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Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloRC_DISSERT.pdf: 916426 bytes, checksum: 94bcd9cfaecef824c17cba4b909b3679 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-21 / Este estudo faz uma abordagem sobre as alian?as eleitorais, destacando duas vertentes importantes nos processos de suas forma??es nas arenas pol?ticas. Na primeira parte do trabalho ? feita uma an?lise mais geral a respeito da problem?tica em quest?o. Onde dois ciclos pol?ticos s?o analisados, apresentando o comportamento pol?tico-partid?rio dos partidos no Brasil. No primeiro ciclo, uma breve compreens?o da pol?tica caf?-com-leite na Rep?blica Velha, na qual, PRP e PRM dominam politicamente a arena nacional. O segundo ciclo, compreendido de 1945 a 1964, foram analisados os processos eleitorais estaduais e nacionais. Nestes, os resultados anal?ticos mostram o que refletem no comportamento pol?tico-partid?rio dos partidos do passado e do presente no pa?s. Outro aspecto importante tamb?m abordado na primeira parte foi a verticaliza??o das alian?as eleitorais, a qual teve como objetivo impor harmonia partid?ria entre os partidos nas forma??es das alian?as eleitorais. Revendo esse processo pol?tico, vimos que, a imposi??o da verticaliza??o n?o resolveu o problema da inexist?ncia harm?nica dos partidos no ato da forma??o das alian?as eleitorais tocante ao espectro ideol?gico. A segunda parte da pesquisa est? dividida em duas partes. A primeira faz uma an?lise sobre a trajet?ria pol?tica do PT e suas pol?ticas de alian?as, que se inicia no V Encontro Nacional do Partido em 1987. Como consequ?ncia da expans?o partid?ria, outras pol?ticas de alian?as s?o aprovadas pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores. Na segunda parte, ? trabalhada as elei??es municipais de 2008 em Natal, que observa analiticamente a campanha do PT e as alian?as eleitorais realizadas pelo Partido para participar do pleito. Os velhos advers?rios pol?ticos e olig?rquicos formaram alian?as com PT. Partido que nasceu combatendo as velhas pr?ticas da pol?tica conservadora no nosso pa?s, nos estados e nos munic?pios brasileiros

In mid-April 1945, US and UK forces swept through Germany. The Western Allies had spent years preparing for the moment, cultivating a civil affairs capacity since the Interwar Period and devoting thousands of hours to planning for the occupation. However, the rapid pace of the advance stretched the new capability beyond its limits as frontline forces seized large swaths of Germany and encountered exponentially increasing numbers of displaced persons. The accidental discoveries of Buchenwald and Bergen-Belsen and the tens of thousands of survivors suffering appalling levels of starvation and disease overwhelmed the forces dispatched to address the sites, resulting in a sluggish response. Significant flaws in Allied planning assumptions caused the breakdown that potentially cost hundreds of unnecessary deaths. Yet, operational staff officers from the Supreme Headquarters down to the division level recognized the poor response and, in two short weeks, adapted the plan to address the conditions on the front. Policy adjustments and messages from General Eisenhower removed ambiguity in existing guidance and provided clear direction to frontline forces. More importantly, the Western Allies formally merged the campaign plan guiding combat operations, OVERLORD, with the plan for occupation, ECLIPSE. The changes produced a marked improvement in the US liberation of Dachau on 29 April 1945, thereby demonstrating adaptation and innovation at the operational level of war.

Les années 1948-55 sont décisives pour le regain de la souveraineté ouest-allemande et l’intégration de la République fédérale à l’Ouest. Au cours de cette période, on observe la transformation des trois zones placées sous l’autorité suprême des alliés occidentaux en un Etat (quasi) souverain, membre de l’OTAN. Wilhelm Grewe, professeur de droit international, s’engage dès la première heure en faveur d’une base juridique pour les relations avec les Alliés sous forme d’un statut d’occupation (en rédigeant notamment Ein Besatzungsstatut für Deutschland en 1948).En 1951, Konrad Adenauer lui confie la direction de la délégation chargée de négocier le Traité Général sur l’Allemagne (« Deutschlandvertrag »). Wilhelm Grewe use d’astuces juridiques et de pragmatisme politique afin de réaliser les objectifs du chancelier. Les discussions portent essentiellement sur les questions de la souveraineté allemande, de l’autorité suprême, des droits réservés des Alliés, ainsi que sur une garantie de sécurité pour la République fédérale. Le traité, intrinsèquement lié à celui de la CED, est signé en mai 1952.La ratification des deux traités mène à des débats houleux au « Bundestag », notamment sur les questions de la nation allemande et du réarmement. Wilhelm Grewe est alors chargé de la défense juridique des traités devant le parlement et la Cour constitutionnelle. Il joue de nouveau un rôle important lors de la renégociation du Traité Général à la suite de l’échec de la CED. En mai 1955, un « Deutschlandvertrag » remodelé entre en vigueur, le statut d’occupation est aboli, et la République Fédérale rejoint les rangs de l’OTAN et de l’UEO. / The period from 1948 to 1955 was crucial for West Germany's attempts to regain her sovereignty and to achieve her integration into the West. During that time the three zones placed under the Supreme Authority of the Western Allies gradually progressed to becoming a (quasi) sovereign state and a full member of NATO.Wilhelm Grewe, a German professor of international law, was one of those who at a very early stage pleaded for a Statute of Occupation (in 1948, he published Ein Besatzungsstatut für Deutschland) in order to create a legal framework for the relations between the Allies and Germany.In 1951 Konrad Adenauer appointed him Head of delegation for the negotiation of the General Treaty on Germany (“Deutschlandvertrag”). With his legal expertise and his political pragmatism Wilhelm Grewe tried to fulfill the Chancellor’s objectives. The negotiations focused on German sovereignty, supreme authority, the reserved rights of the Allies and a security guarantee for the Federal Republic. This treaty, which was coupled with the EDC, was signed in May 1952.The ratification of both treaties gave rise to stormy debates in the “Bundestag”, concentrating especially on the questions of German reunification and rearmament. Grewe was then entrusted with the legal defence of the treaties vis-à-vis Parliament and the Constitutional Court.He was again called to play an important role when the General Treaty had to be renegotiated after the EDC had failed. In May 1955 a revised “Deutschlandvertrag” entered into force, the Statute of Occupation was abolished and the Federal Republic of Germany became a member of NATO and of the WEU.

