Au Québec, depuis les 25 dernières années, l’enjeu de la privatisation dans le secteur de la santé revient constamment dans le débat public. Déjà dans les années 1980, lorsque le secteur de la santé a commencé à subir d’importantes pressions, faire participer davantage le privé était présenté comme une voie envisageable. Plus récemment, avec l’adoption de la loi 33 par le gouvernement libéral de Jean Charest, plusieurs groupes ont dénoncé la privatisation en santé. Ce qui frappe lorsque l’on s’intéresse à la privatisation en santé, c’est que plusieurs textes abordant cette question ne définissent pas clairement le concept. En se penchant plus particulièrement sur le cas du Québec, cette recherche vise dans un premier temps à rappeler comment a émergé et progressé l’idée de privatisation en santé. Cette idée est apparue dans les années 1980 alors que les programmes publics de soins de santé ont commencé à exercer d’importantes pressions sur les finances publiques des États ébranlés par la crise économique et qu’au même moment, l’idéologie néolibérale, qui remet en question le rôle de l’État dans la couverture sociale, éclipsait tranquillement le keynésianisme. Une nouvelle manière de gérer les programmes publics de soins de santé s’imposait comme étant la voie à adopter. Le nouveau management public et les techniques qu’il propose, dont la privatisation, sont apparus comme étant une solution à considérer. Ensuite, par le biais d’une revue de la littérature, cette recherche fait une analyse du concept de privatisation, tant sur le plan de la protection sociale en général que sur celui de la santé. Ce faisant, elle contribue à combler le flou conceptuel entourant la privatisation et à la définir de manière systématique. Ainsi, la privatisation dans le secteur de la santé transfère des responsabilités du public vers le privé dans certaines activités soit sur le plan: 1) de la gestion et de l’administration, 2) du financement, 3) de la provision et 4) de la propriété. De plus, la privatisation est un processus de changement et peut être initiée de manière active ou passive. La dernière partie de cette recherche se concentre sur le cas québécois et montre comment la privatisation a progressé dans le domaine de la santé au Québec et comment certains éléments du contexte institutionnel canadien ont influencé le processus de privatisation en santé dans le contexte québécois. Suite à une diminution dans le financement en matière de santé de la part du gouvernement fédéral à partir des années 1980, le gouvernement québécois a privatisé activement des services de santé complémentaires en les désassurant, mais a aussi mis en place la politique du virage ambulatoire qui a entraîné une privatisation passive du système de santé. Par cette politique, une nouvelle tendance dans la provision des soins, consistant à retourner plus rapidement les patients dans leur milieu de vie, s’est dessinée. La Loi canadienne sur la santé qui a déjà freiné la privatisation des soins ne représente pas un obstacle suffisant pour arrêter ce type de privatisation. Finalement, avec l’adoption de la loi 33, suite à l’affaire Chaoulli, le gouvernement du Québec a activement fait une plus grande place au privé dans trois activités du programme public de soins de santé soit dans : l’administration et la gestion, la provision et le financement. / For the last 25 years, the issue of health care privatization has frequently been a subject of public debate in Québec. Already during the 1980s, when the health sector was starting to be under pressure, the use of the private sector was presented as a possible alternative. More recently, with the adoption of bill 33 by the liberal government of Jean Charest, many groups in the civil society have denounced the privatization of health care. What is striking when we study health care privatization is that the concept is rarely clearly defined. Through a closer look at the Quebec case, this research first recalls how the idea of health care privatization has emerged and progressed. This idea appeared during the 1980s when health care public programs started to represent important pressures on the public finance of states that were also experiencing an economic crisis. At the same time, neoliberalism and its questioning of the welfare state was slowly eclipsing keynesianism. A new way of managing health care public programs seemed necessary. New public management and the techniques it proposes, privatization being one of them, appeared to be the solution to consider. Then, through a literature review, this research analyzes the concept of privatization, in the realm of social protection in general but also more specifically in health care. Through this process, the research clarifies the concept of privatization and defines it systematically. Thus, privatization in the health care sector transfers responsibility from the public to the private in different areas. These areas are: 1) management and administration, 2) financing, 3) provision, 4) ownership. Adding to this definition, privatization is a process of change and can be initiated actively or passively. The last part looks more particularly at the Québec case and shows how privatization has evolved in the Québec health care sector. It also highlights how some aspects of the Canadian institutional context have influenced health care privatization in the province. Québec has not been impervious to privatization. After the cuts in health care funding by the federal government that began in the 1980s, the Québec’s government reacted by actively privatizing some complementary health services through de-insurance. It has also put in place the ambulatory shift policy, which has lead to a passive privatization of health care. The ambulatory shift represented a new trend in health care provision that consists in sending patients home more quickly after their hospitalization. The Canadian Health Act, considered as an obstacle to privatization, does not limit this kind of privatization. Finally, with the passing of bill 33, after the Chaoulli case, the Québec’s government has actively opened the door to the private sector in three health care activities: administration and management, provision, and financing.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

