Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Ramus de Aquino.pdf: 1119002 bytes, checksum: 905bcc5abda4523ab072e8b0c46df26f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-03 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / Every religion implies the production of discourses of truth and articulates modes of subjectivities that determine the constitution of the subject. The religious discourses produce moral codes and result in types of conduct. Therefore, it is impossible to deal with religion apart from a political perspective. It has emerged within Christianism what Michel Foucault calls pastoral power. It consists in the association of the sovereign with the priest, whose role is to conduct and provide the needs for its herd. The pastoral power is a political technology that individualizes and totalizes: a governmentality device. Exposing Christianism to a political analysis is to place it within a clash between authority and freedom. In the end of the 19th Century, Liev Tolstoi developed a libertarian interpretation of Christianism, providing it a subversive behavior. The Christian practice developed by the Russian writer suggests the denial of the state based on a peaceful resistance the point of departure to what has been called Christian anarchism. Tolstoi s thought has provoked anarchist activists in Brazil, between 1890 and 1938, to develop novels with the objective of disseminating anarchist ideas. These activists have used a new literature that was emerging in Brazil: the social literature. If it was possible to bring Christianism closer to an anarchist perspective, it may well be possible to discuss the opposite process, i.e., the revolutionary discourse as production of truths acquiring the form of a pastoral / Toda religião implica produção de discursos de verdade e articula modos de subjetividades que determinam a constituição do sujeito. Os discursos religiosos produzem códigos de moralidade e resultam em formas de condutas. Portanto, é impossível tratar de religião fora de uma perspectiva política. No interior do cristianismo emergiu o que Michel Foucault denomina de poder pastoral. Trata-se da aproximação da figura do governante com o pastor, cuja função é conduzir e prover as necessidades de seu rebanho. O poder pastoral é uma técnica política individualizante e totalizante: um dispositivo de governamentalidade. Submeter o cristianismo a uma análise política é inseri-lo no interior de um embate entre autoridade e liberdade. No final do século XIX, Liev Tolstoi elaborou uma interpretação libertária do cristianismo, atribuindo-lhe um comportamento subversivo. A prática cristã desenvolvida pelo escritor russo sugere uma negação ao Estado a partir de uma resistência pacífica, o ponto de partida do que se denominou anarquismo cristão. O pensamento de Tolstoi incentivou militantes anarquistas no Brasil que, entre 1890 e 1938, dedicaram-se à produção de romances com o objetivo de difundir ideais anarquistas. Esses militantes lançaram mão de uma nova literatura que estava surgindo no Brasil: a literatura social. Se foi possível aproximar o cristianismo de uma perspectiva anarquista é possível problematizar o processo inverso, o do discurso revolucionário como produção de verdades tomando forma de uma pastoral

This thesis identifies and explains a fundamental philosophical problem of self-implication in Marxian ideology criticism that has led to its misuse and rejection in social theory and political philosophy. I argue that Friedrich Nietzsche's development of genealogy as a method of social criticism complements ideology criticism in a way that overcomes this problem, by addressing it explicitly, rather than trying to avoid it. In making this argument, I hope to bridge a widely perceived gap between Nietzsche's and Michel Foucault's genealogical approaches to social criticism, on the one hand, and Marxian ideology criticism on the other. The conflict between these approaches has been exaggerated in contemporary academic literature, to the loss of invaluable contributions Nietzsche and Foucault make to the theory and practice of ideology criticism. I begin by defining ideology in way that, I demonstrate, takes into account the use of the notion by Karl Marx and the early Frankfurt School Critical Theorists, Max Horkheimer and Theodor Adorno. I identify two central components of ideology, namely, an epistemic aspect, regarding illusion, and a functional aspect, which links ideology to its role in maintaining oppression. I also defend the notion of ideology against major objections to each of these aspects. In Chapter 4, I introduce the problem of self-implication that, I take it, poses the greatest challenge to the coherence of ideology criticism. The remainder of the thesis examines two alternative ways of dealing with this problem, namely immanent and transcendent criticism. I explain the weaknesses with each approach and, in doing so, show why Marx and Adorno each succumb to the problem of ideological self-implication. In the final chapter I argue that Nietzsche's method of genealogy is compatible with ideology criticism and can complement such criticism, to overcome the problems that have been examined.

