This thesis investigates the leftist intellectuals in Britain who opposed the Air Raid Precautions (ARP) plans of the central government in the 1930s. It examines how a coalition of the far left advocated an alternative shelter plan and the political ideas on which this program was based. In contrast to the government policy of individual household shelters, these critics believed that the central government was obligated to provide public underground shelters for all citizens. Critics of government ARP included the Communist Party, radical scientists and architects, far left and Labour local councils, and members of the Parliamentary Labour Party. Their advocacy of bomb-proof shelter plans, funded by the central treasury, pitted an activist social mentality against the liberal ethic of volunteerism espoused by the government. Drawing on a home-grown radical tradition, these critics invoked the idea of a "People's War." Through the observation of deep shelter construction in the Spanish Civil War, they promoted a model of radical volunteerism in which citizens were active participants in their own civil defence. This study's primary aim is to offer a new understanding of the politics of the British left in the interwar years viewed in light of this specific issue. It demonstrates how the British left understood the relationship between the state and its citizens, and argues that leftists used civil defence to articulate their ideal of a politically active and engaged citizenry. This thesis contributes to understanding of the British left in the 1930s, demonstrating how critics used ARP to emphasize leftist nationalism and citizenship ideals and how moderate, cooperative policies evolved in preparation for war. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Lei Mei Yan Louisa. / "Architecture Department, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Master of Architecture Programme 1997-98, design report." / Includes bibliographical references. / Introduction / Chapter 1.0 --- Background / Chapter 1.1. --- Historical / Chapter 1.2. --- Urban fabric / Chapter 1.3. --- Rural area / Project analysis / Chapter 20.0 --- Subject analysis / Chapter 2.1. --- Physical Conditions / Chapter 2.2. --- Preliminary Geo-technical Assessments of the Potential for Underground Space Development in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.3. --- Geologically / Chapter 2.4. --- Use of underground space in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.5. --- Studies for underground space development / Chapter 2.6. --- Conditions in underground space design / Chapter 2.7. --- Ground Condition / Chapter 2.8. --- Open space allocation in Hong Kong / Chapter 2.8.1. --- Evaluation of deficiencies / Chapter 2.8.2. --- Degradation of public open space / Chapter 2.8.3. --- Decentralized Open space / Chapter 2.8.4. --- Centralized Open space / Chapter 2.8.5. --- Lack of transitional area / Chapter 2.9. --- Hypothesis / Chapter 2.9.1. --- Conceptualization / Chapter 3.0 --- Site / Context analysis / Chapter 3.1. --- Site Criteria / Chapter 3.2. --- Site Analysis (macroscopic consideration) / Chapter 3.3. --- Site constraints (Sai Ying Pun & Sheung Wan) / Chapter 3.4. --- Site potential development (information from Land Development Corporation)- urban renewal strategy / Chapter 3.5. --- Constraints in codes and master plan / Chapter 3.5.1. --- Planning and Site Constraints / Chapter 3.6. --- Historical Background / Chapter 3.6.1. --- History and Records / Chapter 3.6.2. --- Geology of the existing site (King George Memorial Park) / Chapter 4.0 --- Client / users analysis / Chapter 4.1. --- Research organizational / Chapter 4.2. --- Bubble diagrams and spatial arrangement / Chapter 4.3. --- Schedule of Accommodation / Process / Description of the evolution of the final project / Chapter 5.1. --- Essential objectives / Chapter 5.2. --- The underground complex and its nodes / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Exploratory concepts / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Design Strategy and Senarios / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Urban design issues and goals / Chapter 5.2.4. --- Building design issues and goals / Chapter 5.2.5. --- Evolution of the building / Final Project / Chapter 6.1. --- The underground space strategy / Chapter 6.2. --- Underground complex and re-design air-raid precaution tunnels / Chapter 6.3. --- Nodes and urban linkage / Chapter 6.4. --- Lists of drawing files / Conclusion / Appendices / Chapter 8.1. --- Urban underground space design methodology- hypothesis / Chapter 8.2. --- Precedent Studies / Chapter 8.3. --- Bilbliography

