Ce travail examine les rapports entre médias et pouvoir au Sénégal depuis l'indépendance en 1960. Les médias et le pouvoir ont connu des relations ambivalentes, plus ou moins conflictuelles. Cette situation est liée au processus de démocratisation du pays qui n'a pas été linéaire. De 1856 à 1960, il faut distinguer deux cas : les quatre communes (Gorée, Rufisque, Saint-Louis et Dakar) où s'applique la loi française, et le reste du pays où le code de l'indigénat fait office de loi. Dans le premier cas où la liberté de la presse existe plus ou moins, c'est le bouillonnement politique qui favorise l'émergence des médias, notamment la presse politique partisane. Sous le régime de Léopold Sédar Senghor (1960-1980), la presse plurielle héritée de la colonisation a cédé la place à un monopole médiatique avec l'instauration du parti unique malgré l’existence de quelques téméraires qui s'aventuraient à créer des journaux. Abdou Diouf (1981-2000) a décrété le multipartisme entraînant un foisonnement de la presse. Mais le tournant a été la deuxième moitié des années 1980 où la presse dite indépendante va prendre place dans le paysage médiatique. Des conflits ont été notés entre son régime et les médias, même si cela a été plus ou moins mesuré. Sous le régime d'Abdoulaye Wade, depuis 2000, le nombre de médias s'est accru. Les télévisions privées ont fait irruption. Mais Abdoulaye Wade innove dans les rapports entre médias et pouvoir par ses attaques contre les médias de son pays. C'est dans ce contexte que ce travail offre la possibilité de s'interroger sur l'éventualité d'un nouveau paysage médiatique dont les règles vont clairement être définies et respectées au Sénégal par l'ensemble des acteurs. C'est dans cette perspective qu'il est proposé de favoriser l'éclosion d'une presse régionale pour mieux accompagner la démocratie locale. / This work examines the relationship between media and authority in Senegal since the independence in 1960, after a historical review. The media and authority have had ambivalent relationships. Sometimes stable, sometimes conflicting. This relationship is related to the democratization process of the country that has not been linear. From 1856 to 1960, there were two distinguished cases: the four municipalities, that are Goree, Rufique, Saint-Louis and Dakar, where French law and the rest of the country native code were applied as law.. In the first case where the press freedom more or less exists, the political turmoil has led to the media emergence, particularly in partisan politics press. Under Leopold Sedar Senghor’s regime (1960-1980), the plural press inherited from the colonialism, gave a way to a monopoly media with the introduction of a single party. Even if few reckless people ventured to create newspapers, the multiparty decreed by President Abdou Diouf (1981-2000) led to a proliferation of the press. However, the turning point was the mid-1980’s, when the so-called independent press founded by journalists, appeared. Under Abdou Diouf regime, conflicts were noted between his regime and the media, although it was more or less moderate. Since 2000, under Abdoulaye Wade’ regime, the number of media has increased. Private television sprung. The new relationship between media and authority under Abdoulaye Wade’ reign, is that ihe is the one who confronted the media of his country. It is in this perspective that this work examines a new media landscape potential where the rules are clearly defined and respected. It is also proposed to promote a regional press emergence.

This Diploma Thesis analyzes crucial works of the Czech and global literary art of the 20th and the 21st century. Jan Balabán's Zeptej se táty (Ask the Daddy), Emil Hakl's Pravidla směšného chování (Etiquette of Ridiculousness), Son of the Regiment by Valentin Katajev, Kerouac's On the Road, Stříbrný vítr (Silver Wind) by Fráňa Šrámek, Letter to His Father by Franz Kafka and The Road by Cormac McCarthy are all analyzed in terms of theme of sonhood. Similarities and differences are both covered. Relation of sonhood, authority and god is crucial, as well as the change of the whole concept of father - son relationship which occurred in the 20th century. The author of the thesis tries to postulate questions concerning sonhood, which in his opinion should the mankind be asking. Yet it is not his ambition to offer resolute and firm answers. The essay is entwined with an autobiographic prose which completes the analytical part in a refreshing way. Both genres contribute to the final outcome, which is a synthesis offering the possibility of grasping theme of sonhood from a brand new perspective, as sonhood is also the main motif of the prosaic part. Main character, the author of the diploma thesis, is dealing with his relationship to his father, and more importantly his father's relationship to his father, i. e....

