Further, some incompleteness and vulnerabilities of the current Social Security regarding the family farmer/special insured are highlighted, having as paradigms the postulates of the welfare state. On this analyzes, it was found the persistence of, at least, two flaws. First, the social security system hasn’t given total effectivity to the “uniformity and equivalence of benefits and services for urban and rural populations” principle yet, provided in the Federal Constitution of 1988. Second, it doesn’t show a firm belief in the doctrine that the resources destined to the Social Security of a country are investments that return as social and economic advancements and not mere costs. / O objetivo dessa pesquisa é a investigação da efetividade da cobertura previdenciária dispensada ao agricultor familiar, na atual conjuntura do Estado do bem-estar social. As análises são norteadas pela concepção de que as intervenções do Estado no plano social, tendentes a melhorar o nível de vida das pessoas, devem ser vistas como investimentos e não como despesas, pois diferente das antigas políticas de auxílio à pobreza, elas aumentam o nível de produtividade, e são vitais para o desenvolvimento econômico da nação. O agricultor familiar é também instituto pertencente ao Direito Previdenciário, figurando na categoria “segurado especial”. Tendo em vista que a concepção de previdência social está atrelada aos fundamentos do Estado do bem-estar social, analisa-se esse modelo de Estado, com ênfase para o tema em discussão. O texto empenha-se também em delinear, com a maior precisão possível, a figura do agricultor familiar nos aspectos histórico, doutrinário e legal, e no contexto social, político e econômico. Também há uma breve recapitulação da evolução da legislação previdenciária brasileira, no que concerne ao agricultor familiar/segurado especial, e comentários acerca do Regime Geral de Previdência Social brasileiro. Mais adiante, são ressaltadas algumas incompletudes e vulnerabilidades do atual sistema previdenciário no que concerne ao agricultor familiar/segurado especial, tendo como paradigmas os postulados do Estado do bem-estar social. Nessas análises, constatou-se a persistência de, pelo menos, duas imperfeições. Primeiro, o sistema previdenciário ainda não deu plena efetividade ao princípio da “uniformidade e equivalência dos benefícios e serviços às populações urbanas e rurais” previsto na Constituição Federal de 1988. Segundo, ele ainda não revela uma firme convicção na doutrina de que os recursos destinados à Seguridade Social de um país são investimentos que retornam em forma de avanços sociais e econômicos e não meros custos.

A presente tese tem por objetivo a análise da decisão sobre a constituição econômica, no âmbito da realização da constituição dirigente e da instituição do Estado Democrático e Social de Direito no Brasil, por meio do processo constituinte levado a efeito nos anos de 1987 e 1988. Partindo da constatação de que a literatura jurídico-constitucional brasileira não dá a necessária atenção à problemática constituinte nem à articulação entre Estado, Constituição e Política e tendo em vista a constituição econômica presente no texto constitucional de 1988, o trabalho articula os temas do poder constituinte, da constituição dirigente-econômica e da reconstrução do Estado, utilizando-se do instrumental da teoria constitucional, da teoria do Estado e da história constitucional. Avalia-se, pois, que a manifestação do poder constituinte se inscreve como locus privilegiado para a observação da correspondência entre Estado, Constituição e Política, demonstrado pela observação das suas manifestações no Brasil, em diversos momentos, nomeadamente em 1987/1988. De fato, na esteira da convocação estabelecida pela Emenda Constitucional n. 26, de 27 de novembro de 1985, o Brasil viveu um dos mais importantes momentos de ativação política da sociedade civil organizada, que dava continuidade ao processo de mudança política, o qual, iniciando-se em meados da década de 70 e prolongando-se pelos anos 80, ocasionou a inflexão do regime militar, a construção de instituições representativas e multipartidárias e a realização de uma nova Constituição. Assim, se o ritmo cadenciado das mudanças e as negociações entre os agentes que pressionavam pela abertura política e os líderes do regime burocrático-autoritário sugeriram a existência de um tipo especial de transição, denominado transição pela transação, e apesar das limitações constantes do ato convocatório do Congresso Constituinte, o produto final do esforço constituinte ficou mais próximo das aspirações democráticas e progressistas. Constata-se que, nas duas últimas décadas, apesar das transformações que ocorreram no capitalismo, com a desconstrução do padrão regulatório keyenesiano, a expansão dos mercados, a relativização do Estado, enfim, a ameaça neoliberal, o caráter dirigente da Constituição brasileira, todavia, mantém-se intacto. Por tudo isso, decorridos vinte anos da promulgação da Constituição Federal, conformação normativa de uma ordem econômica, fundada na valorização do trabalho humano e na livre iniciativa, com o fim de assegurar a todos existência digna, conforme os ditames da justiça social (CF, art. 170, caput), representa um salto de qualidade no constitucionalismo nacional e está a desafiar a realização conjunta da democracia política, da sociedade de bem-estar e do desenvolvimento econômico. / This thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.