The ongoing debate over welfare in the United States is rooted in the long-standing tension between the nation’s commitment to providing for its most vulnerable and a deep-seated belief that such support can corrupt its recipients. Social Security has struck this balance and appeals to the masses with its pay-as-you-go system and universally distributed benefits. Yet, the solvency of Social Security is threatening the program that has attempted to guard against old age and disability for the last eighty years. This paper examines how the perception of poverty in the United States is a hindrance when tackling social welfare policies. Further, the failure of the Supreme Court to recognize economic security as a fundamental constitutional right and a lack of public support to contribute funds are added challenges in the implementation of social insurance and public assistance programs. The most promising solution to restore the short and long-term solvency of Social Security ultimately involves relaxing immigration laws to highly skilled workers and raising the retirement age for the rising generation.

This research focuses on an issue that has persisted in Greece over recent decades – long-term youth unemployment. The issue has worsened in the last few years, however, in particular following unprecedented historical times caused by a worldwide economic recession that hit Greece particularly hard. This recession that was triggered by events in the United States in 2008, set off a worldwide recession, the effects of which continue to affect countries like Greece today. It is in this context that the post-secondary graduate unemployment rate in the country soared to 20% in 2010 and has since continued to follow an upward trend. What is more, the Greek economy, with debt to Gross Domestic Product (GDP) ratio reaching more than 140% in 2010 and 165% in 2011, is not showing signs of improvement. This situation is far from encouraging for unemployed Greek youth. Grounded theory (GT) methodology is undertaken in this study which borrows from both Glaserian and Straussian GT method approaches. A Constructivist Grounded Theory perspective is used to interpret findings as the thesis analyses barriers to employment, understandings and coping mechanisms in relation to Greek graduate unemployment and identifies prospects for the future. Six participants were recruited through convenience sampling and informed research through in depth interviews. Unemployed post-secondary graduates interviewed in this study offered uniquely grounded data to inform my analysis and shared timely information amidst the challenging context of the Greek fiscal crisis. The situation has gained much international attention and opened the door for re-thinking and new possibilities. Given that the economic situation in the Eurozone is inextricably linked to the conditions in its member states, this study considers employment policy in both Greece and the European Union (EU). The thesis concludes by suggesting some potential areas for further research. / Graduate

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.

