Syftet med denna studie är att analysera attityder till migration bland 15 europeiska länder år 2014/15 och undersöka vilka faktorer som kan förklara dessa skillnader. Detta genom att undersöka om attitydskillnader till migration kan förklaras av faktorer som utbildningsgrad och ekonomisk situation samt om dessa attitydskillnader kan förklaras i relation till välfärdsregimer. Baserad på data från European Social Survey Round 7, analyseras sambandet mellan attityder till migration bland länderna genom att bryta ner begreppet ”migrationsattityder” i tre aspekter; attityder avseende vilken grad människor får komma att bo i landet, attityder avseende kvalifikationer hos människor som kommer att få bo i landet och till sist attityder avseende om människor gynnar landet de tar sig till. Sambandet analyseras genom både linjär- och multipel regressionsanalys. Resultatet visar att länder som tillhör den socialdemokratiska välfärdsregimerna uppvisar mer positiva migrationsattityder i förhållande till resterande välfärdsregimer, vilket skulle kunna förklaras av deras höga grad av socialt stöd och låg social skiktning. Bland de konservativa- och liberala välfärdsregimerna är kvalifikationer hos människor som kommer till dessa länder av vikt, men att de konservativa välfärdsregimerna visar på högre solidaritetsnivåer avseende migrationsattityder. De öst- och centraleuropeiska välfärdsregimerna uppvisar mest negativa migrationsattityder i jämförelse med resterande välfärdsregimer. Vilket skulle kunna förklaras av dess låga solidaritetsnivå för immigranter som länder av den öst- och centraleuropeiska välfärdsregimen innehar. Detta i enlighet med tidigare studier. Avslutningsvis uppvisar studien att fler faktorer bör undersökas för att söka förklaring av attitydskillnader till migration, då resultatet indikerar att dessa skillnader inte ensamt kan förklaras utifrån välfärdsregimer. / The aim of this study is to analyze attitudes towards migration among 15 European countries in the year of 2014/15 and examine which factors that may explain these differences. This by examining whether attitude differences towards migration can be explained by economic and educational factors and additionally, if these differences can be explained in relation to welfare regimes. Based on data conducted by European Social Survey Round 7, this paper analyzes the correlation between attitudes towards migration among the countries by dividing the term “migration attitudes” into three aspects; attitudes concerning to what extent the country should allow people to come and live in the country, attitudes concerning how important qualifications of the people that come to live in the country and finally attitudes concerning if people that come to live in the country benefit the country in some way. The correlation is analyzed by using both linear and multiple regression. The results show that countries belonging to the Social Democratic regime show more positive migration attitudes in relation to the remaining welfare regimes, which tend to be explained by their high degree of social support and low social stratification. Both the Conservative and Liberal welfare regimes indicate that qualifications of the people that come to live in the country are important, although the Conservative welfare regimes tend to show a higher degree of solidarity for immigrants. The East and Central European welfare regimes show the most negative migration attitudes in relation to the remaining welfare regimes, which can be explained by the low degree of solidarity for immigrants in accordance with previous studies. In conclusion the study shows that more factors should be examined to seek explanation of attitude differences towards migration, as the result indicate that these differences can not solely be explained by welfare regimes.

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d’un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s’agit d’une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l’évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus. / The thesis is about the tripartite system of professional relations of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, amalgamating the public authorities as well as the trade-union and employers’ organisations. The thesis asks itself two questions. To which extend can we speak of a model of professional relations proper to Luxembourg ? Is this model answerable or not to the consociative type as theorized by Arend LIJPHART ? It is about a case study concerning one single country. The thesis is devided into six chapters. The first one presents Luxembourg and its professional relations. The second one is about the evolution of two important institutions of the professional relations. The third one presents the theories mobilized in the scope of the thesis. The chapters 4, 5, and 6 are composed of an analysis of the main elements of the LIJPHART theory applied to the tripartite professional relations of Luxembourg. The conclusions answer the above-mentioned questions.

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d’un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s’agit d’une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l’évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus. / The thesis is about the tripartite system of professional relations of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, amalgamating the public authorities as well as the trade-union and employers’ organisations. The thesis asks itself two questions. To which extend can we speak of a model of professional relations proper to Luxembourg ? Is this model answerable or not to the consociative type as theorized by Arend LIJPHART ? It is about a case study concerning one single country. The thesis is devided into six chapters. The first one presents Luxembourg and its professional relations. The second one is about the evolution of two important institutions of the professional relations. The third one presents the theories mobilized in the scope of the thesis. The chapters 4, 5, and 6 are composed of an analysis of the main elements of the LIJPHART theory applied to the tripartite professional relations of Luxembourg. The conclusions answer the above-mentioned questions.