Submitted by Celso Magalhaes (celsomagalhaes@ufrrj.br) on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-08T11:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2016 - Sebasti?o Cezar Ferreira.pdf: 4722531 bytes, checksum: dd1dd2c0278f6a131da66f7078f207ce (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-22 / This dissertation analyzed the conditions of creation of social protection policies to the excluded and marginalized, through the emergence of capitalist market economy, cause, if poverty existed before the arising of this specific type of market economy, it used to be resolved by domesticity, reciprocity and redistribution whithin the community. The emergence of pauperization and mendicancy led to an era of solutions for the excluded populations to have the "right to life". Among these there were families and women, in social conditions of extreme fragility. Against the "satanic mill" States created a Governmentality to intervene in the new situation imposed by the capitalist market economy that emerged. In the 20th Century, the Welfare State was the solution, granting benefits to workers, families and women, what means: the state will use part of its resources to protect those who were excluded from the new economy. Despite the criticism to this new role of state, such as being a "free lunch", that discouraged work and productivity, the Welfare State had triumphed given the multifunctional character of social protection policy of the state, that in one hand, removes the red danger, and on the other, imposes a social peace and prevent fractures in society, which has become essential for the accumulation of capital in this stage of capitalist development. In Brazil, the social protection system varied throughout the twentieth century in a model of underdevelopment and authoritarianism that excluded large portions of society to satisfy their basic needs. Hunger, unemployment, low wages were recurrent in the country. The arrival of the Workers' Party to power in 2002 reoriented the State Governmentality to remedy the gravity of the economic situation of the poor and created Bolsa Fam?lia Program that focuses on family, and especially women. At the city of Vi?osa, Minas Gerais, the Program was implemented with remarkable results, such as the National Program, confirmed in the present research project through interviews and questionnaires. / A presente disserta??o analisou as condi??es em que se gestou a prote??o social aos exclu?dos e marginalizados, atrav?s da emerg?ncia da economia de mercado capitalista, pois, se a pobreza existiu antes deste tipo espec?fico de economia de mercado surgir, ela era resolvida pela domesticidade, reciprocidade e redistribui??o na comunidade. O surgimento da pauperiza??o e da mendic?ncia implicou em uma era de solu??es para que os exclu?dos tivessem o ?direito ? vida?. Entre estes estavam fam?lias e mulheres, em condi??es de fragilidade social ainda mais profundas. Contra o ?moinho sat?nico? que se avizinhava os Estados criaram uma Governamentalidade, aparelhando-se para intervir na nova situa??o imposta pela economia de mercado capitalista que se desprendia da sociedade. No s?culo XX, o Estado do Bem Estar Social foi a solu??o para enfrentar esta novidade, concedendo benef?cios aos trabalhadores, fam?lias e mulheres, ou seja, o Estado passa utilizar parte dos seus recursos para proteger aqueles que foram exclu?dos pela nova economia. Apesar das cr?ticas a este novo papel do Estado, como por exemplo, de ser um ?almo?o gr?tis?, que desestimulava o trabalho e a produtividade, demonstrou-se que estas cr?ticas foram superadas dado o car?ter multifuncional da pol?tica de prote??o social do Estado, que por um lado, afasta o perigo vermelho, e por outro, imp?e uma paz social e evita fraturas na sociedade, o que se tornou essencial para a acumula??o de capitais nesta etapa do desenvolvimento capitalista. No Brasil, o sistema de prote??o social variou ao longo do s?culo XX dentro de um modelo de subdesenvolvimento e autoritarismo que excluiu grandes parcelas da sociedade de saciar suas necessidades b?sicas. A fome, o desemprego, os baixos sal?rios foram recorrentes no pa?s. A chegada do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao poder em 2002 reorientou a Governamentalidade Estatal para sanar a gravidade da situa??o econ?mica dos pobres e criou-se o Programa Bolsa Fam?lia que focaliza a fam?lia, e, especialmente, a mulher. No munic?pio de Vi?osa implantou-se o Programa com not?veis resultados, como os do Programa Nacional, atestados nesta pesquisa por meio de entrevistas e question?rios.