Det var under 40-talet som Sverige började med det skyddsrumsbyggande som under de kommande 50 åren skulle ske i en rasande takt. Sveriges neutrala inställning till krigsföring hade kommit med många positiva aspekter men det hade även resulterat i att Sveriges försvar sackade efter. Efter atombombningen av Hiroshima den sjätte augusti 1945 fick världen se vapenutvecklingens framfart och de förödande konsekvenser den kunde ha. Under 50-talet och kalla kriget vittnade världen om den kapprustning som stormakterna hade, bland annat gällande vapenutvecklingen. Även Sverige hade en egen liten kapprustning, däremot om att bygga skyddsrum som skulle kunna skydda det svenska folket från de vapen som stormakterna utvecklade. Det subventionerande byggandet av skyddsrum fortsatte i Sverige fram tills 2002 när regeringen tog beslut om att inte längre finansiera denna verksamhet. Under det cirka 60 år långa byggskedet hade omkring 70 000 skyddsrum färdigställts, varav det i dagsläget finns ungefär 64 000 skyddsrum som kan ge skydd till cirka sju miljoner människor. I en fråga till MSB, Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap, om varför det inte finns skyddsrumsplatser till alla svarar de att detta inte är tanken. Skyddsrummen är tänkta att användas i områden som exempelvis städer där en evakuering inte är möjlig. Detta projekt undersöker huruvida tillräckligt många skyddsrumsplatser finns i Stockholms innerstad som är en del av Sveriges huvudstad. Under projektets gång noterades att data för Sveriges skyddsrum är osäker, vid detta projekt har data från MSB samt ArcGIS Hub använts vilka har haft olika antal skyddsrum registrerade. Analyserna har utförts med programvara som bland annat ArcGIS och egen programvara skapad i Python. Den har utförts i flertalet olika steg som alla har givit olika resultat men däremot styrkt samma svar till projektets frågeställning. Slutsatser som kunnat dras i detta projekt är att det inte finns tillräckligt med skyddsrumsplatser för att kunna förse de invånare som bor i Stockholms innerstad. Ifall hänsyn även ska tas till att ett stort antal människor reser in till Stockholm på grund av jobb, fritid och andra aktiviteter blir skyddsrummens underskott av platser ett faktum. / During the 1940s, Sweden began the process of building air raid shelters which would take place at a furious pace over the next 50 years. Sweden's neutral attitude to warfare had come with many positive aspects, but it had also resulted in a lack of quality in Sweden’s defense. After the atomic bombing of Hiroshima on August 6, 1945, the world witnessed the progress of weapons development and the devastating consequences it could have. During the 1950s and the Cold War, the world testified to the arms race of the great powers, including the development of weapons. Sweden also had its own small arms race; however, this was about building shelters that could protect the Swedish people from the weapons that the great powers developed. The subsidized construction of shelters continued in Sweden until 2002 when the government decided to no longer finance this activity. During the approximately 60-year construction phase, about 70,000 shelters had been completed, of which there are currently about 64,000 shelters that can provide protection to about seven million people. MSB, the Swedish Agency for Civil Protection and Emergency Planning, say that the reason why there are not shelters for everyone is because it is not the idea behind them. The shelters are intended to be used in areas such as cities where an evacuation is not possible. This project investigates whether or not enough air raid shelters are located in Stockholm City Centre, which is part of Sweden's capital. During the project it was noted that data for Sweden's shelters is uncertain, in this project data from MSB and ArcGIS Hub have been used which have had different numbers of shelters registered. The analyzes have been performed with software such as ArcGIS and own software created in Python. It has been carried out in several different steps, all of which have given different results but proved the same answer to the project's questions. Conclusions that could be drawn in this project are that there are not enough shelters to be able to provide the residents who live in Stockholm City Centre. If it is also to be considered that a large number of people travel to Stockholm due to work, leisure and other activities, the shelters' room deficit will become a fact.

