To support the transition towards a low-carbon economy, mining companies, international financial institutions and governments are preparing to drastically scale up mineral extraction of energy transition minerals such as cobalt and lithium. Mineral extraction, however, has far-reaching impacts on the biophysical environment and mining-affected communities that may become more severe under a changing climate. In May 2019, the World Bank sought to respond to these challenges with the launch of its climate-smart mining Facility, evoking critique from non-governmental organisations working in solidarity with frontline communities. Drawing on poststructuralist political ecology and discourse analysis, this study examines the conflicting narratives on mining for the energy transition and interrogates the political solutions made conceivable through these narratives. Utilizing documents by proponents and opponents of the climate-smart mining Facility, and semi-structured interviews, the analysis reveals two contrasting discourses on mining for the energy transition, problematising climate change as a problem of rising CO2 emissions, and as a social justice problem rooted in global inequality respectively. These distinct conceptualisations generate three key and overlapping tensions, relating to (i) global versus local priorities, (ii) mitigation and adaptation, and (iii) socio-technical versus socio-political transformations. By highlighting these discursive processes, the results aid our understanding in how mining is made salient in the carbon constrained future, and which actors are likely to benefit and be harmed by the promotion of climate-smart mining.

[pt] O trabalho analisa a fragilidade dos mecanismos de accountability apresentados pelo Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento (NDB) em seu Ordenamento Socioambiental, Environmental and Social Framework (ESF), principalmente no que tange o acesso à informação e a participação da sociedade civil. Essa falta de accountability é um dos potenciais problemas advindos do modelo de sistemas nacionais avançados pelo ESF. A ausência no ESF de um mecanismo robusto que garanta a transparência e o controle socioambiental dos projetos da instituição, unido com a promoção do uso dos sistemas nacionais, pode dificultar a participação de membros da sociedade civil organizada e de comunidades potencialmente afetadas de importantes partes do processo. Após uma análise dos mecanismos de accountability no ESF do Banco Mundial, o trabalho argumenta que ocorreria um race to the bottom dos padrões de proteção socioambientais de ambos Banco Mundial e NDB, devido a uma competição no setor de financiamento para o desenvolvimento. / [en] This paper analyzes the fragility of the accountability mechanisms in the Environmental and Social Framework (ESF) of the New Development Bank (NDB). Two accountability elements were highlighted: access to information and civil society participation.t is argued in the paper that one potential problem derived from the use of the country systems, supported by the ESF, is an absence of oversight. The lack of a robust accountability mechanism, which guarantees transparency and strong environmental and social protection in the NDB s projects, coupled with the use of country systems, may hamper the participation of affected peoples during the entire process. After a comparative analysis of the World Bank s ESF, it is suggested that a development financing competition of sorts might be occurring, leading towards a race to the bottom in the environmental and social protection standards in both the World Bank and the NDB.

Das politische Phänomen ‚fragiler Staaten’ betrifft die Grundfesten des Völkerrechts, und hat dennoch wenig Beachtung in der Rechtswissenschaft gefunden. Staaten, die formal rechtlich anerkannt sind, aber faktisch kaum in der Lage sind, grundlegende staatliche Funktionen auszuüben, beeinträchtigen Funktion und Effektivität der Völkerrechtsordnung. Die Völkerrechtsordnung hängt entscheidend von der Existenz einer effektiven Regierung ab, die zumindest in der Lage ist, Rechte und Pflichten auszuüben und an den internationalen Beziehungen teilzunehmen. In der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit beispielsweise ist die Existenz eines Staates mit rechtlich anerkannter und faktisch handlungsfähiger Regierung eine Grundvoraussetzung für den Transfer finanzieller Ressourcen. Diese Arbeit zeigt mit Blick auf Recht und Praxis der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, dass ‚fragile Staaten’ zwar kein rechtliches Phänomen sind, aber der Umgang von Internationalen Organisationen mit den Herausforderungen fragiler Staatlichkeit durchaus von rechtlicher Relevanz ist. Sie untersucht die formellen und informellen Regeln, die Entwicklungsorganisationen wie die Weltbank für den Umgang mit Staaten mit kaum handlungsfähiger Regierung erlassen haben. Das Resultat ist eine kritische Analyse des sozial konstruierten Phänomens und seiner folgenreichen Übersetzung in rechtliche Regularien. / The political phenomenon of ‘fragile states’ concerns international law’s very foundations, and has yet received little attention from legal scholarship. States that have the legal status of states, but are in fact unable to fulfill even the most basic functions, pose a fundamental problem to the functioning and effectiveness of the international legal order. It crucially depends on the existence of governments with the minimum level of capacity necessary to exercise rights and obligations, and to partake in international cooperation. In development cooperation, for instance, the existence of a state with an authorized and competent government is a basic condition for the transfer of financial assistance. This study looks at the law and practice of development cooperation to show that ‘fragile states’ are a phenomenon beyond law, but how international organizations have addressed the challenges of engaging with fragile states may well be of legal significance. It analyzes the formal and informal rules that development organizations – the World Bank, and a range of regional organizations – have adopted to address the lack or severe limitation of government effectiveness in certain countries. The result is a critical analysis of the discourse on fragile states, and how it has shaped the rule-making activities of international organizations.

