The aim of this dissertation is to shed light on how life can turn out for individuals with long term social assistance and afterwards when it has ceased. The primary objective of the dissertation is to study the changes that have occurred during the life course and the impact of those changes on the life course at large. A key question of this dissertation is the development of selfsufficiency and work-life patterns in a longitudinal perspective. The dissertation consists of a longitudinal study based on qualitative interviews with an interval of 20 years. The empirical data is composed of interviews with 11 recipients of social assistance – seven of which have been interviewed again in 2008/2009. A life course perspective is employed in the data analysis as a comprehensive approach and analytical tool. Other analytical approaches are related to the impact of the welfare state on the life course and to the term marginality. The situation of the interviewed group regarding self-sufficiency, employment and social conditions is viewed from a one-year perspective, a 20- year perspective and a life course perspective. The different time perspectives generated widely diverse pictures and nowledge. Not everyone worked at the point of the last interview but all were in a better social and economical position. No one remained on social assistance. One conclusion is that the notion of social problems being reinforced and exacerbated over time is simplistic. Another conclusion is that it appears that social assistance and social services have little importance from a life course perspective. A concluding result is that cross-sectional studies of individuals in a vulnerable situation are of limited value. A brief look at a person’s life does not say much of what the rest of his or her life will look like. Keywords: Life course, long term social assistance, social welfare services, human agency, timing, social integration, notions of social problems, welfare state, marginality.

Despite considerable research efforts, the relationship between inequality and demand for redistribution remains a highly contested topic within comparative political economy. This paper argues that a central yet widely overlooked mechanism linking macro-level income inequality to preferences for redistribution has to with the micro-level implications of certain externalities of inequality. Focusing on fear of crime, as one such externality, I argue that because (i) in- equality and crime are positively related, and (ii) because crime and fear of crime have a negative effect in individual utility, it follows that increasing in- equality should have a positive effect on support for redistribution. Importantly, however, the argument of this paper also recognises that redistribution is but one of several means through which a concern about crime can be addressed, with the most relevant alternatives being increased policing and harsher punitive measures. Drawing on literatures in criminology and political sociology, I theorise that a key determinant of this choice | between redistribution and policing/punishment as alternative approaches to dealing with crime | is the level of ethnic heterogeneity in the population. Taken together, therefore, this paper's argument implies that inequality will have differential effects on support for redistribution in different contexts: in cases where the population is homogenous, fear of crime - and by consequence inequality - will boost demand for redistribution, whilst no such effects will follow in contexts of high heterogeneity. Using a two-step statistical methodology, I analyse Eurobarometer and ESS data from 21 OECD countries and find persuasive empirical support for my theoretical expectations. Fear of crime is more strongly associated to support for redistribution when the level of population heterogeneity remains low, whilst the opposite holds true for the relationship between fear of crime and support for policing and punishment.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the causes of welfare state expansion, specifically the causes of welfare state expenditure of active labor market policy (ALMP). ALMP aims at reducing unemployment and increasing participation in the labor market. The field of political economy has long asked the question of why certain welfare states are characterized by generous social policy, while others are not. Several theories have been presented over the years, each providing new perspectives. The two theories that could be considered to be the most prominent are the Power Resource Theory, which centers on the importance of power resources of major classes, and the Varieties of Capitalism, which is more focused on the different needs of capitalists.The specific interest of this paper is the varying orientations of ALMP. It is argued that ALMP should not be understood as a homogenous concept, but instead as a category of policy which consists of a range of tools from which a government can choose. Analyzing the expenditure of these tools separately is thus of great importance for the development of a deeper understanding of the welfare state.Using regression analysis, I analyze which of the theories mentioned above is most strongly correlated to increased expenditure of ALMP. I use a total expenditure of ALMP, as is customary within the field, but I also include two other measures for specific tools of ALMP; incentive reinforcement programs and training programs.The results indicate that when looking at the total expenditure of ALMP the VoC approach appears to better explain the cause of welfare state expenditure. However, when including the measures for the specific tools of ALMP, the classic notion of VoC is confirmed only regarding incentive reinforcement programs, and contradicted regarding training programs. Moreover, the classic notion of PRT is confirmed regarding the expenditure of training programs, albeit with quite limited evidence. Also, the classic notion within PRT finds little support in the analysis of total expenditure of ALMP and the expenditure of incentive reinforcement programs. Only making a distinction between large and small welfare states is thus argued to be a simplification. Welfare states with similar levels of social expenditure might in fact differ significantly regarding actual policy preference.It is concluded that the continued disaggregation of ALMP is necessary in order to further the research field. Acknowledging the highly heterogeneous nature of ALMP is essential when understanding its expenditure.

