本研究旨在探討消息來源與媒介的互動過程如何創造出媒介議題。研究問 題包括：ぇ哪些消息來源有較多的機會來界定議題？針對這個問題，本研 究從消息來源的背景和媒體策略兩個因素來探討。え媒介立場與消息來源 建構議題的關係為何？本研究議題為「核四建廠爭議」。研究方法採內容 分析法，將核四議題週期分為四個階段，從民國69年4 月24日起，至81 年12月31日止，以中央日報、中國時報及自立晚報三家報紙的相關報導為 抽樣對像，共計抽出163 個樣本。研究結果發現以下現象：ぇ解嚴前，界 定者和第三者的近用媒介機率大於抗爭者；同時在受到媒介處理顯著性上 ，界定者和第三者亦大於抗爭者。但隨年代的轉移，不同背景的消息來源 近用媒介的機率上差異漸小；同時受到媒介處理的顯著性也漸不顯著。え 媒體策略愈具體的消息來源不一定愈易近用媒介。ぉ媒介對核四議題的處 理，會因媒介立場不同而強調不同的議題面向。お媒介對核四議題的處理 ，會因媒介立場不同而有不同的處理態度。か消息來源對議題所宣稱面向 與媒介著重之面向愈接近者，其近用機會愈大。が消息來源對議題所宣稱 態度與媒介處理態度愈接近，其近用機會愈大。

<div> <p>Work stoppages have had a recent upsurge in the American educational sector. Since 2018, teachers across the country have participated in record-breaking labor strikes using innovative communication technologies to skirt more traditional, offline organizing spaces in order to keep their organizing communication private and/or secret. This dissertation presents two studies that address the organizing communication done behind virtual closed doors as well as the public-facing strike communication intentionally meant for relevant stakeholders. In addition to this distinction between intended audiences, I also consider how differing legal contexts may influence the communication possibilities for teachers participating in a strike. Specifically, right-to-work (RTW) laws serve as a legal backdrop in both studies to examine how state-level policy helps or hinders workers organizing in the public sector by comparing one strike in a RTW state to another strike in a state without RTW laws.</p> <p> </p> <p>The internal organizing communication was done in private Facebook groups for both teachers groups. I used the two spectra from the Collective Action Space theoretical framework (Flanagin et al., 2006) to plot the internal organizing communication according to the posts and comments in each Facebook group. The RTW teachers’ internal organizing communication is near the personal and institutional ends of the mode of interaction and mode of engagement spectra, respectively. This placement indicates that the RTW teachers valued and utilized deliberative engagement in their channels of communication while also exhibiting communication patterns more indicative of top-down, hierarchical power structures. The unionized teachers’ internal organizing communication is closer to the impersonal and entrepreneurial ends of the mode of interaction and mode of engagement spectra, respectively. This combination of placements on the two spectra indicate that the unionized teachers valued equitable channels of communication while devaluing conversation and back-and-forth deliberation.</p> <p> </p> <p>The external organizing communication was observed and analyzed on Twitter. Building largely on network agenda-building theory (Guo & McCombs, 2011a, 2011b; Guo, 2012), I employed semantic saturation as a class of semantic network analyses to compare and contrast the public communication about each strike from each legal context. These techniques involve capturing the language structure used by various group to discuss the strike and analyzing and comparing how much of one group’s messaging ends up in another group’s messaging (Wiemer & Scacco, 2018; Wiemer et al., 2021). In general, the teachers in the RTW legal context were more effective at getting their messaging into the local press’s reporting about the strike. The teachers in both contexts also appeared to be communicating toward different audiences when specifically talking about one of their strike demands and that difference was also reflected in the local press’s reporting on each strike.</p> <p> </p> <p>Overall, this dissertation extends collective action and media effects theories by analyzing two strike events in two very different legal contexts that both used the same communication technology to organize their respective strikes. The findings presented here have important implications for organizing communication, interest group politics, and the role of local news media in labor actions.</p></div>

This graduation thesis: Influence of press agency ČTK on the economical columns of Czech dailies Právo, Hospodářské noviny and MF Dnes deals with press agency ČTK news influence on the national dailies. The first two months of the year 2006 of three dailies Právo, Hospodářské noviny and Mladá fronta Dnes were being observed. The author features basic excursus into particular stages of research, basic theses and agenda setting principles as a theoretical base. The final part of the work deals with news selection into news service and affinity between resources and editorial staffs. The result of the research, which used content analysis as the researching method, describes the way how editors work with services of press agencies. In which form ČTK news appear in newspapers and how much space they are given there by editors and to which degree they mention authorship while taking news from agencies.