This doctoral thesis focuses on the evaluation of the World Bank (WB) performance in delivering development aid to the Least Developed Countries (LDCs). For this purpose, an extensive research was performed to analyze a set of 790 Implementation Completion and Results reports for key economic and financial indicators. Results of this research provide various insights for the appraisal and the results stage of project delivery of the LDCs in different continents. In the final part of the economic and financial analysis the minimum Social Return on Investment (SROI) of the LDCs including all project costs was calculated. This SROI ratio outcome of 1 and 1.06 in the weighted and 1.3 and 1.72 in the unweighted case indicate that projects delivered by the WB have a positive effect on the poor countries. In the second part of this research project the data set of the ICR reports was qualitatively researched for negative ratings according to 3 core assessment categories for the overall project performance: Sustainability, bank performance and borrower performance. As a result the most critical categories respectively risks were outlined. In conclusion, the research analyses and findings support the general demand to provide even more development assistance to poor countries.:Table of Tables and Figures List of Equations List of Abbreviations 1 Introduction 1.1 Introduction to the Topic 1.2 Assessing Poverty Problems and Achieving Economic Growth 1.3 Millennium Development Goals 1.4 Development Aid 2 Research Approach 2.1 Objective 2.2 Structure 2.3 Least Developed Countries 2.4 World Bank 2.5 Data Access and Relevance 2.5.1 Data Basis 2.5.2 Implementation Completion and Results Reports 2.5.3 Project Types 2.6 Term “Performance” 2.7 Study and Research Questions 2.8 Challenges of this Doctoral Thesis 2.9 Contribution of this Thesis 3 Economic and Financial Analysis 3.1 SROI Concept 3.1.1 SROI Definition 3.1.2 SROI Process and Impact Map 3.1.3 Cost-Benefit-Analysis 3.1.4 SROI Calculation 3.2 SROI of World Bank Projects 3.2.1 Purpose of the Cost-Benefit-Analysis 3.2.2 Indicators of the SROI Calculation 3.2.2.1 Net Present Value 3.2.2.2 Capital and Recurring Costs 3.2.2.3 Project Dates and Duration 3.2.2.4 NPV-horizon 3.2.2.5 Discount Rate 3.2.3 Types of NPV-Cost-Ratios 3.2.3.1 Pro-Rata-Capital-Costs Ratio 3.2.3.2 Total-Capital-Costs Ratio 3.2.3.3 Pro-Rata-Capital plus Recurring-Costs Ratio 3.2.3.4 Total-Capital plus Recurring-Costs Ratio 3.2.4 Calculation of the proper SROI Ratio 3.2.5 Portfolio Analysis 3.2.6 Sensitivity Analysis 3.3 Additional Economic and Financial Indicators 3.3.1 Economic Rate of Return 3.3.2 Benefit-Cost-Ratio 3.3.3 Net Benefit 3.3.4 Financial Net Present Value 3.3.5 Financial Rate of Return 4 Results of the Economic and Financial Analysis 4.1 Analysis Approach and Setup 4.2 NPV Outcomes at the Appraisal Stage 4.2.1 Appraisal NPVs of the LDCs 4.2.2 Appraisal NPV Continent Comparison 4.3 NPV Outcomes of the Result Stage 4.3.1 Result NPVs of the LDCs 4.3.2 Result NPV Continent Comparison 4.4 Appraisal vs. Result NPVs 4.4.1 Results of the LDCs 4.4.2 Continent Comparison 4.5 Economic Rate of Return Result Values 4.5.1 Results of the LDCs 4.5.2 Continent Comparison 4.6 Additional Economic and Financial Indicator Result Values 4.6.1 Benefit-Cost-Ratio and Net Benefit 4.6.2 Financial Net Present Value and Financial Rate of Return 4.7 Overall Project Performance 4.7.1 Definition 4.7.2 Overall Project Performance Ratings 4.7.3 Outcome Calculation for Non-Financial Indicator Projects 4.7.4 Verification of Outcomes and Conclusion 4.8 NPV-Cost-Ratios and SROI Calculation 4.8.1 NPV-Cost-Ratios of the ICR Reports 4.8.1.1 Overall Results 4.8.1.2 Continent Comparison 4.8.2 Standardized NPV-Cost-Ratios 4.8.2.1 Overall Results 4.8.2.2 Continent Comparison 4.8.3 Calculating the Minimum SROI Ratio 4.8.3.1 Overall Results of the Capital SROI Ratio 4.8.3.2 Continental Comparison of the Capital SROI Ratio 4.8.3.3 Overall Results of the Minimum SROI Ratio 4.8.3.4 Continental Comparison of the Minimum SROI Ratio 4.8.4 Making Meaning of the Results 4.9 Summary and Conclusion 5 Qualitative Data Analysis 5.1 Content Analysis 5.2 Sustainability 5.2.1 Sustainability Rating Definition 5.2.2 Sustainability Rating Categories 5.3 Bank Performance 5.3.1 Bank Performance Definition 5.3.2 Bank Performance Categories 5.4 Borrower Performance 5.4.1 Borrower Performance Definition 5.4.2 Borrower Performance Categories 6 Results of the Qualitative Data Analysis 6.1 Sustainability 6.1.1 Quantitative Assessment of Sustainability Ratings 6.1.2 Outcome of the Content Analysis 6.1.2.1 Types of Reasons 6.1.2.2 Overall Results 6.1.2.3 Results in Haiti 6.1.2.4 Continent Comparison 6.1.3 Excursus: Positive NPV Projects 6.1.4 Summary and Conclusion 6.2 Bank Performance 6.2.1 Quantitative Assessment of Bank Performance Ratings 6.2.2 Outcome of the Content Analysis 6.2.2.1 Types of Reasons 6.2.2.2 Overall Results 6.2.2.3 Results in Haiti 6.2.2.4 Continent Comparison 6.2.3 Summary and Conclusion 6.3 Borrower Performance 6.3.1 Quantitative Assessment of Borrower Performance Ratings 6.3.2 Outcome of the Content Analysis 6.3.2.1 Types of Reasons 6.3.2.2 Overall Results 6.3.2.3 Results in Haiti 6.3.2.4 Continent Comparison 6.3.3 Summary and Conclusion 7 Overall Summary and Conclusion 8 Critical Acclaim and Recommendations 9 Outlook and Future Research List of Appendices Appendix References