ABSTRACT Gustafsson, J. & Söderqvist, N., “’The Island of Peace in the Sea of War’ A newspaper study of Växjö city’s newspaper editorials regarding the conflicts of the Second World War in the Nordic countries”, Linnaeus University.   A qualitative textual analysis delving into three local newspapers from Växjö city is in many ways the essence of this study. The main purpose of this study is to examine three key conflicts, the Winter War, Operation Weserübung and the Continuation War. Each conflict has been assessed in relation to the opinions advocated in the editorials of the three politically diverse newspapers. The theoretical basis for this study is founded on similar analysis made by Nybom, Johansson and Åmark who all have contributed to the content of this particular essay. Most of all, Nyboms categorization of the so-called realism and idealism have helped us in understanding the motives and plans of action concerning the nations involved in the selected conflicts. There are several interesting conclusions in this study, in particular the newspapers’ view on main antagonists such as the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, as well as the Allies.

Au tournant de 1942 et de 1943, les premiers maquis virent le jour en France occupée. Principalement constitués de jeunes gens qui refusaient la conscription de travailleurs au service de l’Allemagne et trouvaient refuge dans les bois et les montagnes, les maquis connurent une progressive militarisation. Le souvenir de leurs combats à la Libération a largement éclipsé l’histoire de leurs relations avec la France libre et ses Alliés britanniques et américains. Pourtant, dès 1943, Londres, Alger et Washington discutèrent l’intégration des maquis aux plans de guerre, créant même des structures ad hoc. Sans ignorer les désaccords politiques, stratégiques et diplomatiques qui accompagnèrent ces discussions, cette recherche entend retrouver la coopération entre maquis français, France libre et Alliés. Elle s’intéresse aux individus qui, au sein des institutions britanniques et américaines comme de la France libre, s’investirent dans la cause des maquisards et tissèrent des réseaux qui permirent de leur apporter de l’aide. Des difficultés multiples se posèrent aux services de renseignement chargés de cette tâche : leurs communications sporadiques avec la France occupée, la mobilité des maquis et la réticence des états-majors réguliers n’étaient pas des moindres. Ils parvinrent cependant à faire entendre la voix des maquis au sommet des états-majors et des États alliés, permettant leur prise en compte progressive dans les plans d’ensemble, alors même que la coordination entre armées régulières et maquisards représentait un défi stratégique presque dénué de précédent. En étudiant, depuis les états-majors et jusque sur le terrain, les individus qui portèrent cette coopération, ce travail interroge les identités de combattants divers réunis par les hasards de la guerre. Chemin faisant, il explore l’expérience de la guerre et de la répression commune aux maquisards et aux envoyés de Londres et d’Alger qui les rejoignirent dans la clandestinité, développant avec leurs nouveaux compagnons d’armes de fortes solidarités. Il intègre la progressive libération du territoire français et la concurrence des pouvoirs qui l’accompagna, courant jusqu’en 1945 pour intégrer les sorties de guerre de ces différents combattants et un peu au-delà, pour évoquer les mémoires diverses qui en sont nées. / Between the end of 1942 and 1943, the first maquis came into existence in occupied France. While their members were mainly young people who refused to be sent as workers to Germany and sought refuge in the woods and the mountains, during the war the maquis turned into military formations. The memories of their fight during Liberation has largely overshadowed the history of their relationship with Free France and its British and American allies. However, as early as 1943, London, Algiers, and Washington discussed the integration of the maquis into their war plans, even creating the necessary structures. While taking into consideration the political, strategic, and diplomatic disagreements that were part of the discussions, this study intends to bring back the cooperation between the maquis, Free France, and the Allies into the narrative of the war. It looks at individuals who, within British and American institutions as well as Free France structures, dedicated their efforts to work alongside the maquisards, and built networks to assist them. Numerous obstacles came in the way of intelligence services when they took on that task: sporadic communication channels with occupied France, the maquis’ mobility, and the reluctance of regular military headquarters — among other problems. They managed, however, to carry the voice of the maquis back to the head of regular armies and Allied States, allowing them to be progressively taken into account in general war planning, even as coordination between maquisards and regular forces constituted an almost unprecedented strategic challenge. From military headquarters to the realm of clandestine operations, this study takes interest in the people who found themselves involved in this common fight, addressing the identities and fighting experiences of different individuals brought together by the fortunes of war. It also explores an experience of war and repression shared by the maquisards and the London and Algiers envoys who met them in their clandestine life, together building strong ties of solidarity. It follows them through the progressive liberation of the French territory, on the stage of its competing powers, reaching until 1945 to follow those fighters during their transition from war to peacetime, and beyond that year — shining a light onto the memories and narratives that ensued.