År 2002 fattade den svenska riksdagen beslutet att sluta bygga skyddsrum. Sverige har per capita näst flest antal skyddsrum i världen. Ett stort antal skyddsrum i Sverige, kombinerat med beslutet att inte bygga dem längre, har lämnat Sverige vid en vägkorsning. Hur mycket bör Sverige bry sig om sina skyddsrum? För utländska fiender kan skyddsrum verka som ännu ett hinder för att invadera, på grund av de svenska civila möjligheterna till att vara säkra från bomber och ett krigs påverkan. Även om krigföring har förändrats under åren och nya strategier har utvecklats, kommer en säker plats för civila att stärka den försvarande sidan. För att detta försvar ska fungera måste skyddsrummen vara konstruerade på tillgängliga platser för civilbefolkningen, erhålla det material som skyddsrummen är i behov av, kunna drivas av en civil samt vara i gott skick. Det var under kalla kriget som Sverige byggde de flesta av sina skyddsrum. Med många decennier och olika lagar för konstruktion som passerat, har många av skyddsrummen problem i nuläget. Problem såsom att material saknas, luftfilter har blivit för gamla, rummen har renoverats till något annat, eller helt enkelt att skyddet inte kan garantera den funktion som den en gång gjorde. I Sverige är Myndigheten för samhällsskydd och beredskap (MSB) den myndighet som ansvarar för skyddsrummens tillstånd. MSB har det yttersta ansvaret att se till att skyddsrummen är säkra i nödsituationer. För att uppfylla detta utgör de tillsyn och kontroller på skyddsrummen. I denna kandidatuppsats undersöks de svenska skyddsrummens tillstånd och de problem som följer med dem. Vi fann det även av intresse att undersöka skyddsrummens relevans i Sveriges samhälle ur ett historiskt- och ett nutidsperspektiv. Metoden som har använts är av kvalitativ och rättsdogmatisk karaktär. De slutsatser som kunnat dras i denna kandidatuppsats är att Sveriges skyddsrum befinner sig i olika tillstånd vad gäller skick och kvalité. Det kan också konstateras att det inte pågår tillräckligt många skyddsrumskontroller som både är önskat och nödvändigt gentemot det stora antal skyddsrum som finns. Slutligen nyttjas Sveriges skyddsrum för andra ändamål än vad de preliminärt byggdes för, vilket innebär att de fyller ett syfte i Sveriges samhälle. / In 2002, the Swedish government decided to stop building air raid shelters. Sweden has per capita the second most air raid shelters in the world. A large number of air raid shelters in Sweden, combined with the decision to stop constructing them, has left Sweden at a crossroad. How much should Sweden care about the air raid shelters? To foreign enemies, the air raid shelters may seem as yet another obstacle to invading, because of the opportunity given to the Swedish civilians to be safe from bombs and the effects of war. Even though the warfare has changed during the years and new strategies have been developed, a safe place for civilians will strengthen the defending side. For this defense to work, the air raid shelters have to be constructed at available locations for civilians, be equipped with the material needed, be operated by a civilian and the shelters have to be in good condition. It was during the Cold War era that Sweden built most of its air raid shelters. With a lot of decades and different rules of construction passing, many of these air raid shelters have problems now. The problems concern materials missing, air filters which have passed their best before date, the shelters being renovated to something completely different, or simply that the shelter cannot guarantee the function that it once did. In Sweden, The Swedish Civil Contingencies Agency (MSB) is the agency responsible for the condition of the air raid shelters. The agency has the utmost responsibility that the air raid shelters will be safe in case of emergency. To fulfill that, the agency executes supervision and regulatory control of the shelters. In this essay, the condition of the Swedish air raid shelters and the problems that come along with them get examined. We also found it interesting to examine the air raid shelters' relevance to Swedish society from a historic and present-day point of view. A qualitative and legal dogmatic method has been used. The conclusions that could be drawn from this essay is that Sweden’s air raid shelters are in different conditions regarding standard and quality. It can also be established that there aren’t enough regulatory controls being executed. Finally, the Swedish air raid shelters do serve a purpose for the Swedish society even though they have been built for other reasons.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral technology for the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea that modern wars would enlist the entire populations and economies of nations in warfare while subjecting national populations and infrastructures to equally comprehensive violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the War of Resistance, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, offering a technological resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a technical expertise.

