Ce travail étudie les changements dans les politiques d’exportation d’armement de la France et de la Suède depuis la fin de la guerre froide. Il cherche à expliquer pourquoi on assiste d’abord à un phénomène de convergence entre les deux Etats (1990-2005) puis à un phénomène de divergence (2005-2015). La thèse montre que les explications du changement ne viennent pas uniquement de facteurs internationaux (transformations économiques, diplomatiques) ou internes (évolutions de l’industrie de défense, scandales, alternances politiques), mais des rapports de force entre coalitions « pro-soutien » et « pro-contrôle » des ventes d’armes. L’intervention et l’enchaînement de mécanismes causaux faisant appel au travail politique d’acteurs du sous-système de politique publique sont nécessaires pour relier les facteurs de changement internationaux et domestiques aux réformes observées dans les politiques d’exportation d’armements. / This thesis studies the changes in French and Swedish arms export policies since the end of the Cold War. It seeks to explain why we first observe a converging trend between the two states (1990-2005) and then a diverging trend (2005-2015). The thesis shows that the explanations for policy change do not stem only from international (economic and diplomatic transformations) or domestic factors (defence industry evolutions, arms trade scandals, government political shifts), but from the power struggles between “pro-support” and “pro-control” arms export coalitions. The intervention and succession of causal mechanism requiring actors’ political work is necessary to link the international and domestic factors of change to the observed reforms in arms export policies.

The thesis deals with the development of commercial health insurance for foreigners living in the Czech Republic between 2014-2016. The study describes the process of the creation of commercial health insurance policy for foreigners in the defined period and conducts an analysis of the involved actors. The thesis is based on the theory of multilevel governance, the theory of advocacy coalition framework, and institutional theory. The methods of critical discourse analysis and institutional analysis were used in the research.

Community forestry has become a prominent policy instrument over the past decades as a response to deforestation pressures and rural poverty. Its political implementation involves a complex process with a profound structural change - away from state-based forestry to locally based decision-making authority. The research analyzes the internal development among policy actors in order to understand how community forestry can emerge in a regional policy system. It explores three different case studies with distinct policy processes towards community forestry: an international development project (Ecuador: Esmeraldas), a grassroot environmental movement (Canada: British Columbia), and an institutional restructuring process (Mexico: Quintana Roo). The theoretical approach is based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF views policy change as a result of competing advocacy coalitions which act according to their policy beliefs. Policy change can be affected by internal changes (policy learning and changes of beliefs) or by external perturbations which affect the power constellation between the coalitions. Each policy process is analyzed over more than a decade, based on empirical data from semi-structured interviews with key actors and complemented by literature. The major actors and coalitions are identified, as well as their learning and changes of beliefs over time to understand their influence on the policy process. In summary, the research found that policy learning has a high importance for the internal development of community forestry policy, while often hidden behind the strong presence of an external perturbation. Although not as a singular force, policy learning has been shown to have a very potent role in enhancing, or sustaining, policy changes. Policy learning can have a stabilizing effect against adverse events, once the implementation process has started (Mexico). Policy learning can even generate the major momentum of change that unfolds when released by an external catalyst event (Canada). It can also, however, have a very limited influence, if not form an internal challenge to the implementation (Ecuador). It has been found that a change of policy beliefs is not a requirement for policy change in the early stages of community forestry, and cannot be indicated by visible changes in the policy network or local forestry arrangements. These might concern other adjustments of the actors to the changes, which do not reflect their substantial policy beliefs. The changes of policy beliefs in the three case studies show some similar patterns in the way the Community Forestry Coalition developed their policy goals over time, as well as in the way the State Forestry Coalition adjusted strategically to the new impact of the CFC on the network. The research discusses three distinct strategic approaches of the coalitions and their varying success.

En Israël et aux États-Unis, les politiques de défense matérialisant des limites territoriales au moyen de« barrières » ont pour point commun de susciter des mobilisations infra-étatiques (en Israël à partir de2001 pour une « barrière de sécurité » en Cisjordanie ; en Arizona à partir de 2010 pour une « barrièrefrontalière » avec le Mexique). Les opérations homologues de cadrage pro-barrière des situations demobilités et de présence de Palestiniens et de Mexicains que ces mobilisations remplissent, contribuentà entretenir le consensus sur le rôle du militaire dans la construction et le traitement d’un « problèmepublic » de la mobilité. Le territoire marqué par la barrière devient alors le lieu d’une performancepublique destinée à rassurer les citoyens israéliens et états-uniens. Par une analyse des représentations,des modes d’actions et des pratiques de sécurité pro-barrière, nous examinons les spécificitésnationales et géopolitiques de ces deux fabriques de barrière. Au-delà de ces spécificités, ladémonstration compare trois opérations homologues remplies par ces mobilisations dans leurssystèmes politiques : la problématisation des situations de mobilité et de présence d’étrangersindésirables ; la « sécuritisation » en une réponse militaire à apporter à ces situations ; et lapublicisation du cadrage pro-barrière par l’action collective et protestataire contre les gouvernements. / Beyond controlling mobility of undesirables, the function of the building up of “fences” on territorialboundaries is also to reassure fenced-in citizens. By analyzing the cases of Israel and the USA, thepresent dissertation investigates how the fenced territory becomes the place of a public performanceaimed to reassure Israeli and US citizens. The starting point of the demonstration is that such defensepolicies nourish social mobilizations (in Israel from 2001 in favor of a “security fence” in the WestBank; in Arizona from 2010 in favor of a “border fence” with Mexico). I rely on analyses ofrepresentations, actions and security practices of such mobilizations to investigate national andgeopolitical specificities. Beyond these specificities, I compare three analogous political operations bypro-fence movements in their political systems. First, they construct situations of mobility andpresence of undesirables as problematic. Second, they securitize these situations as a security issuescalling for a military response. Finally, they diffuse pro-fence framing by collective and dissentingactions against governments. Thus, they contribute to maintain a consensus over the role of themilitary in the construction and the management of a “public problem” of mobility in these twosocieties.