Pourquoi, comment et quand y a-t-il changement institutionnel et politique en Afrique ? En examinant les stratégies de développement économique de l’Afrique postcoloniale et en s’intéressant à l’évolution du rôle de l’État – État comme acteur central du développement, tentative du retrait de l’État, interventionnisme limité au social, retour de l’État dans la sphère économique –, la présente thèse se propose d’expliquer le changement sous l’angle original des innovations politiques et institutionnelles. En effet, derrière l’apparente continuité que la plupart des auteurs tant analytiques que normatifs fustigent, il se produit des innovations dont nous proposons de rendre compte par le biais des variables idéationnelles, stratégiques, temporelles et institutionnelles. Cette thèse propose ainsi une analyse comparative inédite du rôle des acteurs nationaux (élites, États, administrations publiques du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo), des institutions internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale, ONU) et des organisations d’intégration régionale (Union africaine, NEPAD) dans l’émergence et les trajectoires des stratégies de développement en Afrique. Les contextes temporels favorables, les crises des modèles précédents, les configurations et héritages institutionnels structurants, les stratégies instrumentales des acteurs intéressés, l’apprentissage politique, les dimensions cognitives et normatives des idées permettent d’expliquer la diffusion, la sédimentation et la conversion institutionnelles comme processus privilégiés d’innovation en Afrique. La critique de ces concepts permet de développer des outils mieux adaptés pour expliquer certaines innovations, soit l’inclusion et l’intrusion institutionnelles. L’inclusion institutionnelle est un processus mi-stratégique et mi-idéationnel à travers lequel les acteurs nationaux ou régionaux incluent intentionnellement des stratégies (ou solutions) internationales déjà existantes dans une nouvelle institution ou politique dans le but d’accroître la probabilité d’acceptation (reconnaissance, convenance sociale, partage réel ou supposé des mêmes valeurs) ou de succès (pour faire valoir les intérêts) de cette dernière dans un environnement politique structuré. Les idées sont constitutives des intérêts dans ce processus. L’intrusion institutionnelle renvoie à un processus mi-stratégique et mi-structurel par lequel les acteurs nationaux se font relativement imposer de nouvelles institutions ou politiques qu’ils n’acceptent qu’en raison de l’asymétrie de pouvoir, de la contrainte structurelle (structure), ou des gains escomptés (stratégies) des acteurs internationaux, alors que des solutions de rechange pertinentes et non contraignantes sont quasi inexistantes. Ceci n’exclut pas l’existence d’une marge de manœuvre des acteurs nationaux. Inspirés de spécialistes comme Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol et Paul Pierson, ces concepts d’intrusion et d’inclusion institutionnelles que nous proposons réconcilient des approches parfois jugées contradictoires en intégrant les dimensions stratégiques, institutionnelles, historiques et idéationnelles à l’analyse d’un même objet scientifique. Au niveau empirique, la présente thèse permet d’avoir une meilleure compréhension des processus d’émergence des stratégies de développement économique en Afrique, ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance des relations entre les acteurs internationaux, régionaux et nationaux en ce qui concerne l’émergence et le développement des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives au développement. Une attention particulière est accordée à la dynamique entre différents acteurs et variables (idées, intérêts, institution, temps) pour expliquer les principales stratégies des trois dernières décennies : les stratégies nationales de développement du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo, le Plan d’action de Lagos, les programmes d’ajustement structurel, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique, les