En un context de "democràcia hipermediàtica", en una societat que creix en clau audiovisual de la mà d'uns mitjans de comunicació que alhora evolucionen a gran velocitat de la mà de les noves tecnologies de la comunicació, la política no esdevé un ens aliè a aquesta realitat. La política, avui més que ahir, es converteix en un procés comunicacional on per exemple els líders polítics ja no poden deixar de ser alhora líders mediàtics si volen triomfar-hi. Però dirigents a banda, l'exercici de la política sotmet el seu llenguatge i el seu tempo als d'uns mitjans de comunicació que així s'hi imposen. La construcció de les agendes pública, política i mediàtica consisteix en una constant interacció i en una contínua disputa on uns i altres miren de fixar-hi els seus continguts i el seu ritme. Però així com l'ascendent dels mèdia sobre l'agenda ciutadana queda evidenciat a través de múltiples estudis emmarcats en l'àmbit de l'agenda-setting, la influència dels mitjans de comunicació en la construcció de l'agenda política és un àmbit menys estudiat des d'un punt de vista acadèmic. En aquest sentit, partint de la teoria de l'agenda-setting i del seu estadi evolucionat de l'agenda-building ens hem proposat demostrar com els mèdia tenen una influència sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Així és com el màrqueting polític esdevé una peça clau d'aquesta dinàmica, ja que quan les campanyes polítiques duren els quatre anys de legislatura, quan els polítics i la seva activitat es veuen constantment exposats a l'escrutini d'uns mitjans de comunicació que els fan estar de campanya permanent, llavors s'imposen en les rutines polítiques la simplificació del llenguatge, la personalització i la tàctica per damunt de l'estratègia. I tot això té conseqüències que condicionen d'arrel l'exercici de la política. Això té conseqüències sobre aspectes bàsics que regeixen la vida de les persones. I aquest va ser el cas de l'Estatut de Catalunya aprovat l'any 2006. Un text legislatiu que va ser fortament mediatitzat i que arrel de l'exposició pública de tot el seu procés de conformació, a través d'un enquadrament majoritàriament negatiu, va veure fortament condicionat a la baixa el seu resultat final. / En un contexto de "democracia hipermediática", en una sociedad que crece en clave audiovisual de la mano de unos medios de comunicación que a la vez evolucionan a gran velocidad de la mano de las nuevas tecnologías de la comunicación, la política no es ajena a esta realidad. La política, hoy más que ayer, se convierte en un proceso comunicacional donde por ejemplo los líderes políticos ya no pueden dejar de ser a la vez líderes mediáticos si quieren triunfar. Pero dirigentes aparte, el ejercicio de la política somete su lenguaje y su tempo a los de unos medios de comunicación que así se imponen. La construcción de las agendas pública, política y mediática consiste en una constante interacción y en una continua disputa donde unos y otros miran de fijar sus contenidos y su ritmo. Pero así como el ascendente de los media sobre la agenda ciudadana queda evidenciado a través de múltiples estudios enmarcados en el ámbito de la agenda-setting, la influencia de los medios de comunicación en la construcción de la agenda política es un ámbito menos estudiado desde un punto de vista académico. En este sentido, partiendo de la teoría de la agenda-setting y de su estadio evolucionado de la agenda-building nos hemos propuesto demostrar cómo los media tienen una influencia sobre la política, de base, superior que a la inversa. Así es como el marketing político se revela como una pieza clave de esta dinámica, ya que cuando las campañas políticas duran los cuatro años de legislatura, cuando los políticos y su actividad se ven constantemente expuestos al escrutinio de unos medios de comunicación que los hacen estar de campaña permanente, entonces se imponen en las rutinas políticas la simplificación del lenguaje, la personalización y la táctica por encima de la estrategia. Y todo ello tiene consecuencias que condicionan de raíz el ejercicio de la política. Eso tiene consecuencias sobre aspectos básicos que rigen la vida de las personas. Y éste fue el caso del Estatut de Cataluña aprobado el año 2006. Un texto legislativo que fue fuertemente mediatizado y que a raíz de la exposición pública de todo su proceso de conformación, a través de un encuadre mayoritariamente negativo, vio fuertemente condicionado a la baja su resultado final. / In a context of "hypermediatic democracy", in a society that grows in an audio-visual sense by mass media that at the same time evolve quickly by the new technologies of the communication, politics is being strongly influenced by the media. Politics, today more than yesterday, becomes a communicational process where for example the political leaders no longer can simultaneously stop being media-leaders if they want to prevail. The mass media language and tempo prevail on politics. The public agenda-building, the policy agenda-building and the media agenda-building consists of a continuous interaction and fighting to set contents and rhythm. But as well as the influence of the mass media in the public agenda is demonstrated through multiple studies framed in the scope of the agenda-setting, the influence of mass media in the policy agenda-building is a less studied scope from an academic point of view. In this way, starting with the Agenda Setting Theory and its evolved stage of the Agenda Building, we have seted out to demonstrate how the media have a strong influence on politics, from the base, more important than the influence of politics on the media. In this way, political marketing becomes a key piece of this context. When political campaigns exists trough the four years of the mandate, when the politicians and their activity are continuously exposed under the scrutiny of mass media, when they are involved in a permanent campaign, then prevail in the political routines the simplification of the language, the personalization and the tactics over the strategy. And all it has consequences on politics. That has consequences on basic aspects that govern the life of the people. And it was the case of the approved Estatut of Catalonia 2006, a legislative text that was strongly followed by the media. As a result of the public exhibition of all its process of conformation, through a mainly negative frame, its final result was strongly devaluated.