Market reforms have quite notably been used as a solution to increase the quality of public services and efficiency since the 1990s. Sweden has also introduced marketisation in the field of elderly care since 1992 to cope with increasing care needs while maintaining costs at a reasonable level. Yet, the introduction of a market mechanism in the welfare state is subject to increasing political and public debates. Many are sceptical about the purported benefits of a market, such as increased quality and reduced costs, as proposed by New Public Management. There have also been increasing critiques of the profit-making in care services in recent years. After two decades of marketisation, it is worthwhile to map out local politicians’ attitude patterns, namely, how they perceive the use of a market or quasi-market in a welfare state, where the market mechanism might challenge traditional principles such as universalism, solidarity, and equality. Complementary to studies on attitudes of public welfare, this research uses a unique survey dataset from 2014 to expand current understandings of politicians’ perspectives of marketisation. To be more specific, this study analyses three different aspects of marketisation: production, regulation, and financing. The results show that attitudinal differences between left- and right-wing politicians on private for-profit providers remain distinct. Political orientations of individuals, political majority in municipalities, and the privatisation level already achieved locally are identified as important factors in explaining local politicians’ willingness to privatise further. The preference differences continue to exist between the two blocs, and political ideology plays a major role in explaining these differences, more so than individual factors such as age, gender, or working position. Self-reported answers reveal that political ideology influences attitude formation. To a large extent, left- and right-wing politicians agree on welfare principles such as universalism, and they both recognise potential impacts that the market could have on society, such as inequality. It seems plausible that welfare state pluralism is the direction of the future. This case study serves as a solid example for examining the market development of public welfare in advanced welfare states and also contributes to the discussion of the potential role of political ideology in post-austerity welfare reforms. / Marknadsreformer har i ökande grad använts som en lösning för att öka effektiviteten och kvaliteten på offentliga tjänster sedan 1990-talet. I Sverige har också en gradvis marknadsanpassning ägt rum från tidigt 1990-tal med syfte att klara av ökade vårdbehov och för att upprätthålla kostnaderna på en rimlig nivå. Införandet av marknadsmekanismer i välfärdsstaten har blivit föremål för en livlig offentlig debatt. Många debattörer har varit klart skeptiska till de påstådda fördelarna med en marknadsanpassning, såsom förbättrad kvalitet och reducerade kostnader, som bland annat hävdats av New Public Managementskolans anhängare. Samtidigt har också skett en växande kritik av vinstuttagen och vinsttillväxten inom offentligfinansierad vård och omsorg de senaste åren. Efter två årtionden av marknadsanpassning är det motiverat att kartlägga lokalpolitikernas attityder, avseende hur de ser på den ökande marknadsanpassningen av den traditionella välfärdsstaten, där marknadsmekanismen kan utmana principer som universalism, solidaritet och jämställdhet. Förutom tidigare analyser av attityder beträffande offentlig välfärd är denna studie baserad på en unik enkätundersökning riktad till svenska kommunpolitiker genomförd 2014 i syfte att undersöka politikernas syn på de ökade marknadsinslagen inom offentlig äldreomsorg. Studien analyserar tre olika aspekter av marknadsanpassningen: produktion, reglering och finansiering. Resultatet visar att skillnaderna i attityder mellan vänster - och högerpolitiker avseende inslaget av privata vinstdrivande tjänsteleverantörer är mycket tydligt. Individernas politiska tillhörighet, politisk majoritet i kommunerna och privatiseringsnivån identifieras som viktiga faktorer för att förklara lokala politikernas villighet att öka privatiseringsgraden ytterligare. Det finns tydliga preferensskillnader mellan de två blocken och den politiska ideologin spelar en övergripande roll, medan individuella faktorer som ålder, kön eller politisk position spelar en klart mindre roll. Att ideologin är viktig konfirmeras även av politikernas självskattning avseende vilken betydelse olika faktorer har haft för deras attityder. I hög grad finns en samstämmighet mellan vänster- och högerpolitiker avseende välfärdsprinciper som universalism, och både blocken anser att marknaden kan bidra till ökad ojämlikhet i samhället. Det verkar troligt att välfärdsstatspluralismen är riktningen för framtiden. Denna fallstudie kan utgöra ett exempel för studier av marknadsanpassning i offentlig välfärd i avancerade välfärdsstater. Studien kan också bidra till diskussioner om den politiska ideologins potentiella roll för reformer av välfärdsstaten.