Dans sa définition traditionnelle, c'est-à-dire définie comme la sanction des conditions de formation des actes juridiques, la nullité est entièrement construite autour de la figure de l’autorité et du pouvoir. La rétroactivité de la nullité pouvant s’analyser d’ailleurs comme une manière d’asseoir cette autorité. Cette conception demeure nous semble t-il prisonnière du fondement de l’inexistence : il s’agit de faire comme si l’acte n’avait jamais existé ; d’anéantir l’acte. Les Modernes n’ont pas réussi à se défaire complètement de cette vision qui témoigne d'une analyse réductionniste du droit. Lorsqu’ils raisonnent en termes de validité, ils ne raisonnent qu’en termes de validité formelle. La validité se définissant dès lors comme le mode spécifique d'existence des normes semble devoir être rattachée à la logique de l'impérativité alors qu'elle reposait chez JAPIOT sur la logique de l'ordre public ce qui lui conférait une certaine souplesse. Associée à l’idée d’autorité, d’impérativité, de pouvoir la nullité semble une figure appartenant au passé tant la planète contractuelle dominée par la pluralité semble désormais attirée vers la flexibilité. L’introduction du concept de « nullité partielle » n’a guère remporté le succès escompté et nécessaire pour renverser cette tendance. Les sanctions dites alternatives à la nullité se sont multipliées afin de palier l’incapacité de la nullité à rendre compte des transformations de notre droit. Et pourtant, définie non plus comme une sanction mais comme une norme de reconnaissance, la nullité apparaît non seulement comme un outil particulièrement souple - et donc adapté à notre modernité - mais comme le seul véritable instrument de justice contractuelle. / Abstract

Cette étude s’intéresse à la question de l’autorité à l’école élémentaire. Elle est consacrée dans une première partie à un travail d’élaboration conceptuelle qui vise à proposer une compréhension globale de la relation d’autorité éducative, modélisée sous la forme d’un système dynamique et complexe. L’analyse du fonctionnement de ce système relationnel, et l’exploration méthodique de l’ensemble des éléments qui le composent et de leurs liens, portent in fine à envisager l’autorité comme une propriété de la relation entre enseignants et élèves. La seconde partie de la thèse est consacrée à la validation théorique et empirique de l’hypothèse selon laquelle un système relationnel d’autorité éducative gagne à s’accompagner d’un système relationnel de confiance : dans un rapport de causalité circulaire, relation d’autorité éducative et relation de confiance tendent à se renforcer mutuellement. Cette analyse est ensuite prolongée dans la troisième partie de l’étude par une exploration des conditions favorables à l’instauration de la confiance chez les élèves, et de l’influence positive de celle-ci sur la relation d’autorité éducative. L’ensemble de ce travail accorde donc une place importante à question de la subjectivité des élèves, tant dans la relation d'autorité éducative que dans la relation de confiance. De fait, la réflexion théorique est systématiquement appuyée sur les résultats d’une enquête de terrain conduite avec trois classes de cycle 3, qui ont été suivies pendant une année scolaire complète, et dont les acteurs, enseignants et élèves, ont été observés en situation et interrogés. / Authority at elementary school is the main topic of this thesis. The first part of the study is dedicated to the conceptual development aimed at providing a global understanding of educative authority relationship, modelled as a dynamic and complex system. The analysis of the functioning of this relational system, and the methodical investigation of all its elements as well as their connexions, suggests authority as the property of the relationship between teachers and pupils.The second part of the thesis focuses on the theoretical and empirical validation of the hypothesis that a relational system of educative authority benefits from a trust-based relational system, i.e. educative authority and trust relationships tend to complement and reinforce each other in a process of circular causation. This analysis is further extended in the third part of the study, which is looking at the favourable conditions for building pupils’ trust, and the positive influence of trust on the educative authority relationship.Pupils’ subjectivity, both in the educative authority relationship and in the trust relationship, plays a key role in this subject. Hence, theoretical reflection systematically relies on the results of an empirical investigation conducted with three classes of third grade of elementary cycle pupils, who were followed for an entire school year, and observed in situation and interviewed with their teachers.