Unter all den denkbaren Effekten von Sozialpolitik auf Politik untersuche ich hier die Möglichkeit, dass Sozialpolitik den Handlungsspielraum von Politik absichert; dass Sozialpolitik Erfolgsvoraussetzung von Politik ist. Es geht also um die Frage, in welcher Weise staatliche Sozialpolitik eine Voraussetzung für Politik ist, um die Frage der sozialpolitischen Selbstermöglichung von Politik. Solch ein Zugang muß den gewohnten Blick auf Staat und Sozialpolitik irritieren. Denn üblicherweise werden sozialpolitische Verpflichtungen des Staates als Beeinträchtigung, als Überforderung staatlicher Handlungsfähigkeit gesehen. Zuerst werde ich kurz auf die Entwicklung des sozialwissenschaftlichen Verständnisses der gesellschaftlichen Bedingtheit staatlicher Politik eingehen. Dann werde ich ein grundsätzliches Dilemma staatlicher Steuerung darstellen. Anschließend werde ich dieses anhand der aktuellen Schwierigkeiten mehrerer politischer Großprojekte veranschaulichen. Dann werde ich nach einem Theoriemuster zur Interpretation dieser Schwierigkeiten suchen, mit dem sich zeigen läßt, wie Sozialpolitik einpassbar ist. Und schließlich werde ich Konsequenzen diskutieren, die sich aus der Integration von Sozialpolitik in eine soziologische Theorie der Gesellschaft ergeben.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Does ethnic fragmentation negatively affect social expenditure? In this thesis, I examine why this research question, only partially tackled by the political economy literature, is also central for the social policy field. Using a sample of 156 countries, and controlling for variables that social policy theory postulate as essential to explain welfare provision, I offer evidence that higher levels of ethnic fragmentation lead to lower levels of social expenditure. On that basis, I present a theoretical framework that explores how this relationship can be explained. Ethnic fragmentation is presented as a variable that complicates the development of social solidarity and the notions of shared identity, and shifts social mobilisation from issues of economic redistribution towards ethno-cultural recognition. I also conduct a second series of statistical analysis that show that there is evidence to support the previous propositions. Additionally, using a different confirmatory test, I explore the correspondence between the levels of de-commodification that 18 welfare states provide, and the principles of blood descent (jus sanguinis) or civic ties (jus solis) that their respective national laws favour. The findings show that the welfare regimes with the most de-commodifying provision tend to favour ethno-cultural principles. Finally, I emphasize that the probable effects of ethnic fragmentation in an increasingly multicultural world, with its tendencies to put social integration and differentiation issues back on the agenda, are not a prediction of erosion of the welfare state, but an important element to take into account in the creation and robustness of shared identities and notions of common belonging when designing social policy.

The thesis examines the political dynamics behind the contemporary trend towards pension privatization in Europe. Its aim is to develop a theoretical model that can explain not only why governments have increasingly replaced their public pay-as-you-go systems with private fully-funded schemes, but also why there is considerable diversity both in the extent and in the content of pension privatization. Private pension funds can indeed be governed by a variety of institutional arrangements and can have very different types of links with the financial system. They do not necessarily contribute to a financialization of the economy. The thesis takes issue with the idea that pension privatization would be primarily the result of a new pensions orthodoxy promoted by international organizations such as the World Bank or of an electoral strategy that consists in attracting the votes of the middle class. I argue that the driving force behind the more or less dramatic rise of funded pensions in Europe is a series of lobbying campaigns launched by the financial industry, and their varying influence. Financial firms have a vested interest in the development of a market in private pensions, which should profit them as an industry. However, pension reform is an issue that matters to voters and can therefore prove dangerous for party politicians. Moreover, it involves complex changes that directly affect key material interests of employers and workers. In this context, the success of financial firms’ campaign for pension privatization depends on their capacity to forge alliances with a variety of actors. This in turn contributes to limit the influence financiers can exert. The argument is tested using a comparative historical analysis of pension debates in the United Kingdom, France and Poland since the beginning of the 1980s.