Ice hockey is seen as a rough sport. Sometimes situations tend to become too violent and players now and then get suspended for their acts on the ice. In very unusual cases the legal system has been forced to step in and prosecute players for situations on the ice. This is the case with Jakob Lilja. The purpose of this essay is therefore to seek answers on how two Swedish tabloids have framed Lilja and how the news coverage has changed during this time. The theory used in the study makes it possible to highlight how Lilja has been framed in the tabloids and it also gives the study the opportunity to further explain how Lilja has been portrayed. The scientific method used in this study has been a critical discourse analysis to be able to study the 43 articles included in the analysis in a qualitative manner. The study shows that the news coverage from the case has changed during the course of the time. The early coverage shows the framing of Lilja as an ice hockey player while the latter coverage more frame him as a criminal. But there are differences. The different tabloids have framed the case in different ways and the study shows that one of them has framed Lilja more than the other.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-04-18T16:03:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Albertina Gioconda de Moraes Marques_.pdf: 1363656 bytes, checksum: 14bf086c9f9fd5eef2d1ad4c0850cb29 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-18T16:03:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Albertina Gioconda de Moraes Marques_.pdf: 1363656 bytes, checksum: 14bf086c9f9fd5eef2d1ad4c0850cb29 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-01-02 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Esse trabalho explora como temática a questão do impedimento às reconduções sucessivas ao mandato de diretor de escola na rede estadual do Rio Grande do Sul. A rede educacional com dados do ano de 2015 contava com mais de 2.500 estabelecimentos de ensino existindo assim um impacto considerável sobre a eleição de diretores e a forma de alternância de poder no cargo. Buscamos compreender como foram construídos os movimentos pré-decisórios na modificação legislativa da gestão democrática no ano de 2012, tratando da recondução ao cargo de diretor. O referencial teórico metodológico é a construção da agenda pública que serviu como sustentação para a pesquisa. Essa investigação, em caráter qualitativo, contou com dados coletados em documentos e complementados por entrevistas, que foram submetidos a análise documental. Analisamos em caráter de contextualização todas as modificações da legislação desde 1995 referentes a possibilidade de recondução aos cargos de diretor. Identificamos dois atores visíveis, que atuaram no processo de modificação, sendo eles a Assembleia Legislativa do Estado e a Secretaria de Educação. Como invisíveis, tivemos os grupos de diretores contrários à mudança e o Centro de Professores do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, o CPERS/Sindicato. Os dados demonstraram que os movimentos foram construídos com pouca participação, majoritariamente dentro da Secretaria de Educação a qual articulou com a assembleia legislativa a aprovação do projeto. Evidenciou-se que as que as escolas sinalizaram esse problema para o sindicato, contudo a participação dessa entidade não pode ser comprovada. A questão da alternância de poder nos cargos de direção denota-se como um mecanismo de experenciar democracia possivelmente evitando a utilização clientelística e patrimonialista da escola pública, além de conscientizar as comunidades escolares e a mantenedora para com o compromisso de formação de lideranças e de luta pela melhora da qualidade educacional. / The thematic which this work explores is the impediment to the successive reinstatement of the mandate of school´s principals in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The educational state network in the year of 2015, had more than 2.500 educational establishments. Therefore, there is considerable impact on the election of principals and in the form of power rotation in this positions. Our goal is to understand how the pre decision-making movements were build concerning the change in the legislation of the democratic management in the year of 2012 related to the reinstatement of the principals position. The methodological and theoretical reference used is public agenda building which support this research. This study, in a qualitative manner, has count on data collected and complemented by interviews, which were submitted to documentary analysis. We analyze in a basis of contextualization every alteration made in the legislation since 1995 which refers the possibility of reinstatement in the principals post. We have identified as visible actors in the process of legislation alteration, the Assembleia Legislativa of the State of Rio Grande do Sul and the Education Secretary of State. As invisible actors, we had the Cpers Union and principals ´s group which were contrary about the alteration. The data show that the movements were built with little participation, mainly inside the Education State Secretary which articulated within the Assembleia Legislativa prior to the project approval. It is signalized that the schools told the union about this problem, however the union participation cannot be verified. The matter of rotation of power in the principals position denote itself as an engine of democracy experience possibly avoid the cronyism used in public schools, in addition, to aware school´s community and the Education Secretary of State in the commitment of building new leaderships and for seek a better quality for our education.