Ce travail de thèse adopte le point de vue de la philosophie politique de l’éducation pour penser une métamorphose de l’autorité dans la modernité démocratique, à l’aune du principe de légitimité individualiste. Nous y prenons acte des transformations majeures ayant traversé les démocraties occidentales après 1945 et de la trajectoire de la notion d’autorité dans cette même période. Il s’agit ensuite d’envisager l’articulation syntagmatique des concepts d’autorité et de bienveillance pour en faire des moyens au service de l’autonomie des individus. Cette conceptualisation de l’autorité bienveillante permet alors de reprendre à nouveaux frais la question de l’articulation de la notion d’autorité avec le mode de positionnement dans le temps et le mode de liens entre les êtres que peuvent être ceux de la modernité démocratique, soit une refonte de la trinité romaine autorité-religion-tradition. Il devient également possible de traiter de concert les questions de la reconnaissance de l’autorité dans sa légitimité et de la contribution des relations d’autorité à la quête par chacun de la reconnaissance individuelle. Ainsi envisagée, la praxis de l’autorité bienveillante dans l’éducation peut être explorée, et sa fécondité pour faire face aux défis éducatifs contemporains être mise en lumière. Penser l’autorité en éducation comme une praxis signifie renoncer à prétendre proposer un modèle figé d’autorité, valable en tout, pour tout et pour tous. La dimension éthique de l’assomption d’une place d’autorité ne peut qu’en être renforcée. Faire de l’autonomie individuelle le but de l’éducation implique que cette éthique ne soit ni moraliste, ni paternaliste, ni abstentionniste. / This thesis work adopts the point of view of educational political philosophy to contemplate a metamorphosis of authority in democratic modernity, in the light of the principle of individualist legitimacy. In this context, we acknowledge the major changes which occurred in modern democracies since 1945, as well as the path of the notion of authority over the same period of time. Then, we consider the syntagmatic articulation of authority and kindness concepts, to turn them into means serving autonomy of individuals. This conceptualization of benevolent authority allows to reconsider, from the very beginning, the link between authority, and the positioning in time and relationships between the beings within democratic modernity, that is to say redesigning the roman trinity authority – religion – tradition. Hence, one can also investigate jointly the questions of authority acknowledgment in its legitimacy, and of the role of authority relationships in everyone’s quest for individual reconnaissance. Thus, the praxis of benevolent authority in education can be explored, allowing to highlight its fruitfulness to face contemporary educational challenges. Considering authority in education as a praxis means renouncing to propose a frozen model of authority, applicable to any situation and for anyone. This approach can only strengthen the assumption of a place of authority. Setting individual authority as a goal of education requires this ethics to be neither moralistic, nor paternalistic nor abstentionist.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:34:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIDULCE FERREIRA LUSTOSA.pdf: 3461045 bytes, checksum: 4ec2a4544addc1c675221aab9009d8b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-02-13 / This study it treats on pertinent questions to the authority, with specific visibility for the musical artistic group known as tropicalista, its concept, images of negation and its interlacements, through a dialogue in Richard Sennett. The research investigated the representations of the authority for tropicalista group in the decade of 1960, with the secular clipping of 1967 the 1969, period this that marked the time of youth of the majority of thetropicalistas actors. The factors that give meant the relation of the group with the authority are weaveeed historically by the events that they had marked the then world and by the social conditions and cultural objective especially in the space axle of the cities of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The work is structuralized in three chapters. The first one has as heading the TROPICALISTAS: IT IS FORBIDDEN TO FORBID points out the tropicalista movement in the panorama of the Brazilian culture, the concern that this youth had in the construction of a proper image and the importance of the antropofágico movement for the intellectual elaborations and artistic musical comedy of this group. As it has as heading PANIS ET CIRCENCES: IMAGE OF a NEW TIME and develops the description and the interpretation of the images that had collaborated with the analysis of the relation between the authority and the tropicalistas and the third chapter, STOPS BEYOND the FORMS: The TROPICALISMO AND ITS SPEECHES have the attention directed toward the analysis of the speeches, from its musical creations