A difusão do esporte no Brasil encontrou resistências de vários matizes. Este trabalho faz, mediante pesquisa restrita ao período compreendido entre os primórdios da República e o final do Estado Novo, o mapeamento das argumentações de resistência a partir dos seus matizes políticos - anarquismo, comunismo, vários nacionalismos -, médicos - da higiene à eugenia - e pedagógicos - da educação católica à Escola Nova -, levando em conta a conjuntura histórica em que se desenvolviam e a maneira como polemizavam com o discurso aficionado. Demonstra também que muitos argumentos utilizados pelos aficionados foram originalmente criados para combatê-los, que algumas mudanças fundamentais ocorridas no discurso aficionado deveram-se em grande parte a esse debate, à necessidade de rebater a crítica, e que certos argumentos críticos se esgotaram no final do período. / Several bulwarks of resistance were elevated against the dissemination of sports in Brazil. By means of research restricted to the historical period comprehended between the dawn of the Republic and the fall of the Estado Novo, this dissertation proposes to charter the opposing argumentation according to the existing political colours - anarchism, communism, different sorts of nationalism -, medical ranging - from hygiene to eugenics - , and pedagogical nuances - from catholic education to the New School. It consider the historical scenario in wich the opposing argumentation was developed and how the polemics between criticals and adepts sides were conducted. It also demonstrates that many of arguments to which those upholders resorted were originally created to refute and that some of fundamental changes developed in the upholders discourse resulted to a large extend from this debate, in their need to fight criticism, and that some opposing arguments were debilitated in the end of studied period.

The thesis is divided into ten chapters and 3 parts. Following an introductory chapter on the literature on the main issues of the period, Part I opens with a chapter on the social and economic transformation of the city of Moscow during war communism, and its second chapter analyses the role of the trade unions and the pattern of labour relations in this period. Part II is concerned with the internal transformation of the party and the development of its relationship with society; and discusses recruitment, organisation, the nature of militarisation during the civil war, the party's ideological work, and its relationship to mass bodies. It ends with a study of the Moscow soviet and the development of bureaucracy. In Part III the debates at the end of war communism are considered in the light of the foregoing economic and political developments. The conclusion assesses the nature of war communism in Moscow.

Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes / Banca: Sérgio Augusto Queiroz Norte / Banca: Cesar Augusto de Carvalho / Resumo: No começo do século XX, a Revolução Russa abalou o mundo com as dimensões de suas experiências e a radicalidade de suas propostas. Por pressão das camadas populares russas insatisfeitas com as mazelas da primeira guerra mundial, o czarismo foi derrubado e em seguida o governo provisório, desencadeando uma revolução de forte caráter operário e camponês. Os sovietes (conselhos populares) espalharam-se por todo o território de um país de dimensões continentais (constituindo-se de início, uma grande experiência libertária). Com isso, a Rússia Soviética tornou-se uma referência para todos os movimentos revolucionários e socialistas ao redor do mundo, e o movimento operário brasileiro (que na época era predominantemente de tendência anarquista) não ficou imune aos impactos desse evento. Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa que analisa o entendimento e a compreensão que os militantes anarquistas brasileiros tiveram a respeito da revolução na Rússia, por meio de sua imprensa. Para tanto, utilizamos como fontes documentais os jornais A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo e o Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. As formas como os anarquistas enxergaram e representaram este acontecimento em seus periódicos, nos revelam, e nos possibilitam investigar e compreender, os conflitos e mudanças internas no movimento operário brasileiro do período. Movimento operário este que ficou dividido entre "libertários e bolcheviques", devido o caráter autoritário do regime russo, que não contemplava as expectativas do anarquismo, apesar dos elementos libertários da experiência revolucionária ocorrida na Rússia / Abstract: In the early twentieth century the Russian Revolution shook the world with the dimensions of its experiences and the radicalism of its proposals. Under pressure from Russian grassroots popular classes dissatisfied with the ills of the First World War, the Tsarist regime and then the interim government were overthrown, sparking a revolution of strong proletarian and peasantry character. The Soviets (popular councils) have spread throughout the territory of a country of continental dimensions (constituting at the beginning, a great libertarian experience). Thus, Soviet Russia became a reference for all socialist and revolutionary movements around the world, and the Brazilian labor movement (which at that time was predominantly anarchist) was not immune to the impacts of this event. This work is part of a study that analyzes the understanding and the perception that the Brazilian anarchist militants had about the revolution in Russia, by the reading of their press. We used as documentary sources the following anarchist press: A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo and the Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. The ways in which anarchists saw and represented this event in their journals reveal and enables us to investigate and understand the conflicts and changes within the Brazilian labor movement of the period which was split between "libertarians and Bolsheviks," because the authoritarian character of the Russian regime which did not include the expectations of anarchism, despite its revolutionary elements / Mestre