Documents de stratégie pour la réduction de la pauvreté et certaines interventions du Fonds monétaire international, de Banque mondiale et de l’ONU. En s’intéressant à la question de l’innovation délaissée à tort par la plupart des analyses sérieuses, la présente thèse renouvelle la discussion sur le changement et l’innovation politiques et institutionnels en Afrique et en science politique. / Why, how and when does institutional or political change occur in Africa? By examining the postcolonial African strategies for economic development, and focusing on the evolution of the role of the State—the State as the central actor for development, the attempt to retrench the State, limited interventionism, the return of the State to the economic arena—the present thesis proposes an explanation of institutional change with a special focus on political and institutional innovations. In fact, behind the apparent continuity that most analytical and normative authors critique, there are innovations that the ideational, strategic, temporal and institutional variables allow us to demonstrate in a heuristic manner. This thesis thus proposes a new comparative analysis of the role of African public institutions (elites, States, public administration: Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Benin, Congo, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Togo, Senegal), international institutions (the IMF, the World Bank, the UNO) and regional organizations (the African Union, the NEPAD) in the emergence and the trajectories of development strategies in Africa. The favorable temporal contexts, the crises of the preceding models, the structuring configurations and institutional heritage, the instrumental strategies of the interested actors, the political learning, the cognitive and normative dimensions of the ideas contribute to explaining the diffusion and institutional sedimentation and conversion as privileged processes of innovation in Africa. The critique of these concepts makes it possible to develop tools better adapted to explain institutional inclusion and intrusion. Institutional inclusion is a semi-strategic and semi-ideational process through which national or regional actors intentionally include (international) strategies (or solutions) that already exist in a new institution or policy with the aim of increasing the probability of acceptance (recognition, social suitability, real or perceived common values) or success (to ensure their interests) of their strategy within a structured political environment. The ideas are constitutive of the interests in this process. The institutional intrusion is a semi-strategic and semi-structural process by which national actors are partly forced to adopt new institutions or policies, and agree to do so only because of the asymmetry in power, the structural constraints (structure), or the potential benefits (strategies) of the international actors. In this context, relevant and non-constraining alternatives are quasi inexistent, but national actors still have (limited) room for negotiations. Inspired by specialist like Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol, and Paul Pierson, the concepts of institutional intrusion and inclusion that we propose reconcile many approaches that many scholars considered contradictory. They successfully integrate strategic, structural, temporal and ideational variables to analyze the same scientific object. Empirically speaking, the present thesis explains the emergence of development strategies in Africa, as well as provides a better knowledge of the relationship between the international, regional and national actors in the process of emergence and development of institutions and public policies. A special attention is given to dynamics between numerous actors and variables (ideas, interests, institution, time) to explain the main strategies of the last three decades: national development strategies of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Ivory Coast, Congo, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Togo, the Lagos Plan of Action, the structural adjustment program, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, the New Partnership for Africa Development and some interventions of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations. While being interested in the question of the international, regional and national innovations wrongly forsaken by most of the serious analyses, this dissertation renews the discussion on change, especially political and institutional innovation in Africa, within the international organizations (the IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations) and in Political Science.

La réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés mobilières sont à l’ordre du jour de plusieurs organisations internationales, car il est admis qu’un régime de sûretés efficient favorise l’accès au crédit à de faibles coûts. L’harmonisation de ce droit comporte deux volets. D’une part, dans l’Occident industrialisé, les efforts d’harmonisation vont de la réforme des droits internes à l’établissement de régimes spéciaux relativement à des biens spécifiques (principalement les biens mobiles de grande valeur, tels les aéronefs, le matériel ferroviaire roulant et les satellites, et les biens incorporels, comprenant les créances, valeurs mobilières, actifs financiers et titres intermédiés). Ces efforts d’harmonisation démontrent que d’un point de vue systémique, malgré quelques différences notables, les régimes nord-américains et européens sont fondés sur des principes similaires et atteignent des résultats comparables. En résulte l’émergence d’un ordre juridique transnational en droit des sûretés mobilières, fondé sur les principes de la primauté de l’individu et la reconnaissance du droit de propriété de l’individu dans ses biens, mis en œuvre grâce à l’État de droit. D’autre part, les institutions financières internationales encouragent l’établissement de régimes de sûretés dans les pays en voie de développement qui obéissent aux mêmes critères que ceux de l’Occident, en insistant sur les réformes institutionnelles et juridiques visant l’établissement d’une bonne gouvernance et l’État de droit. Cependant, une transposition des régimes occidentaux ne peut se faire sans heurts dans les pays en voie de développement, notamment pour des raisons socio-culturelles et politiques. Lorsque les principes de la primauté de l’individu, de la propriété individuelle et de l’État de droit ne sont pas reconnus dans un pays donné, la réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés s’en trouvent compromis. La démonstration de l’état d’avancement de la réforme et de l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés est faite grâce à une comparaison du Uniform Commercial Code, du Code civil du Québec, des Personal Property Security Acts des provinces canadiennes de common law, des principes des droits français et anglais, de l’influence du droit communautaire sur les pays membres de l’Union Européenne. Sont analysés, aussi, dans cette optique, les principaux instruments de l’harmonisation du droit émanant des organisations internationales. Par ailleurs, deux études de cas relatifs à la réforme du crédit foncier en Égypte et à la réforme de l’urbanisme et de l’habitat en République démocratique du Congo, viennent étayer les difficultés que rencontrent les institutions internationales, telles la Banque mondiale et l’ACDI, dans le cadre de projets de réformes visant la bonne gouvernance et l’instauration d’un véritable État de droit, en partie à cause d’un pluralisme des ordres juridiques de ces pays. / The reform and harmonization of secured transactions on movable (or personal) property is fostered by international organizations, on the assumption that an efficient regime of secured transactions will give access to affordable credit to a large number of persons and corporations. Such reform and harmonization process can be explained according to its two main features. Firstly, in Western and developped countries, the focus is on endeavours to harmonize the various regimes internally and to establish special regimes with respect to specific assets (for instance, high value mobile equipment, such as aircrafts, rolling stock or satellites, on the one hand, or incorporeal property, including securities, financial assets or security entitlements, on the other hand). Even though some differences remains from a systemic point of view, north american and european regimes are based on similar principles and achieve comparable results. It is therefore possible to see the emergence of a transnational legal order in the law of secured transactions, based on individuals and the enforcement of their rights of ownership, ascertained by the Rule of Law principle. Secondly, international financial institutions are encouraging the implementation of secured transactions regimes in developing countries along the same criteria as those used in Western developed countries, in the context of institutional and legal reforms under governance and rule of law projects. However, Western regimes must be adapted and customized before they are transplanted into a developing country. Indeed, for socio-cultural and political reasons, it is not possible to establish the same kind of regime therein. When individual rights and freedoms, including the right of ownership and the Rule of Law, are not recognized, the reform and harmonization of secured transactions is not likely to happen. The status of advancement of the reform and harmonization of secured transactions in the developed world is illustrated by a comparison between the Uniform Commercial Code, the Civil Code of Québec, the Personal Property Security Acts of canadian common law provinces, the applicable principles under both French and English Law, and the influence of European Law on its member states. An analysis of the main harmonization instruments proposed by international organizations is also conducted. Finally, the pitfalls of governance and rule of law reform projects are well described by two case studies. The first one deals with real estate and mortgage law reforms in Egypt, with a goal to encourage affordable access to housing; the second one is about urban planing and housing reforms in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The existence of a multiplicity of legal orders in these countries explains the difficulties encountered in such reform processes.