Bien qu’elles soient peu étudiées, les politiques provinciales de logement ont subi plusieurs changements fondamentaux depuis l’époque des Trente Glorieuses. Ces changements portent sur qui reçoit l’aide gouvernementale et comment cette aide est dépensée. Toutes ces modifications soulèvent des questions cruciales pour notre compréhension de l’État-providence. La thèse examine la similarité des politiques de logement destinées aux ménages à revenu modeste en Colombie-Britannique, en Alberta et au Québec. Cette ressemblance est particulièrement intéressante après le désengagement du gouvernement fédéral au milieu des années 1990. Elle s’articule autour de trois changements fondamentaux : 1) l’aide est surtout canalisée vers les ménages en situation vulnérable ; 2) les nouvelles unités de logement social/abordable se réalisent essentiellement à travers les organismes sans but lucratif du tiers secteur et non plus sur le modèle des habitations à loyer modique (HLM) appartenant à l’État ; 3) les mesures axées sur le marché locatif privé (allocation-logement et supplément au loyer) sont beaucoup utilisées. Comment et pourquoi les provinces ont-elles décidé de formuler des politiques de logement semblables ? Ces trois provinces sont pourtant connues pour avoir des approches distinctes en matière de politiques sociales. À partir du matériel obtenu dans les archives et à travers des entrevues avec des personnes clés, notre analyse démontre que les trois changements fondamentaux dans les provinces sont le résultat de l’interaction de deux processus. Le plus important est le processus de puzzling et ses deux mécanismes d’apprentissage (social et instrumental) qui permettent de comprendre qu’en contexte de resserrement budgétaire, les décideurs aient fait le choix difficile de cibler les personnes plus vulnérables selon le principe d’équité, puis de se détourner du modèle HLM appartenant à l’État pour des raisons d’efficience. Les administrateurs des trois provinces ont davantage financé le logement sans but lucratif possédé par les groupes du tiers secteur et misé sur les instruments axés sur le marché locatif privé pour les avantages économiques et non économiques de ces formules. Cependant, le processus de puzzling rencontre le processus de dépendance au sentier et ses deux mécanismes (rétroaction des politiques publiques et rendements croissants) dans la prise de décision. Ces deux mécanismes liés à la dépendance au sentier aident à comprendre pourquoi les subventions aux groupes du tiers secteur ainsi que le recours aux allocations-logement et suppléments au loyer, qui avaient débuté avant le repli fédéral, se sont poursuivis. Les changements fondamentaux à propos des instruments utilisés s’inscrivent donc dans une certaine continuité. Outre notre contribution empirique découlant de l’étude de la politique de logement dans trois grandes provinces des années 1970 aux années 2010, la thèse développe un cadre analytique autour de l’apprentissage et de la recherche permanente d’une meilleure utilisation des ressources limitées. Ce cadre d’analyse mécanistique permet de mieux comprendre la prise de décision des gouvernants, entre les forces d’innovation et de continuité, avec l’objectif de maximiser le bien-être au moindre coût possible pour l’État. Basé sur les prémisses de l’économie du bien-être, ce cadre analytique s’appuie sur l’évaluation coûts-bénéfices traditionnelle en lien avec l’efficience, en intégrant l’aspect normatif de l’équité. / Although understudied, low-income housing policy in Canadian provinces have experienced fundamental shifts since the welfare state’s expansion during the post-war era. These shifts relate to who benefits from public monies and how these are spent. Such changes raise important questions for our understanding of the welfare state. This dissertation examines the policy similarity of low-income housing policy in British Columbia, Alberta and Quebec. The resemblance is particularly interesting after the federal government’s disengagement from the low-income housing domain in the mid-1990s. The policy similarity focuses around three fundamental shifts: 1) targeting of vulnerable citizens; 2) construction of new social/affordable housing units through third sector providers rather than government-owned public housing projects; 3) stronger use of private market instruments (housing allowance and rent supplement). How and why did the provinces decide to design similar housing policies? Yet the three provinces are known to have different approaches with regard to social policy. Starting with empirical material collected in archives and through interviews with policy elites, the analysis demonstrates that the three fundamental shifts in each province result from the interaction of two processes. The most important one is the puzzling process with its two learning mechanisms (social and instrumental). They can help us to understand that in a context of cost-containment, decision-makers have made the difficult choice to target the most vulnerable citizens following an equity principle, and to move away from the traditional public housing model for efficiency reasons. Public administrators in the three provinces have mostly financed non-profit housing owned by non-profit groups in the third sector and supported private market instruments. However, the puzzling process meets with the path dependence process and its two mechanisms (policy feedback and increasing returns) in the decision-making phase. Both of these mechanisms are useful to understand why subsidies to third sector groups and the use of housing allowances as well as rent supplements, which have started before the federal withdrawal, were pursued. Therefore the fundamental shifts with regard to policy instruments exhibit a certain form of continuity. In addition to the empirical contribution resulting from the study of three major provinces from the 1970s to the 2010s, the thesis develops an analytical framework around policy learning and the permanent search for the best use of scarce resources. This mechanismic framework furthers our understanding of government decision-making, between innovation and continuity forces, with the objective to maximize social welfare at the lowest possible cost for government. Based on welfare economics premises, this analytical framework relies on traditional cost-benefit evaluation seeking efficiency, but also integrates the normative aspect of equity.