<p>The purpose of this paper is to analyze the ongoing changes in German family policy. It explores the issue of whether the German welfare state, in this policy field, can still be regarded as a conservative welfare model or rather approaches a more liberal or social democratic model. A qualitative method is used to analyze the material, especially from the German government, including press releases, other public documents and also articles from the political weekly magazines Der Spiegel and Die Zeit. The changes analyzed are the new parental benefit, the expansion of child care, the concept of whole-day schools and the system of joint taxation. The point of departure is Gösta Esping-Andersen’s categorization of three types of welfare states: the social democratic, the conservative and the liberal. Esping-Andersen uses two tools, decommodification and social stratification, to determine which welfare model a country is placed in. My analysis of German family policy shows that the German welfare model is going to be more towards a social democratic model than a conservative welfare model.</p>

La thèse porte sur le système tripartite de relations professionnelles du Grand Duché de Luxembourg, regroupant les autorités publiques ainsi que les organisations syndicales et patronales. Elle se pose deux questions. Dans quelle mesure on peut parler d'un modèle de relations professionnelles propre au Luxembourg ? Ce modèle relève-t-il ou non du type consociatif tel que théorisé par Arendt LIJPHART ? Il s'agit d'une étude de cas portant sur un seul pays.La thèse est divisée en six chapitres. Le premier présente le Luxembourg et ses relations professionnelles. Le second porte sur l'évolution de deux institutions importantes des relations professionnelles. Le troisième présente les théories mobilisées dans le cadre de la thèse. Les chapitres 4, 5 et 6 consistent en une analyse des principaux éléments de la théorie de LIJPHART appliquée aux relations professionnelles tripartites luxembourgeoises. Les conclusions répondent aux questions posées ci-dessus.

Orientador: Geraldo Di Giovanni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T08:46:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moro_AnaElisaFerreira_M.pdf: 1935554 bytes, checksum: 95606e9b034ad62aa836a27be221b5a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Tendo em vista a trajetória do Welfare State cuja origem remete ao continente europeu com difusão e institucionalização após a Segunda Guerra Mundial e partindo das formulações teóricas de Gøsta Esping-Andersen, sociólogo dinamarquês que atribui a emergência do Welfare State ao desdobramento de fatores históricos e políticos, como a luta de classes, as estruturas de poder político e estruturas institucionais, a presente dissertação objetiva reconstituir os princípios ético-político e filosófico do Welfare State dos países nórdicos, denominado por Esping-Andersen, em razão de sua concepção política, de Welfare State social-democrata. O primeiro capítulo retoma o debate que ocorreu durante o século XIX dentro do Partido Social-democrata da Alemanha, no seio do qual as ideias reformistas social-democratas se consolidaram. A reconstrução do debate teórico ocorrido no século XIX entre os socialistas científicos e os chamados revisionistas destaca Eduard Bernstein como teórico do Partido Social-democrata da Alemanha e expoente do revisionismo. O segundo capítulo investiga o período pós-guerra em que a social-democracia adotou os ditames da política econômica keynesiana e assumiu as políticas sociais como meio para mobilização eleitoral e possíveis melhorias das condições de vida da população em detrimento de uma projeto mais amplo de transformação social. O terceiro capítulo descreve, com base nas teorias de Esping-Andersen e Peter Baldwin, a situação dos países escandinavos, onde se concretizou o "modelo social-democrata" de Welfare State. Baldwin acrescenta que o fato de possuir riscos ocupacionais mais homogêneos possibilitou aos países nórdicos a decisão pelos agrários liberais de políticas sociais universalizantes já no século XIX. No século seguinte a mobilização do Partido social-democrata nos países escandinavos manteve o universalismo ao refletir duplamente os interesses das classes mais desfavorecidas e da classe média. Deste modo, as condições particulares que definem os países escandinavos (dentre elas a alta homogeneidade ocupacional) faz com que o êxito deste "modelo social democrata" seja irreprodutível em outros países / Abstract: Given the trajectory of the welfare state whose origin refers to the European continent with diffusion and institutionalization after World War II and using the theoretical formulations of Gosta Esping-Andersen, Danish sociologist who attributes the emergence of the welfare state to the unfolding of historical and political factors such as class struggle, the structures of political power and institutional structures , this dissertation aims to reconstruct the ethical-political and philosophical principles of the Nordic welfare state called by Esping-Andersen in reason of his political conception of social-democratic Welfare State. The reconstruction of the theoretical debate in the nineteenth century among the scientific socialists and revisionists highlights Eduard Bernstein how theoretical of the Social Democratic Germany Party and exponent of revisionism. The second chapter investigates the postwar period in which social democracy has adopted the dictates of Keynesian economic policy and assumed social policies as a means of electoral mobilization and possible improvements of the living conditions of the population at the expense of a broader project of social transformation. The third chapter describes , based on the theories of Esping - Andersen and Peter Baldwin, the situation of the Scandinavian countries, which materialized the " social democratic model" of welfare state. Possession of more homogeneous occupational hazards led to the decision by the bourgeoisie of universalizing social policies in the nineteenth century to the Nordic countries. In the following century the mobilization of the Social Democratic Party in the Scandinavian countries kept doubly universalism to reflect the interests of the lower classes and the middle class. Thus, the particular conditions that define the Scandinavian countries (among them high occupational homogeneity) makes the success of this "social democratic model" irreproducible in other countries / Mestrado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Mestra em Desenvolvimento Econômico