The Firebrand was an anarchist communist newspaper that was printed in Portland, Oregon from January 1895 to September 1897. The newspaper was a central catalyst behind the formation of the culturally American anarchist movement, a movement whose vital role in shaping radicalism in the United States during the Progressive Era has largely been ignored by historians. The central argument of this thesis is that the Firebrand publishers' experiences in Gilded Age Portland shaped the content and the format of the newspaper and led to the development of a new, uniquely American expression of anarchism. Anarchism was developed in response to the great transformations of the nineteenth century and the anxieties of a society that was being entirely restructured as industrialization and urbanization took hold across the globe. The anarchism of the Firebrand was a regional response to these same changes, an expression of radical discontent at the way in which life in Portland and the Pacific Northwest was rapidly changing. According to the Firebranders, the region had transformed from a place of economic opportunity and political freedom into a region driven by economic and political exploitation. Thus, the newspaper developed a uniquely western American perspective and expressed a formation of anarchist communism that was steeped in the history and culture of the United States. The newspaper was just as influenced by centuries of American libertarian activism as it was by outright anarchist philosophy. As a result, the newspaper frequently included articles about free love and women's rights, issues outside of the typical purview of anarchist communist political philosophy. This Americanized expression of anarchist communism allowed the newspaper to expand beyond the movement's core urban, immigrant audience and attract culturally American, English-speaking radicals to the cause. In the Fall of 1897, after two years and eight months in publication, three of the Firebrand publishers were arrested for the crime of sending obscene materials through the mail. The Firebrand's frank discussions of sexuality, women's rights, and free love offended the local censor and gave law enforcement an excuse to prosecute Portland's anarchists. The ensuing trial would result in the newspaper's closure. Nonetheless, a new intellectual movement had been established, and though the movement would remain small, it would play a disproportionately large role in shaping radical American politics and culture for the next two decades.