The main cause of tax fraud in Spain is, in author’s opinion, the educational deficits as individuals. Taxes are not to be just an obligation, he points, but contributing to a morefair society, convinced that requires, as in other areas, a thorough reform of the educationsystem and the recovery of traditional values that our society is suffering a deep crisis. In thissense, the author thinks we must link the estate fraud to educational and cultural deficitsthat Spain suffers, since the crisis of values is what underlies most cases of tax or offenses, ifpreferred, to conduct contrary to law or, without more, antisocial. In this context, the authorindicates it is essential also internalize the culture of spending, since everything is funded by our taxes. / El autor sostiene que la causa principal del fraude fiscal en España es el déficit educativo de las personas. Los impuestos no han de ser tan solo una obligación, señala, sino la contribución a una sociedad más justa, convencimiento que requiere, como en otros ámbitos, una profunda reforma del sistema educativo y la recuperación de los valores tradicionales de los que nuestra sociedad padece una crisis profunda. En este sentido, el autor apunta que se debe vincular las raíces del fraude a los déficit educativos y culturales que España padece, pues esta crisis de valores es la que subyace en la mayoría de los casos de delitos fiscales o, si se prefiere, de las conductas contrarias a derecho o, sin más, antisociales. En ese contexto, indica, es imprescindible interiorizar también la cultura del gasto, ya que todo se financia con nuestros impuestos.

Submitted by Edileide Reis (leyde-landy@hotmail.com) on 2013-04-17T12:52:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rodrigo Meirelles(rodrigomei@ufba.br) on 2013-05-09T17:20:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-09T17:20:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dantas.pdf: 2427849 bytes, checksum: 7d7b22080a683cd8c6cf61ea90bc9b0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / O presente estudo se dedica a demonstrar que a constituição brasileira de 1988 é dirigente, possuindo normas programáticas que impõem objetivos fundamentais e tarefas ao estado, pertinentes à transformação da realidade com o desiderato de promover a efetividade dos direitos fundamentais, também eles programáticos enquanto mandados de otimização, e a operatividade do estado social, sustentado como dimensão essencial do estado democrático de direito. Procede-se a uma análise desde as origens do constitucionalismo moderno no sentido de caracterizar a prevalência do legislador e a imunização do mercado com relação às constituições, inclusive durante o primeiro ciclo do constitucionalismo social e, no que respeita aos países que tiveram hiatos democráticos, até o restabelecimento da democracia, com a conquista da fórmula direito. Analise-se o caminho das normas programáticas da absoluta ausência de juridicidade até a vinculação positiva e negativa sobre o legislador, detentor apenas de uma liberdade de conformação restrita, cuja omissão deliberada acarreta descumprimento do dever constitucional de legislar, consubstanciando omissão inconstitucional. São realçados os objetivos do estado, que se traduzem nos programas constitucionais, enquanto expressão da auto-projeção do devir comunitário, e a fundamentação jurídico-axiológica do estado social e dos direitos fundamentais nos princípios da solidariedade e da dignidade da pessoa humana, para o qual se encaminha o dirigismo. Ressalta-se que o dirigismo contém uma função de resistência que resguarda a si, ao estado social, aos direitos fundamentais e ao mínimo vital e à própria política em face dos problemas e das contínuas pressões a que são submetidos. Além da resistência, o dirigismo encerra um caráter projetivo de futuro, abrigando utopias jurídicas que conduzem para além do mínimo vital, destinando-se à promoção do máximo existencial. Afirmou-se que a pós-modernidade nada mais é do que o encontro da modernidade consigo mesma, cujos paradigmas sustentados não têm o condão de diluir o dirigismo brasileiro diante do desenvolvimento de uma teoria da constituição dirigente adequada ao texto e ao contexto pátrios, sem que haja qualquer prejuízo à capacidade dirigente e nem que se legitime a transferência da direção política, previamente assentada pela constituição, para outras instâncias. Com a rejeição da tendência ambivalente, flexível e fluida da pós-modernidade sobre o dirigismo, firmou-se a impossibilidade de acolhimento pelas instâncias políticas do ideário e dos postulados neoliberais, contrários à direção e à programaticidade político-constitucional. / Salvador