Between 2000 and 2015 the Millennium Development Goals were the focus of much global attention and activity. They were selected in light of astounding poverty, with over 1 billion people at the time living on less than $1 per day. In a sense the MDGs were morally undeniable. The focus of this study is MDG2, universal primary education. It sets out to establish how and why MDG2 came to be selected. Whilst its selection seems obvious, for years developing countries complained about the short-sightedness of prioritising primary over secondary and tertiary education (Klees 2008). A task force commissioned by the World Bank and UNESCO at the time showed that the Bank’s rate of return analysis on primary education was flawed. It argued that developing countries need highly educated people to be economic and social entrepreneurs, develop good governance, strong institutions and infrastructure. In this way MDG2’s selection is problematic. Using case study method, first the literature is examined. Three hypotheses are generated: one based on a rational synoptic theory, one on critical theory and one on world society theory. A range of data are used to establish findings and test hypotheses. The study then considers implications of the findings for theory and the policy process. The findings show that priorities promoting more equal opportunities, such as MDG2, were gradually preferred. Whereas priorities promoting more equal outcomes, such as elimination of trade barriers, were gradually excluded. The study finds no evidence that the General Assembly ever voted on the list of 8 MDGs. Rather, the MDGs were selected by elite policy actors, addressing multiple interests. The study considers the assertion that marginalization of the poor does not happen because people harbor ill will toward them, rather because “The poor have no friends among the global elite” (Pogge 2011, p. 62).

Pourquoi, comment et quand y a-t-il changement institutionnel et politique en Afrique ? En examinant les stratégies de développement économique de l’Afrique postcoloniale et en s’intéressant à l’évolution du rôle de l’État – État comme acteur central du développement, tentative du retrait de l’État, interventionnisme limité au social, retour de l’État dans la sphère économique –, la présente thèse se propose d’expliquer le changement sous l’angle original des innovations politiques et institutionnelles. En effet, derrière l’apparente continuité que la plupart des auteurs tant analytiques que normatifs fustigent, il se produit des innovations dont nous proposons de rendre compte par le biais des variables idéationnelles, stratégiques, temporelles et institutionnelles. Cette thèse propose ainsi une analyse comparative inédite du rôle des acteurs nationaux (élites, États, administrations publiques du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo), des institutions internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale, ONU) et des organisations d’intégration régionale (Union africaine, NEPAD) dans l’émergence et les trajectoires des stratégies de développement en Afrique. Les contextes temporels favorables, les crises des modèles précédents, les configurations et héritages institutionnels structurants, les stratégies instrumentales des acteurs intéressés, l’apprentissage politique, les dimensions cognitives et normatives des idées permettent d’expliquer la diffusion, la sédimentation et la conversion institutionnelles comme processus privilégiés d’innovation en Afrique. La critique de ces concepts permet de développer des outils mieux adaptés pour expliquer certaines innovations, soit l’inclusion et l’intrusion institutionnelles. L’inclusion institutionnelle est un processus mi-stratégique et mi-idéationnel à travers lequel les acteurs nationaux ou régionaux incluent intentionnellement des stratégies (ou solutions) internationales déjà existantes dans une nouvelle institution ou politique dans le but d’accroître la probabilité d’acceptation (reconnaissance, convenance sociale, partage réel ou supposé des mêmes valeurs) ou de succès (pour faire valoir les intérêts) de cette dernière dans un environnement politique structuré. Les idées sont constitutives des intérêts dans ce processus. L’intrusion institutionnelle renvoie à un processus mi-stratégique et mi-structurel par lequel les acteurs nationaux se font relativement imposer de nouvelles institutions ou politiques qu’ils n’acceptent qu’en raison de l’asymétrie de pouvoir, de la contrainte structurelle (structure), ou des gains escomptés (stratégies) des acteurs internationaux, alors que des solutions de rechange pertinentes et non contraignantes sont quasi inexistantes. Ceci n’exclut pas l’existence d’une marge de manœuvre des acteurs nationaux. Inspirés de spécialistes comme Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol et Paul Pierson, ces concepts d’intrusion et d’inclusion institutionnelles que nous proposons réconcilient des approches parfois jugées contradictoires en intégrant les dimensions stratégiques, institutionnelles, historiques et idéationnelles à l’analyse d’un même objet scientifique. Au niveau empirique, la présente thèse permet d’avoir une meilleure compréhension des processus d’émergence des stratégies de développement économique en Afrique, ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance des relations entre les acteurs internationaux, régionaux et nationaux en ce qui concerne l’émergence et le développement des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives au développement. Une attention particulière est accordée à la dynamique entre différents acteurs et variables (idées, intérêts, institution, temps) pour expliquer les principales stratégies des trois dernières décennies : les stratégies nationales de développement du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo, le Plan d’action de Lagos, les programmes d’ajustement structurel, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique, les Documents de stratégie pour la réduction de la pauvreté et certaines interventions du Fonds monétaire international, de Banque mondiale et de l’ONU. En s’intéressant à la question de l’innovation délaissée à tort par la plupart des analyses sérieuses, la présente thèse renouvelle la discussion sur le changement et l’innovation politiques et institutionnels en Afrique et en science politique. / Why, how and when does institutional or political change occur in Africa? By examining the postcolonial African strategies for economic development, and focusing on the evolution of the role of the State—the State as the central actor for development, the attempt to retrench the State, limited interventionism, the return of the State to the economic arena—the present thesis proposes an explanation of institutional change with a special focus on political and institutional innovations. In fact, behind the apparent continuity that most analytical and normative authors critique, there are innovations that the ideational, strategic, temporal and institutional variables allow us to demonstrate in a heuristic manner. This thesis thus proposes a new comparative analysis of the role of African public institutions (elites, States, public administration: Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Benin, Congo, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Togo, Senegal), international institutions (the IMF, the World Bank, the UNO) and regional organizations (the African Union, the NEPAD) in the emergence and the trajectories of development strategies in Africa. The favorable temporal contexts, the crises of the preceding models, the structuring configurations and institutional heritage, the instrumental strategies of the interested actors, the political learning, the cognitive and normative dimensions of the ideas contribute to explaining the diffusion and institutional sedimentation and conversion as privileged processes of innovation in Africa. The critique of these concepts makes it possible to develop tools better adapted to explain institutional inclusion and intrusion. Institutional inclusion is a semi-strategic and semi-ideational process through which national or regional actors intentionally include (international) strategies (or solutions) that already exist in a new institution or policy with the aim of increasing the probability of acceptance (recognition, social suitability, real or perceived common values) or success (to ensure their interests) of their strategy within a structured political environment. The ideas are constitutive of the interests in this process. The institutional intrusion is a semi-strategic and semi-structural process by which national actors are partly forced to adopt new institutions or policies, and agree to do so only because of the asymmetry in power, the structural constraints (structure), or the potential benefits (strategies) of the international actors. In this context, relevant and non-constraining alternatives are quasi inexistent, but national actors still have (limited) room for negotiations. Inspired by specialist like Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol, and Paul Pierson, the concepts of institutional intrusion and inclusion that we propose reconcile many approaches that many scholars considered contradictory. They successfully integrate strategic, structural, temporal and ideational variables to analyze the same scientific object. Empirically speaking, the present thesis explains the emergence of development strategies in Africa, as well as provides a better knowledge of the relationship between the international, regional and national actors in the process of emergence and development of institutions and public policies. A special attention is given to dynamics between numerous actors and variables (ideas, interests, institution, time) to explain the main strategies of the last three decades: national development strategies of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Ivory Coast, Congo, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Togo, the Lagos Plan of Action, the structural adjustment program, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, the New Partnership for Africa Development and some interventions of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations. While being interested in the question of the international, regional and national innovations wrongly forsaken by most of the serious analyses, this dissertation renews the discussion on change, especially political and institutional innovation in Africa, within the international organizations (the IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations) and in Political Science.

La réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés mobilières sont à l’ordre du jour de plusieurs organisations internationales, car il est admis qu’un régime de sûretés efficient favorise l’accès au crédit à de faibles coûts. L’harmonisation de ce droit comporte deux volets. D’une part, dans l’Occident industrialisé, les efforts d’harmonisation vont de la réforme des droits internes à l’établissement de régimes spéciaux relativement à des biens spécifiques (principalement les biens mobiles de grande valeur, tels les aéronefs, le matériel ferroviaire roulant et les satellites, et les biens incorporels, comprenant les créances, valeurs mobilières, actifs financiers et titres intermédiés). Ces efforts d’harmonisation démontrent que d’un point de vue systémique, malgré quelques différences notables, les régimes nord-américains et européens sont fondés sur des principes similaires et atteignent des résultats comparables. En résulte l’émergence d’un ordre juridique transnational en droit des sûretés mobilières, fondé sur les principes de la primauté de l’individu et la reconnaissance du droit de propriété de l’individu dans ses biens, mis en œuvre grâce à l’État de droit. D’autre part, les institutions financières internationales encouragent l’établissement de régimes de sûretés dans les pays en voie de développement qui obéissent aux mêmes critères que ceux de l’Occident, en insistant sur les réformes institutionnelles et juridiques visant l’établissement d’une bonne gouvernance et l’État de droit. Cependant, une transposition des régimes occidentaux ne peut se faire sans heurts dans les pays en voie de développement, notamment pour des raisons socio-culturelles et politiques. Lorsque les principes de la primauté de l’individu, de la propriété individuelle et de l’État de droit ne sont pas reconnus dans un pays donné, la réforme et l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés s’en trouvent compromis. La démonstration de l’état d’avancement de la réforme et de l’harmonisation du droit des sûretés dans les pays occidentaux industrialisés est faite grâce à une comparaison du Uniform Commercial Code, du Code civil du Québec, des Personal Property Security Acts des provinces canadiennes de common law, des principes des droits français et anglais, de l’influence du droit communautaire sur les pays membres de l’Union Européenne. Sont analysés, aussi, dans cette optique, les principaux instruments de l’harmonisation du droit émanant des organisations internationales. Par ailleurs, deux études de cas relatifs à la réforme du crédit foncier en Égypte et à la réforme de l’urbanisme et de l’habitat en République démocratique du Congo, viennent étayer les difficultés que rencontrent les institutions internationales, telles la Banque mondiale et l’ACDI, dans le cadre de projets de réformes visant la bonne gouvernance et l’instauration d’un véritable État de droit, en partie à cause d’un pluralisme des ordres juridiques de ces pays. / The reform and harmonization of secured transactions on movable (or personal) property is fostered by international organizations, on the assumption that an efficient regime of secured transactions will give access to affordable credit to a large number of persons and corporations. Such reform and harmonization process can be explained according to its two main features. Firstly, in Western and developped countries, the focus is on endeavours to harmonize the various regimes internally and to establish special regimes with respect to specific assets (for instance, high value mobile equipment, such as aircrafts, rolling stock or satellites, on the one hand, or incorporeal property, including securities, financial assets or security entitlements, on the other hand). Even though some differences remains from a systemic point of view, north american and european regimes are based on similar principles and achieve comparable results. It is therefore possible to see the emergence of a transnational legal order in the law of secured transactions, based on individuals and the enforcement of their rights of ownership, ascertained by the Rule of Law principle. Secondly, international financial institutions are encouraging the implementation of secured transactions regimes in developing countries along the same criteria as those used in Western developed countries, in the context of institutional and legal reforms under governance and rule of law projects. However, Western regimes must be adapted and customized before they are transplanted into a developing country. Indeed, for socio-cultural and political reasons, it is not possible to establish the same kind of regime therein. When individual rights and freedoms, including the right of ownership and the Rule of Law, are not recognized, the reform and harmonization of secured transactions is not likely to happen. The status of advancement of the reform and harmonization of secured transactions in the developed world is illustrated by a comparison between the Uniform Commercial Code, the Civil Code of Québec, the Personal Property Security Acts of canadian common law provinces, the applicable principles under both French and English Law, and the influence of European Law on its member states. An analysis of the main harmonization instruments proposed by international organizations is also conducted. Finally, the pitfalls of governance and rule of law reform projects are well described by two case studies. The first one deals with real estate and mortgage law reforms in Egypt, with a goal to encourage affordable access to housing; the second one is about urban planing and housing reforms in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The existence of a multiplicity of legal orders in these countries explains the difficulties encountered in such reform processes.

This study explores models for the reform of higher education in Egypt, and warns of potential consequences arising from the adoption of models based exclusively on the requirements of the knowledge economy and which fail to take account of the public role of national universities, socio-cultural realities and local as well as global pressures. The overall aim of the research is to identify the prerequisites for higher education reform in Egypt and the characteristics of a tailor-made reform model. It explores the role of higher education in Egypt, within the context of international organisations’ reform models for less-developed countries, and identifies the remits of the knowledge economy and knowledge society as frameworks for reforming higher education. This research has sought to answer questions on current conceptions of the role of higher education in Egypt and how these are being challenged by stakeholders. An exploratory study was designed using mixed methods. The research aim and objectives are achieved through a five-stage research process. The findings showed a general discontent among students and academics with higher education, and a near unanimity on the need for reform, particularly in the areas of teaching methods, curricula and university staff. The findings demonstrated that cultural issues deeply rooted in Egyptian society are preventing reform from being effective. The reform of higher education in Egypt should not only be part of an economic development vision, but a wider strategic vision for societal and cultural reform too. Reforming higher education in Egypt is a challenge, which will require consistent methodological rigour and a transformation of the current corrupted education culture prior to implementing the proposed OECD recommendations, or at the very least concurrent with any implementation.