Ett av de mest grundläggande fundamenten för att ett samhälle ska fungera friktionsfritt är att människor känner tillit. För att ett samhälle ska vara välmående behöver människor känna tillit både till samhällets institutioner och tillit till andra människor i allmänhet. Syftet med denna studie var att få en bredare förståelse av mellanmänsklig tillit och att undersöka hur den förhåller sig till olika typer av välfärdsregimer och upplevd kollektiv diskriminering, det vill säga om en upplevt att en tillhör en grupp som i samhället var utsatt för diskriminering. Studien utgår från Bo Rothsteins teori om tillit samt Gøsta Esping-Andersens teori om välfärdsregimer. Båda dessa teorier baseras på ett makroperspektiv vilket innebär att mellanmänsklig tillit studeras från ett strukturellt perspektiv. Studien har hämtat datamaterial från omgång 8 av European Social Survey (ESS) som genomfördes år 2016. ESS samlar in data från ett 30-tal olika länder och frågorna behandlar delvis tillit. För denna studies syfte användes data från länderna Frankrike, Tyskland, Storbritannien, Norge och Sverige. Materialet omfattade ett urval på 25 506, i åldrarna 15 år och uppåt. För att studera mellanmänsklig tillit användes bivariata analyser samt linjär regression som analysmetod. Tillit i olika välfärdsregimer är ett välstuderat ämne men denna studie ämnade även undersöka om upplevd kollektiv diskriminering var en faktor mellan välfärdsregim och mellanmänsklig tillit. Resultatet var att mellanmänsklig tillit skilde sig åt beroende på typ av välfärdsregim och om en människa upplevt sig varit utsatt för kollektiv diskriminering. / <p>Slutversion</p>

The pension systems of Sweden and Singapore are compared in this thesis paper using the most recent developments in welfare-regime analysis. The author examines how the two countries’ policy systems are responding in light of Esping- Anderson’s welfare regime theory because the researcher thinks it will be fascinating and challenging also to compare the pension systems of the aforementioned countries. This paper will be helpful to students and scholars looking for public policy recommendations in the area of pensions for senior citizens. Additionally, the author will provide professionals with references if they need a summary of public pension policy and finance in terms of comparative research studies. The author discovers that both nations’ pension policies are performing adequately though there is some error to solve; also finds there are significant differences between the two nations’ institutional infrastructures. As the Swedish system demonstrates a lower degree of independence and long-term public control over pension policy. Conversely, the Singaporean system has a higher degree of independence and is firmly committed to a free market system.

Följande är en kvantitativ studie som undersöker stödet för den svenska välfärdsstaten utifrån faktorer som rör klass och genus. Detta utifrån den svenska datan från 2016 års ISSP-undersökning, som undersökt synen på det offentligas roll. Huvudfynden i denna studie är att kvinnor samt de med lägre klasstatus uppvisar ett högre stöd än män respektive de med hög klasstatus. Detta ligger i linje med den tidigare forskningen på området. Studien avslutas med en diskussion om hur resultaten som framkommit i denna studie kan förstås i förhållande till teori och tidigare forskning. I diskussionen lyfts också förslag på framtida forskning på området fram.

This study focuses on the importance of intrinsic and extrinsic work rewards among women and men in 12 post-industrial nations in the Global North. Guiding my analyses was Esping-Andersen’s theoretical framework and the following three main research questions: (1) how individual attributes and national policies influence the salience individuals assign to intrinsic and extrinsic rewards; (2) how individual attributes and national policies differ from each other in relative magnitude as predictors of the value individuals assign to intrinsic and extrinsic rewards; and (3) how individual attributes and national policies impact the importance individuals assign to intrinsic and extrinsic rewards differs by gender. For the micro level analysis, I used data from the 2005 International Social Survey Program Work Orientation Module. The twelve countries included in the analysis are Australia, Denmark, Belgium, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Norway, Sweden, United Kingdom, and the United States. Macro level policy data are drawn from the 2005 Social Expenditure Database and maternity leave data are from the 2005 International Network on Leave Policy and Research. Analysis was performed using Stata regression with the cluster command. While not all variables included in the model were statistically significant, the general hypotheses were supported with the following results: (1) micro level variables (education, income, and employment) and macro level variables (paid family leave and the percentage of GDP spent on childcare and pre-primary education) increased the importance individual’s assign to intrinsic rewards; (2) the lack of human capital increases an individual’s emphasis on extrinsic rewards; (3) while macro level variables have a far greater impact on the importance individuals assign to intrinsic work rewards, both micro and macro level factors are important for explaining the maximum possible variation in the importance individuals assign to intrinsic work rewards; and (4) gender does not change the value an individual assigns to intrinsic or extrinsic rewards. This study represents a new, more comprehensive approach to studying the relationships among micro-level factors, structural opportunities and constraints, intrinsic and extrinsic work rewards, and gender. A review of the literature shows no other studies of this scope.