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T14:54:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100758.pdf: 683031 bytes, checksum: eecbb342be91466ca07fdf11a5647447 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia(suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T15:13:03Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100758.pdf: 683031 bytes, checksum: eecbb342be91466ca07fdf11a5647447 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Gisele Isaura Hannickel(gisele.hannickel@fgv.br) on 2011-05-26T15:33:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100758.pdf: 683031 bytes, checksum: eecbb342be91466ca07fdf11a5647447 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-05-26T17:17:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 72070100758.pdf: 683031 bytes, checksum: eecbb342be91466ca07fdf11a5647447 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-25 / This research intends to explain the emergence and development of family farming public policy in Brazil since the early 1990’s. In this period two advocacy coalitions emerged – in defense of family farming and in defense of corporate agriculture – with opposing beliefs on the model of agriculture the country should adopt. Throughout this process the fundamental actors in each coalition rebuilt their own political identities: traditional rural landowners’ framework from the 1980’s is modernized as agribusiness; rural workers are now also family farmers. The development of family farming public policies is treated as a path dependent process. The period in which Pronaf (National Program for Strengthening of Family Farming) was created is characterized as a critical juncture signaling the beginning of a new path of public policy in Brazil. The existence of two advocacy coalitions was one of the most relevant forces at that juncture, but only the convergence of several factors, among them social pressure from family farmers, the challenging of the traditional ideas about the rural world up to then dominant in Brazilian thought and socioeconomic and political factors made possible the creation of these new policies. Once adopted, family farming policies have their institutional development constrained by the initial choices, and create a new environment for actors intervention. Family farming policies began to produce effects on players in a process of policy feedback that was crucial to the expansion and institutional consolidation of these policies. The first effect was to intensify the dispute between the two advocacy coalitions over the public policies for the rural areas. The second policy effect was the strengthening of family farmers’ organizations. Policies have also contributed to increasing the participation of family farmers in the formal political system; they have produced political impacts on beneficiaries and on politicians and voters, forging legitimacy for that social category. Finally, family agriculture policies have produced changes in state capacity and organization, with the creation of a new Ministry (MDA) and increasing the volume and scope of policies for family farming, including other areas of federal government as well as in municipal and state level governments. / Este trabalho busca explicar a emergência e o desenvolvimento do apoio à agricultura familiar no Brasil a partir do início dos anos 1990. Nesse período se construíram duas coalizões de interesses, de defesa da agricultura familiar e de defesa da agricultura patronal, com concepções opostas sobre o modelo de agricultura que o país deveria adotar. Ao longo desse processo os atores fundamentais que compõem essas coalizões reconstruíram suas próprias identidades políticas: o ruralismo típico dos anos 1980 se apresenta modernizado como agronegócio; os trabalhadores rurais agora são também agricultores familiares. O desenvolvimento das políticas públicas de apoio à agricultura familiar é tratado como processo path dependent. Caracterizamos o momento de criação do Pronaf, em 1995, como uma conjuntura crítica que marca o início de uma nova trajetória de políticas públicas no Brasil. A existência das duas coalizões de interesses foi uma das forças relevantes nesse momento, mas somente a convergência de vários fatores, entre eles a pressão social dos agricultores, o questionamento das ideias até então dominantes no pensamento brasileiro sobre o mundo rural e fatores socioeconômicos e políticos, possibilitou a criação dessas novas políticas. Uma vez adotadas, as políticas para a agricultura familiar têm seu desenvolvimento institucional fortemente condicionado pelas escolhas iniciais, que criam um novo ambiente para a intervenção dos atores. As políticas para a agricultura familiar passaram a produzir efeitos sobre os atores, em um processo de policy feedback que foi determinante para a ampliação e consolidação institucional dessas políticas. O primeiro efeito foi o acirramento da disputa entre as coalizões nas políticas públicas para o mundo rural. O segundo efeito foi o fortalecimento das organizações de agricultores familiares. As políticas também contribuíram para aumentar a participação dos agricultores familiares no sistema político formal, produziram impactos políticos sobre os beneficiários e sobre os partidos políticos e eleitores, criando legitimidade para esta categoria social. Finalmente, as políticas de apoio à agricultura familiar produziram mudanças na organização administrativa do Estado, com a criação do MDA e a ampliação do volume e escopo das políticas para agricultura familiar, inclusive em outros setores do próprio governo federal e em governos estaduais e municipais.