本研究旨在探討媒介對不同政策性議題建構的理論初探，研究問題為：1)議題在媒介體系間的傳散方式為何？2)媒介如何處理這些議題？本研究的議題分別是「彰濱工業區開發」與「黑名單開放」。 　　在研究方法上採內容分析法，以中央日報、聯合報、中國時報、自立晚報及民眾日報五家報紙的相關報導為對象。而研究時間分別是「彰濱工業區開發」為民國76.1.1起至81.12.31止，「黑名單開放」為民國76.7.16起至81.12.31止。共得2165個樣本，前者有165則，後者有2000則。 　　研究結果為： 　　1. 官方議題（彰濱工業區開發）由建制媒介流向另類媒介，公眾議題（黑名單開放）由另類媒介流向建制媒介。 　　2. 不同類型媒介對不同議題有不同的側重面向。 　　3. 不同類型媒介對不同議題的報導態度並沒有明顯的正面或負面評價。 　　最後本研究針對研究結果進行討論，並說明本研究的貢獻，以及研究的限制與建議。

Political blogs have emerged as a new journalistic format that has gained influence on the political discourse in the United States. Previous research has shown that this influence stems mainly from attention given to blogs by traditional news media. Based on the concepts of intermedia agenda setting and agenda building, this study explored the source interaction between 10 elite traditional news media and 10 political filter blogs during the 2006 Congressional Midterm Elections. An analysis of 2587 sources used in the election context found that traditional news media frequently cited blogs in their election coverage, but that the source attributions to the blogs were vague. Blogs, on the other hand, heavily cited traditional news media, but the analysis revealed that conservative blogs cited elite traditional news media less than did liberal blogs. Conservative blogs relied more on conservative media outlets in their election coverage. A case study of the dominant election topic, the Mark Foley scandal, showed that the daily interaction between the two media formats was driven by the use of breaking news elements as well as controversial opinions. The findings of this study show that the blog agenda is strongly influenced by traditional news media sources and that blogs at the same time have become part of the routine newsgathering process of traditional news media journalists. However, the findings also raise questions about changes in the standard journalistic research and attribution procedures as both media formats often rely on each other as sources rather than on original reporting.

The thesis provides an insight into corporate agenda-building process in the Czech media. Using the Czech division of Deloitte as an example, the thesis will demonstrate the common practices companies use to get their topics published in media, how they are successful and how they really influence the media agenda. To answer these questions, the thesis uses quantitative content analysis of 248 pieces of news from Mladá Fronta DNES, Hospodářšké noviny, Lidové noviny, Právo, television stations ČT24, Nova and Prima and also radio station Český rozhlas - Radiožurnál. Besides that, the thesis will provide an insight into the way journalists work with sources of information and their autoregulative techniques, as well as into the work of PR professionals, who are significant actors in the agenda-building process. The aim of this thesis is to introduce the corporate sphere as an influential actor in the agenda-building process and to uncover the influences journalists have to face in their work.

This diploma thesis examines the impact of the former US President Donald Trump's private Twitter account on agenda-building and how the Czech media work with information from this account. The diploma thesis is divided into two parts. The first part of the diploma thesis deals with the key theories and concepts of media studies such as the theory of agenda-setting, gatekeeping, news values, framing and intermedia agenda-setting. It also focuses on the contemporary form of political communication and the phenomenon of celebrity politics. The thesis also includes the overview of existing studies describing the political communication of the former US President Donald Trump on the social networking site Twitter and confirm the agenda-building role of this social network. The second part of the diploma thesis describes the research methodology and subsequent quantitative content analysis of news articles. The findings of quantitative content analysis are explained in the context of the theoretical concepts and previous studies. One of the main findings of this thesis is that Trump was able to some extent build media agenda, frame different topics and events and control his image in the media through his Twitter account.