Les transformations de l'État social au Chili, suite à la restructuration politico-économique consubstantielle à la dictature militaire (1973-1990), ont fait l'objet d'un intense débat. Cependant, les transformations survenues depuis 1973 dans la relation entre l'État, le marché et la société civile, concernant l'accès aux droits, sont à situer dans une structure de distribution inégale des droits qui s'est forgée tout au long du XXe siècle. Cette philosophie de l'État social, et son rapport aux individus, se caractérise par la classification des bénéficiaires : des porteurs de droits et des récepteurs de l'assistance. Ce système s'organise à partir de la configuration de deux voies d'accès à la protection, en relation directe avec la participation au marché et se caractérise par la dimension privatisée de la conception de la solidarité, soit à travers la famille soit à travers la philanthropie. Le processus de néo-libéralisation introduira trois inflexions dans ce modèle : la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux qui va perfectionner le système de collaboration public-privé ; la technocratisation de la prise de décisions et de l'intervention ; le changement de la nature du ciblage comme mécanisme de justice sociale. Ainsi, le modèle de distribution inégale des droits, majoré par la mise en place de l'État résiduel pendant la dictature puis par la sophistication des politiques de ciblage pendant la démocratie, va prendre forme, notamment sur le plan de la gestion sociale de l'enfance. Les politiques de la santé, de l'éducation et de la protection spécialisée reflètent ce modèle de continuité et les inflexions néolibérales. Il s'agit de la reconfiguration de l'État social sous tension : le rôle fort régulateur qui accompagne la libéralisation des secteurs sociaux est ancré progressivement dans un discours des droits sociaux qui fait écho aux processus de démocratisation vécus par le pays, à partir de 1990. L'objectif de cette recherche est de réfléchir sur les formes que l'État social adopte à partir de la restructuration politico-économique du pays ainsi que de retracer ces transformations dans un cadre sociopolitique et historique. De cette façon, nous nous consacrerons à l'analyse des reconfigurations du social et du politique dans la nouvelle donne, à partir de l'étude des politiques sociales menées envers l'enfance. / The transformations of the Chilean Welfare State, following the political-economic restructuration after the military dictatorship (1973-1990), have been the core of an intense debate. However, the transformations taking place since 1973 in the relationship between the State, the market, and civil society, regarding the access to rights, lie in a structure of unequal distribution of rights forged throughout the 20th century. This philosophy of the Welfare State and its relation to individuals is characterized by the classification of beneficiaries: the bearers of rights and the recipients of assistance. This system is organized based on the configuration of two mechanisms of access to social protection, with the direct participation of the market, and which is characterized by the privatized dimension of the solidarity conception, either through the family or through the philanthropy. The neo-liberalization process introduces three changes to this model: the liberalization of the social sectors, which improves the public-private collaboration system; the technocratic development of the decision-making process and the intervention process; and the change of targeting as a mechanism of social justice. Thus, the model of unequal distribution of rights, enhanced by the establishment of a residual state during the dictatorship and then by the sophistication of targeting policies during the democratic period, takes shape, particularly, in terms of the social management of childhood. The policies of health, education, and specialized protection, crystallize a model of continuity and neoliberal inflections. This is the reconfiguration of the Welfare State as a tension: the strong regulatory role that accompanies the liberalization of the social sectors is gradually anchored on a discourse of social rights that reflects the processes of democratization experienced by the country since 1990. The objective of this research is to reflect on the forms that the Welfare State adopts from the political-economic restructuration of the country and to trace these transformations in a socio-political and historical framework. In this way, this study seeks to analyze the reconfigurations of social and political process, from an empirical