and depositions. / Este estudo trata sobre questões pertinentes à autoridade, com visibilidade específica para o grupo artístico musical conhecido como tropicalista, seu conceito, imagens de negação e seus entrelaçamentos, através de um diálogo em Richard Sennett. A pesquisa investigou as representações da autoridade para grupo tropicalista na década de 1960, com o recorte temporal de 1967 a 1969, período esse que marcou o tempo de juventude da maioria dos atores tropicalistas. Os fatores que dão significado a relação do grupo com a autoridade é tecido historicamente pelos acontecimentos que marcaram o mundo de então e pelas condições sociais e culturais objetivas especialmente no eixo espacial das cidades de São Paulo e Rio de janeiro. O trabalho está estruturado em três capítulos. O primeiro tem como título OS TROPICALISTAS: É PROIBIDO PROIBIR situa o movimento tropicalista no panorama da cultura brasileira, a preocupação que esta juventude tinha na construção de uma imagem própria e a importância do movimento antropofágico para as elaborações intelectuais e artístico- musical deste grupo. O segundo tem como título PANIS ET CIRCENCES: IMAGEM DE UM NOVO TEMPO e desenvolve a descrição e a interpretação das imagens que colaboraram com a análise da relação entre a autoridade e os tropicalistas e o terceiro capítulo, PARA ALÉM DAS FORMAS: O TROPICALISMO E SEUS DISCURSOS têm a atenção voltada para a análise dos discursos, a partir das suas criações musicais e depoimentos.

The Inner London Education Authority (ILEA) (1964 – 1990) was abolished by the Education Reform Act, 1988. This ended an unitary system of education that had existed in inner London for over a hundred years. This thesis examines the question of the political reasons and motivations for the ILEA’s abolition, considering both the move to the right by the Conservative party which abolished it, and the move to the left by the Labour party. In effect the polarisation of politics left little room for the form of pragmatic politics and policies which had enabled the ILEA to develop under previous Conservative and Labour administrations. Under these conditions the radical step to abolish the ILEA became possible. Given this political climate the question is asked as to whether there were good grounds for the abolition of the ILEA, over and above ideological considerations. Two strategies are adopted to answer this question. The first examines the history and processes of policy making with reference to the support for Special Educational Needs and Adult, Further and Higher Education. These may be considered ‘success stories’ while a third case, that of William Tyndale, considers whether there were also weaknesses in the ILEA’s policy processes. The second examines the claims that the ILEA tolerated low standards in education and failed to give value for money. It is concluded that the evidence does not sustain the claims made against the ILEA and that therefore, its demise can better be explained by the polarisation of politics at the time.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

In the autumn of 2017 the #metoo-movement came to change a whole world. In Sweden, many #metoo-movements started, one of which was #vardeljus. #vardeljus means “Let there be light”, and was a movement of anonymous women in The Church of Sweden. The women wanted to illustrate how women have been sexually harassed in the organization. #vardeljus was also a blog with the same name, where the women shared their stories. In this essay, I have studied how the #vardeljus-movement highlighted existing gender structures in The Church of Sweden, and whether or not the movement contributed to an authority displacement. In relation to this, I examined in what way the theory of mediaziation could be useful in the study of these topics. In the making of this study, I have mainly relied on the theory of mediaziation as the main theory. In addition I have also benefited from ideas found in the theory of authority displacement as well as from adding a gender perspective. The text material of my choice was the #vardeljus-movement, publicated in the newspaper Kyrkans tidning, and a selection from the associated blog with same name - #vardeljus. The method of this study has been a systematic text analysis, wherein I have placed my text material in categories. These categories were power, gender structure, sexually harassment and authority displacement. The study found that the #vardeljus-movement illustrated gender structures in The Church of Sweden. These were expressed through sexually harassment, and abuse of power from authorities in the church. Another result of the study was that the movement started a process of an authority displacement, where previously silent stories were heard. In relation to these conclusions, the theory of mediaziation has been used to analyse how these gender structures and authority displacements are presented in the #vardeljus-movement, and how new medias are provided to these conclusions.