The thesis deals with the problem of welfare state. It focuses on a comprehensive analysis of the causes of the welfare state's problems, and, furthermore it outlines the risks that these problems bring. In the analytical part, these risks are calculated in three areas, which are financing system, family policy and population aging. The Czech Republic is compared in these indicators with countries that have been selected based on Esping-Andersen typology of welfare state: the UK, Germany, Denmark and the United States of America. The results of the analysis are evaluated in conclusion of the thesis. On this basis, ther are formulated recommendations for the Czech Republic, which has the biggest deficiencies in family policy in comparison with other selected countries. Denmark, a representative of the Scandinavian welfare state model, has relatively best results; on the other hand, the United States, with its emphasis on free market, individual freedom and own responsibility principles, face the challenge. The crisis of the welfare state does not have to necessarily result into the end; however, it is inevitable to imply certain unavoidable steps. These measures do not hold for the Czech Republic.

Orientador: Zula Garcia Giglio / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T21:23:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antunes_DeniseCastanho_M.pdf: 3787418 bytes, checksum: db1419dd4b6f26a04ee7b9b8264a282b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Introdução: Pesquisas gerontológicas têm ressaltado a importância da reconstrução de memórias de pessoas mais velhas para favorecimento de reflexões acerca do sentido de vida e do estabelecimento de novas metas e formas de enfrentamento. Objetivos: Reconstruir a memória social de grupos comunitários de bairros populares que se envolveram ativamente nos processos de criação e manutenção de grupos comunitários como Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe e Giravida. Procuramos identificar a) os significados atribuídos pelos moradores à participação nos movimentos sociais; b) fatores que influenciaram no envolvimento inicial dos participantes e sua permanência nos grupos; c) a relação entre a sua participação social atual e passada e as características de sua rede de suporte social e d) a relação entre geratividade e a participação em grupos comunitários dos segmentos meia-idade, velhice e velhice avançada. Procedimentos: A pesquisa utilizou-se da metodologia da História Oral. Os depoimentos foram coletados através de entrevistas e um Inventário de Geratividade (Neri, 1998), em um grupo de 14 mulheres todas praticantes do catolicismo, e membros e/ou organizadoras grupos comunitários. Análise de dados: As histórias e outras informações foram analisadas dentro do paradigma fenomenológico, com vistas a favorecer a compreensão do envelhecimento através das informações sobre as trajetórias de vida dos atores sociais que fizeram - e ainda fazem - a história da região estudada. Resultados: Atitudes pessoais como religiosidade e envolvimento com novos projetos apareceram como favoráveis para a formações de valores de solidariedade e geratividade, ambos associados à dedicação ao outro. Esses fatores tem forte relação com melhoria da qualidade de vida e implementação de uma visão mais positiva do envelhecimento. A reconstrução da memória, a partir dos depoimentos orais, favoreceu o desenvolvimento da consciência das depoentes sobre sua função social pelo fato de serem detentoras de informações históricas que, uma vez divulgadas na comunidade, pode exercer importante papel agregador e educacional; além disso, descobriram-se como marcos da trajetória do engajamento feminino na região. Conclusões: O envolvimento em grupos comunitários foi favorável para o bem envelhecer das depoentes devido à ampliação na rede de suporte social através de redes solidárias, visão positiva sobre o envelhecimento e desejo de perpetuação dos grupos. A História Oral constituiu uma importante ferramenta, que permitiu reviver informações úteis a compressão das relações sociais; por outro lado, favoreceu aos idosos, que participaram como informantes, uma reconstrução de suas histórias, melhoria na auto ¿estima e valorização social / Abstract: Introduction: Researches in Gerontology have highlighted the importance of rebuilding the memories of older people to aid the awareness on the sense of life and the establishment of new goals and ways of coping. Objectives: To rebuild the social memory of community groups of popular suburbs which involved actively in the processes of creation and maintenance of community groups as Mulheres da Periferia, Grupo Reviver, Cantinho da Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe and Giravida. We tried to identify a) meanings to the participation in social movement assigned by the residents; b) factors which influenced the initial involvement and maintenance of participants in groups; c) the relation between the current and past social participation and the features of the social network support and, d) the relation between the generativity and the participation in community groups of middle-age, aging and advanced aging. Procedures: The research used the methodology of Oral History. The testimonies were collected through interviews and an