When analyzed within Marxist theory understandings, local governments can be considered as a body of administrative, political, social and economic relations which are defined in a certain spatial scale based on uneven development of capital accumulation. This definition removes the local governments from the context of a simple organizational-administrative problem and places them into a political context. Hence, as experience and strategies of socialist customs in our country is investigated regarding local governments, it can be observed that a serious experience is not present excepts certain limited examples. In this study, different from municipalism understanding constrained within today&rsquo / s neoliberal marketism and Islamist conservatism, possibilities of socialist municipalism will be discussed. In this context, &ldquo / socialist municipalism&rdquo / claim, which is trying to be actualized in Hozat Municipality, which is the study area of this thesis, will be analyzed depending on statement and application relation of the municipal administration, with observations made in the area and interviews.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-08-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:30:49Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 gomes_lr_me_assis.pdf: 3441269 bytes, checksum: dc59136f080d769ecdc817cba58d1648 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / No começo do século XX, a Revolução Russa abalou o mundo com as dimensões de suas experiências e a radicalidade de suas propostas. Por pressão das camadas populares russas insatisfeitas com as mazelas da primeira guerra mundial, o czarismo foi derrubado e em seguida o governo provisório, desencadeando uma revolução de forte caráter operário e camponês. Os sovietes (conselhos populares) espalharam-se por todo o território de um país de dimensões continentais (constituindo-se de início, uma grande experiência libertária). Com isso, a Rússia Soviética tornou-se uma referência para todos os movimentos revolucionários e socialistas ao redor do mundo, e o movimento operário brasileiro (que na época era predominantemente de tendência anarquista) não ficou imune aos impactos desse evento. Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa que analisa o entendimento e a compreensão que os militantes anarquistas brasileiros tiveram a respeito da revolução na Rússia, por meio de sua imprensa. Para tanto, utilizamos como fontes documentais os jornais A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo e o Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. As formas como os anarquistas enxergaram e representaram este acontecimento em seus periódicos, nos revelam, e nos possibilitam investigar e compreender, os conflitos e mudanças internas no movimento operário brasileiro do período. Movimento operário este que ficou dividido entre “libertários e bolcheviques”, devido o caráter autoritário do regime russo, que não contemplava as expectativas do anarquismo, apesar dos elementos libertários da experiência revolucionária ocorrida na Rússia / In the early twentieth century the Russian Revolution shook the world with the dimensions of its experiences and the radicalism of its proposals. Under pressure from Russian grassroots popular classes dissatisfied with the ills of the First World War, the Tsarist regime and then the interim government were overthrown, sparking a revolution of strong proletarian and peasantry character. The Soviets (popular councils) have spread throughout the territory of a country of continental dimensions (constituting at the beginning, a great libertarian experience). Thus, Soviet Russia became a reference for all socialist and revolutionary movements around the world, and the Brazilian labor movement (which at that time was predominantly anarchist) was not immune to the impacts of this event. This work is part of a study that analyzes the understanding and the perception that the Brazilian anarchist militants had about the revolution in Russia, by the reading of their press. We used as documentary sources the following anarchist press: A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo and the Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. The ways in which anarchists saw and represented this event in their journals reveal and enables us to investigate and understand the conflicts and changes within the Brazilian labor movement of the period which was split between libertarians and Bolsheviks, because the authoritarian character of the Russian regime which did not include the expectations of anarchism, despite its revolutionary elements

The Postanarchist, an activist in a heterotopia : building an ideal type is the theme of this doctoral thesis. The main aim is to elaborate a design for the postanarchist figure, picking up its main characteristics from the work of the postanarchist Saul Newman. The argument also bears on two other authors: the post-structuralist Michel Foucault, considered a strong influence of postanarchism, and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, the first author who labelled himself as anarchist and the first to embrace anarchy positively. Immanuel Kant, Friedrich Nietzsche, Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari are introduced as mediators to provide deeper understanding of the main authors. The dissertation offers a novel theoretical revision of postanarchism through Michel Foucault and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. It notes the close similarities between Foucault and Proudhon - in terms of concepts of space, struggle, movement, necessity and consequently anarchy; establishes a conceptual net around them and uses Proudhon s thinking to fill the bibliographic gaps in Foucault s writings. The goal is to better understand the thought and the activist practice of Foucault in terms of anarchism and, in the last instance, to better grasp the postanarchism of Saul Newman in order to carve the postanarchist ideal type. Postanarchism is understood as the constitution of autonomous spaces; the notions of space and heterotopias - the Foucauldian space - are central in the dissertation. Accordingly, the thesis is structured by three hypotheses: (i) postanarchism is space constitution; (ii) the constitution of space is a struggle; (iii) to establish space is to survive. The sub-concepts of the dissertation are: movement, necessity, struggle, power subject, body, sign, truth and utopia. The thesis provides an interpretative analysis of primary sources - books, newspapers, magazines, pamphlets and manifestos - of the three main authors supported by secondary commentaries. It departs from conventions by adopting a theoretical approach inspired by Foucault s solar and circular worldview (and Tommaso Campanella s City of the Sun). This facilitates the fluid organization of the argument and avoids imposing linearity on the content, thus highlighting the interrelation between content and the structure of the argument. This thesis is an exposition, an interpretation that develops new knowledge through the connections and methods that enable us to better know who the postanarchist activist is.