This dissertation traces the emergence of the air raid shelter as the paradigmatic architecture of air defense under the Nationalist Party government in China during the War of Resistance against Japan (1937–1945). More broadly, it explores how air defense in general became an integral part of the Nationalists’ “war of resistance and reconstruction” (kangzhan jianguo), a fascist project derived from total war, the globally circulating military-political idea holding that modern warfare would enlist entire nations and their economies in war while also subjecting them to comprehensive enemy violence. The Nationalists joined the world in confronting aerial bombing after the Empire of Japan bombed Shanghai in 1932. In response, the government and its military constructed air defense, a political and technological complex combining mass mobilization, through air raid drills and air defense organizations, with material technologies, like searchlights, anti-aircraft guns, and bomb shelters. The Nationalists found in air defense more than a military technology. To them, it also offered a set of tools and resources for fortifying their flailing attempts to unite China in a common national project, and even recasting the substance of that project. Air defense could forge a new society that invested all Chinese people in war as a necessary precondition for overcoming China’s colonial subjection. Where democratic institutions collapsed and appeals to common heritage and customs failed, the Nationalists used air defense to turn survival (shengcun) into the bedrock value of the national community. Meanwhile, a group of young architects associated with the journal Xin jianzhu in Canton identified air defense as an organizing problem for the nascent professional field of architecture. Rather than the stale historicism endorsed in Nanjing, and against China’s craft building traditions, the group championed modernist architecture, especially the International Style, whose principles of simplicity, functionalism, and rationality they saw as necessary for building modern, industrial, and hygienic Chinese cities capable of enhancing human life. Moreover, they argued that the technological instrumentality informing modernism made it the only style capable of preserving Chinese cities and people from modern threats like bombing. After the fall of Canton in 1938, members of the group took their mission to Chongqing, where they joined the Nationalist government in building air defenses in the wartime capital. In particular, this dissertation argues that the air raid shelter and air defense focused contradictions in the Nationalists’ fascist project for uniting and revolutionizing China as it traveled to Chongqing following the Nationalist escape from Japan’s invasion of the coast. Over the course of the war, the principal technology of air defense shifted away from mass mobilization, as the Nationalists came to administer refugees and displaced people they had never governed before, and became located in infrastructure like city plans and air raid shelters. Air defense served to exclude surplus populations like women and the elderly, rendered redundant according to the state’s wartime needs for industrial production and conscripts, by dispersing them in satellite settlements outside the city, from which they constantly returned in search of work or material goods. Shoddy air raid shelters, in the meantime, revealed the fragile biology of real bodies beneath the fascist fantasy of the heroic political subject, as shelters failed to provide for basic needs like respiration. Over time, these two problems collided, as the state closed shelters in the city to dispersed people, exposing surplus populations to bombing, while civilians also languished in shelters that could still kill them. The goal of building national unity through survival collapsed into a confusion of inclusion and exclusion, life and death, with disastrous results, like the asphyxiation of around one thousand people in Chongqing’s largest public air raid shelter in June 1941. In these circumstances, professionals like the Cantonese architects and new state regulatory bodies produced proposals and standards for building better shelters, attempting a technical resolution of air defense’s political contradictions and consolidating the transformation of air defense into a primarily technological discipline.

Im Fokus der vorliegenden Studie steht die Position zweier historischer Ereignisse der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus in der lokalen Erinnerungskultur Dresdens: zum einen die Novemberpogrome des Jahres 1938, zum anderen der alliierte Luftkrieg gegen deutsche Städte. Für den Untersuchungszeitraum von 1945 bis 1990 werden dabei das gesamte Spektrum der staatlichen, kirchlichen und unabhängigen Erinnerungsakteure, deren jeweilige Praxis und ihr Verhältnis zueinander auf Basis lokaler und regionaler Archivalien und Presseerzeugnisse vermessen.

Im Fokus der vorliegenden Studie steht die Position zweier historischer Ereignisse der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus in der lokalen Erinnerungskultur Dresdens: zum einen die Novemberpogrome des Jahres 1938, zum anderen der alliierte Luftkrieg gegen deutsche Städte. Für den Untersuchungszeitraum von 1945 bis 1990 werden dabei das gesamte Spektrum der staatlichen, kirchlichen und unabhängigen Erinnerungsakteure, deren jeweilige Praxis und ihr Verhältnis zueinander auf Basis lokaler und regionaler Archivalien und Presseerzeugnisse vermessen.:Inhaltsverzeichnis 1. Einleitung S. 1 1.1. Gegenstand S. 1 1.2. Forschungsüberblick S. 3 1.3. Zielstellungen S. 9 1.4. Genutzte Quellen S. 10 2. Die historischen Ereignisse und die nationalsozialistische Propaganda S. 12 2.1. Der Novemberpogrom in Dresden S. 12 2.2. Dresden im Luftkrieg S. 19 3. Die öffentliche Erinnerung in der Sowjetischen Besatzungszone 3.1. Die neue Tauglichkeit der Chiffre S. 31 3.2. Pogromgedenken als Protest im Schatten neuer Helden S. 38 4. Die Staatsgründung und geschichtspolitische Aggression S. 43 4.1. Spätstalinistischer Antisemitismus und die Abwesenheit der Erinnerung S. 43 4.2. Die „Entfaltung eines echten nationalen Hasses“ – Anklage und Integration S. 50 5. Internationale Anerkennung und erinnerungspolitische Entspannung S. 67 5.1. Vom Nutzen und Ausdienen eines Jahrestages S. 67 5.2. Eine „wahre Heimstatt“ – Loyalität und Gedenkspuren S. 77 6. Von der Erinnerungskonkurrenz zum Staatsakt S. 79 6.1. Die (Selbst-)Entdeckung der Schwindenden – Annäherungen und Vereinnahmungen S. 79 6.2. „Leidenschaftliches Bekenntnis“ und „Stilles Gedenken“ – Konkurrenz und Gleichklang S. 101 7. Resümee S. 124 8. Anhang S. 131 8.1. Abkürzungen und Siglen S. 131 8.2. Archive S. 133 8.3. Periodika S. 133 8.4. Literaturverzeichnis S. 134 8.4.1. Primärliteratur und Quellenverzeichnisse S. 134 8.4.2. Sekundärliteratur S. 135