inventory of Generativity (Neri, 1998), in a group of 14 women all catholic practicioners, and members and/or organizers of community groups. Data Analysis: The stories and other information were analysed according to phenomenological paradigm, aiming at aiding the understanding of aging through the information about the ways of life of social players who made - and still make ¿ the story of the region studied. Results: The themes related to personal attitudes, as religiosity and involvement in new projects, appear as favorable in the formation of solidarity values and generativity which both are associated to the dedication to the other. Those factors seemed to have strong relation with improvement of life quality and implementation of a more positive view of aging. The rebuilding of memory, from the oral testimonies, will have aided the development of the consciousness of the tellers by having a social function for the fact of having historical information, which once difused, the community can have an important aggregating and educational role and besides this, being markers of the way of female engagement in the region. Conclusions: The involvement in community groups was favorable for the well aging of the tellers due to the enlargement of the social network support through the solidarity networks, positive view about aging and will of perpetuation of the groups. Oral History is an important tool which allows, on one hand, to revive useful information for the understanding of social relations. On the other hand, it aids the elderly who participated as tellers, a rebuilding of their stories, improvement of self-steem and social valorization / Mestrado / Mestre em Gerontologia

This thesis examines the relationship between demographic ageing, as captured by temporal, within-country variation in the ratio of elderly to the working-age population – the dependency ratio – on citizens’ support for the welfare state. The research problem is vitally relevant considering the worsening demographic structure of advanced democracies, a process that is having considerable ramifications on the possibilities of financing comprehensive welfare states. Using a time-series cross-sectional design, and building on representative survey data from 13 advanced democracies, the thesis specifically assesses the relationship between the dependency ratio, and individual spending preferences towards 1) the welfare state as a whole, as captured by an additive index, 2) education policy, and 3) old-age benefits. It also assesses whether demographic ageing exacerbates attitude differences between age groups, thereby scrutinising some assumptions made previously on the issue of intergenerational cleavages. The thesis uncovers no significant relationship between the dependency ratio and general support for the welfare state. However, the dependency ratio is shown be positively correlated with citizens’ support for education policy, while being instead potentially negatively correlated with support for old-age benefits. The differences between these two policies, in terms of their enjoyed support, are important considering the presumed shift in welfare state priorities towards what is commonly called social investment. Indeed, they indicate that there may be popular support for the type of reform strategies whose purpose is to invest in tomorrow’s diminishing workforce, whereas the support for more compensatory old-age policies may instead be weakening. There are also signs that the positive effect on the support for education policy is lower among older individuals. This evidence is quite interesting considering the previous expectations of deepening intergenerational cleavages as a consequence of demographic ageing, but the weak indications of this development in previous empirical research.

Parental leave policies have been shown to play a significant role in enhancing gender equality. The European Union has recognised this and has issued a Directive to its Member States, in order to instigate parental leave policy reform. However, not all Member States have sought to implement this. This thesis addresses this problem and seeks to answer the following research question: Why have progressive parental leave policies failed to transfer across the European Union? In doing so, this study also aims to explore the limits of Europeanisation. The research question has been addressed through a qualitative comparative case study of four European Union Member States: Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Greece. These states have been chosen on the basis of Most Different System Design. The thesis deploys a theoretical framework based upon concepts of Europeanisation and policy mobility and draws particularly on the work of Stone’s four core concepts of policy mobility: Diffusion, Transfer, Convergence, Translation (Stone, 2012). The key factors that have been identified in this study as restricting the potential of a policy to transfer are: institutional surroundings, shared beliefs and norms, internal political dynamics and a lack of force/action from the European Union. These differences have acted to constrain the transferability of progressive parental leave policy across the European Union and therefore the process of Europeanisation in this area.