Cette thèse porte sur l’atrocité du crime de parricide dans la culture pénale de la modernité que reconfigurent les Lumières libérales du droit de punir après 1750. Entre la doctrine criminelle et les pratiques judiciaires du parlement de Paris – la plus haute cour d’appel du royaume au XVIIIe siècle –, se nouent des relations dialectiques fondamentales qui structurent ce travail. Dès la Renaissance, les traités criminels définissent le crime à partir de l’acception juridique étendue que lui confère la législation pénale romaine. Le parricidium s’étend à l’homicide d’un parent jusqu’au quatrième degré. La nature familiale du crime définit son atrocité juridique. Amplifiant l’horreur attachée aux transgressions de l’autorité paternelle, le parricide qualifie aussi toute atteinte à la personne sacrée du roi « père de son peuple ». Contaminé par la catégorie de la lèse-majesté, le crime atroce encourt la rigueur suppliciaire de châtiments extrêmes (démembrement du parricide royal, roue et poing coupé du parricide domestique). Des excès à l’empoisonnement, des cousins aux père et mère, du parricide familial au parricide du roi : dans les pratiques judiciaires du parlement de Paris (1694-1780), la diversité des faits et des parents relevant du parricide domine. La rigueur punitive s’efface pourtant devant l’atténuation du crime atroce. La majorité des accusés sont élargis au bénéfice du doute voire exonérés du dernier supplice en cas de folie. L’atténuation globale s’accompagne, dans le même temps, d’un processus d’aggravation pénale ultra restrictive, lequel s’intensifie après 1750. Dans l’arbitraire de leurs pouvoirs pénaux, les magistrats du Palais réservent la qualification pénale du parricide à l’assassinat d’un ascendant au premier degré. Le « véritable parricide » se voit reconfiguré dans la culture pénale d’Ancien Régime annonçant les codifications pénales révolutionnaires de 1791 et de 1810. / The main of this PH dissertation is to study the “parricide” as an atrocious crime in the penal culture during the liberalEnlightenment, and notably after 1750. Criminal doctrine and Parlement de Paris’s judicial practices help to build thetopics and research problem about legal punishment to this vicious offense. From Renaissance, legal treatises broadlydefine this crime in the legacy of Roman Law. Parricidium means killing a relative to the fourth degree by blood.Criminal atrocity is determined by family links. Moreover, parricide also means a crime committed against the sacredperson of king. Major criminal offence (“lèse-majesté”), the regicide is punished with extreme torments as thequartering of the body. Accordingly, the common parricide is punished by hand cutting off. Physical abuse, poisoning,cousins, father, mother and king’s parricide: in judicial practices of Parlement de Paris (1694-1780), many are thecases and parents involved in a criminal trial for “parricide”. However, penal moderation prevails quantitatively overextreme repression. In majority of cases, defendants are liberated and, if they are insane, declared non punishable. After1750, general temperance is combined with a more and increasing severity concentrated on a relative to the first degreeby blood (“ assassinat d’un ascendant au premier degré ”). The “ geniune parricide ”, so restored by this study to itsepistemological centrality of Enlightenment penal culture, gives way to the penal codification (1791, 1810), which endsthe Ancien Régime of crime and punishments.