regard, discussing the studies of social policies towards the childhood. / Las transformaciones del Estado social de Chile luego de la restructuración político-económica realizada por la dictadura militar (1973-1990), ha sido objeto de un intenso debate. Sin embargo, las transformaciones realizadas desde 1973 en la relación entre el Estado, el mercado y la sociedad civil respecto al acceso a los derechos, se sitúan en una estructura de distribución desigual de derechos, forjada a lo largo del siglo XX. Esta filosofía del Estado social y su relación con los individuos, se caracteriza por la clasificación de beneficiarios: de un lado los portadores de derechos y del otro, los receptores de asistencia. Este sistema se organiza a partir de la configuración de dos vías de acceso a la protección, en relación directa con la participación en el mercado, y se caracteriza por la dimensión privatizada de la concepción de la solidaridad, sea a través de la familia o de la filantropía. El proceso de neo-liberalización introducirá tres inflexiones a ese modelo: la liberalización de los sectores sociales, que perfeccionará el sistema de colaboración público-privada; la tecnocratización de la toma de decisiones y de la intervención; el cambio en la naturaleza de la focalización, en tanto mecanismo de justicia social. De esta manera, el modelo de distribución desigual de derechos, aumentado por la implementación del Estado residual en dictadura, y luego por la sofisticación de la focalización en democracia, toma forma especialmente en el plano de la gestión social de la infancia. Las políticas de salud, educación y protección especializada, reflejan tanto este modelo de continuidad como las inflexiones neoliberales. Se trata de una reconfiguración del Estado social bajo tensión: el rol fuertemente regulador que acompaña la liberalización de los sectores sociales, está anclado progresivamente en un discurso sobre los derechos sociales que hace eco de los procesos de democratización vividos por el país desde 1990. El objetivo de esta investigación es reflexionar sobre las formas que adopta el Estado social a partir de la restructuración político-económica del país, tanto como trazar esas transformaciones en un marco político-histórico. De esta manera, nos interesamos al análisis sobre las reconfiguraciones de lo social y lo político en el nuevo escenario, a partir del estudio de las políticas de infancia.

This milestone presents a pool of available indicators and indicator systems which go beyond the narrow concepts of national economic accounts as well as a structuring of the indicators and indices according to central areas of well-being. The milestone builds the basis for Task 202.2, where a subset of indicators will be selected based on different theoretical frameworks, e.g. services / functionings, needs. Some of the indicators will be included in the macro-economic models in order to account for key dimensions of sustainability. / Series: WWWforEurope

A partir de duas monografias paralelas que analisam territórios emblemáticos de habitação social na periferia de São Paulo e Paris, propomos nesta tese um entendimento simultâneo da situação da Cité Balzac, um grand ensemble característico dos anos 1960 que atravessou recentemente um profundo processo de \'renovação urbana\', confrontada com a história de um fragmento do maior complexo de conjuntos habitacionais da América Latina, a Cidade Tiradentes, como estratégia para compreender os últimos cinquenta anos da história da habitação social em ambos os países. Projetos recentes de renovação urbana, de novos conjuntos habitacionais e equipamentos públicos de excelência em ambos os territórios confirmam a excepcionalidade dos casos estudados, a partir dos quais buscamos estabelecer similitudes, contrastes, questões comuns e \'olhares cruzados\'. / In this thesis, we propose a simultaneous understanding of the history of two emblematic territories in the outskirts of São Paulo and Paris as a strategy to comprehend the last fifty years of the social housing history in both countries, through the analysis of the transformations of a tipical grand ensemble build in the 1960 that has been recently through a deep renewal process, the Cité Balzac, confronted with the particular case of one fragment of the biggest housing projects complex in Latin America, the Cidade Tiradentes. Recent projects of urban renewal, new collective housing constructions and some special public equipments in both territories reinforce the exceptionality of the chosen cases, starting point for parallels, contrasts, common questions and crossed sights.