Esta dissertação se volta para a análise da participação e da representação da sociedade civil no controle da Política de Assistência Social, no processo de implementação do Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), tendo como base a experiência do Conselho Estadual de Assistência Social do Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). Busca-se examinar se o contexto de construção do SUAS abre ou não novas possibilidades ao exercício da participação da sociedade civil. Para isso, acompanhamos a experiência do CEAS/RJ, buscando compreender sua estruturação e funcionamento, no sentido de captar o desempenho institucional dos atores que ocupam assento em seu espaço. Na tentativa de montar o quadro mais amplo possível das condições e dos desafios com que se defronta o Conselho no exercício de sua função pública, nos apoiamos em fontes diversificadas. Foi realizado o estudo de documentos de fonte primária que regulamentam e legitimam o CEAS/RJ como espaço de controle no âmbito da Política de Assistência Social, como a sua Lei de Criação e seu Regimento Interno, foram examinadas as atas das reuniões plenárias do Conselho do ano de 2008 e realizadas entrevistas junto aos conselheiros representantes da sociedade civil. De forma geral, os resultados da pesquisa apontam para a dificuldade de se efetivar a participação no CEAS/RJ. No processo de implementação do SUAS o Conselho em estudo se depara com os dilemas centrais que marcaram até então os espaços institucionalizados de controle social. / The present work consists of analyzing the participation and representation of the civil society on the Social Welfare Politics, on the (SUAS) Sistema Único de Assistência Social s implementation process, based on the experience of the Social Welfare State Council in Rio de Janeiro (CEAS/RJ). The work aims at examining whether the context of SUASs construction opens up new possibilities to the effective participation of the civil society. Therefore, we have followed the experience of the CEAS/RJ, seeking a better understanding of its structure and work, to capture the development of the actors that play roles in its space. As an attempt to present a wider view of the conditions and challenges faced by the Council on the fulfillment of its public duties, we have used diversified sources. A study of primary sources documents which regulate and legitimate the CEAS/RJ as a figure of control of the Social Welfare Politics, as well as, its Law of Creation and Rules of Procedure, was made. The minutes of the Councils plenary sessions in 2008 were examined and interviews with the councilors who represented the civil society conducted. All in all, the researchs results show difficulty to effect the participation on CEAS/RJ. On SUASs implementation process, the Council studied on this work, faces the central dilemmas that have marked institutionalized spaces of social control so far.

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Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-06T12:02:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 1191139 bytes, checksum: 1580a3394b3894f6c19c70efd37e244a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-06T12:31:47Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 1191139 bytes, checksum: 1580a3394b3894f6c19c70efd37e244a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-06T12:31:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 olegabramovjunior.pdf: 1191139 bytes, checksum: 1580a3394b3894f6c19c70efd37e244a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-01 / O presente trabalho tem como pretensão traçar um panorama das condições em que se desenvolveu o processo de construção e transformação das políticas sociais que conformam o Estado de bem-estar no Brasil contemporâneo, com ênfase nas políticas de parceria no combate à pobreza, que foram desenvolvidas a partir da década de noventa. Para isso, o texto avança em três propósitos: apresentar uma perspectiva de análise das condições que afetam o formato das políticas sociais em sua origem e evolução; com base nesta, demonstrar uma síntese do processo de construção da proteção social no Brasil; e, por fim, aprofundar a análise da agenda social do governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso, enfatizando sua estratégia de parceria com a sociedade e mercado, o que passa pela observação mais minuciosa da instituição responsável por esta, denominada Programa Comunidade Solidária. / The present work has as a goal to draw a picture of the conditions under which developed the process of construction and transformation of social politics that shape the welfare state in contemporary Brazil, with emphasis on partnership politics to fight poverty that were developed since the nineties. To do so, it seeks three purposes: to present a perspective of analysis of conditions that affect the shape of social politics in its origin and evolution, show a summary of the construction of social protection in Brazil and, finally, Further analysis of the social program of President Fernando Henrique Cardoso emphasizing his strategy of partnership with the society and the market, which requires a closer look of the institution responsible for this, called the “Community Solidarity Program”.