In the theoretical part of the thesis there are presented different models of education with the focus on the position of a child as subject / object of education (authoritative education, democratic, liberal) and the importance of authority in education. In the next part of the text there are the concepts, arguments and individual educational strategies of the program Respect and be respected explained in detaile. The research part of the thesis is focused on mapping the experience of parents and teachers (N = 10) who have passed a training course. The key research question is: How can graduates use R + R recommendations in every day practice (family or school), and how can they prove real educational effects? The research tool will be an interview. KEYWORDS: Education, authority, educational styles, means of education

This thesis deals with the verification procedure, which is the first part of the preliminary proceeding and thus part of criminal proceedings. The introductory part of the thesis briefly covers basic instruments of the preliminary proceeding including the investigation phase whose knowledge is key to realize the position and importance of the verification procedure in the overall structure of the criminal proceedings. Bodies that are involved in the criminal proceedings are discussed including their definition, organization and determination of their competence in the verification procedure. The core of the thesis is divided into several parts that deal with the analysis of the verification procedure as well as activities that precede the formal beginning of the criminal proceedings. The ways are discussed by which bodies become aware of offences as well as the first steps of the police authority in the unofficial phase that precedes the criminal proceedings. The core part of the thesis also looks at the prosecutor's and especially police authority's powers that are typical of this phase and whose records are not directly admissible as evidence before court. On the other hand, exceptional cases are also discussed where the evidence must be executed in this phase with specific focus on the...

Ma thèse constitue une étude de l'épiscopat byzantin à une période charnière de l'histoire de l'Empire. Les évolutions de l'épiscopat s'articulent autour de la conception de l'autorité des évêques, qu'ils fondent désormais davantage sur leur compétence intellectuelle. Le recrutement d'une partie importante de l'épiscopat parmi le clergé lettré de Constantinople modifie la représentation de leur autorité, qui ne repose pas exclusivement sur la grâce reçue lors de l'ordination et le pouvoir d'ordre. La formation poussée des évêques et les relations qu'ils maintiennent avec leurs amis intellectuels de la capitale ont des conséquences sur l'exercice de leur pouvoir dans leur diocèse. L'absentéisme des évêques étant limité, les prélats ont pris leur rôle au sérieux en dépit de l'opposition grandissante entre la capitale, dont ils sont issus, et les provinces, où ils officient. Les évêques ont mis en œuvre leur compétence intellectuelle, littéraire, théologique et juridique pour gouverner leurs fidèles, défendre les intérêts de leur diocèse et participer au synode permanent à Constantinople. Les liens avec l'aristocratie constantinopolitaines, matérialisés dans les correspondances, sont apparus cruciaux pour le bon exercice du gouvernement épiscopal. L'épiscopat ne résiste cependant pas à l'ensemble de ses contradictions, notamment celle entre les provinces et la capitale. Leur gouvernement est toujours susceptible d'être contesté aussi bien par les aristocrates, les moines ou les simples fidèles. / My dissertation studies the Byzantine episcopate at a crucial period in the history of the Empire. The evolutions of the episcopate revolve around the conception of the bishops' authority, which was based on their intellectual competence. The recruitment of a large part of the bishops among the literate clergy of Constantinople modifies the representation of their authority, which does not rest exclusively on the grace received during their chrismation and the power of order. The advanced intellectual training of the bishops and the relations they maintain with their friends living in the capital have consequences for the exercise of power in their diocese. The bishops' absenteeism being limited, the bishops took their role seriously in spite of the growing opposition between the capital from which they came and the provinces where they held their office. The bishops have implemented their intellectual, literary, theological and legal competence to govern their faithful, defend the interests of their diocese and participate in the pe1manent synod in Constantinople. The links with the Constantinopolitan aristocrats, materialized in the correspondences, appeared crucial for the good exercise of the episcopal government. The episcopate, however, does not resist ail its contradictions, especially that between the provinces and the capital. Their government is always liable to be contested by aristocrats, monks or lay people alike.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:21:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 31 / Nenhuma / A perda do espaço público com o afastamento do Judiciário da sociedade gera uma série de conseqüências, como a perda de sua autoridade e legitimidade e o delineamento de uma instituição burocratizada e pouco eficiente, que pode ser cognominada de Judiciário do Homo faber, em paráfrase ao Homo faber do universo arendtiano. Além de refletir tendências comportamentais da própria sociedade, essa entidade é reforçada por instrumentos e práticas jurídicas equivocadas, quase todas identificadas com uma lógica da produção na qual o valor humano é desprezada. O presente estudo identifica e analisa esse Judiciário do Homo faber, suas raízes, a perda de autoridade que lhe acompanha, os eventos que o fortalecem e o risco que representa para uma sociedade democrática e pluralista. Como contraponto, sugere-se a visão de outra instituição batizada de Poder Judiciário do Homo activo, onde o exercício da ação como atitude transformadora recupera e estimula o uso do espaço público, a percepção do outro e do cuidado no coletivo / With the torn between Society and his Judiciary, the public space disappeared. This loss had a lot of consequences, like the lost of authority and legitimacy, and the construction of a bureaucratic and little efficient institution, which can be called the Homo faber’s Judiciary as a paraphrase of the Homo faber by Hannah Arendt. More than reflecting behavioral tendencies from the society itself, this entity is reinforced by certain legal practices and instruments, almost all identified with production’s logic, in what human value is dismissed. The present study identifies and discusses this Homo faber’s Judiciary, its roots, the lost of authority who accomplish it, the events what strength it and the risk it represents for a democratic and pluralistic society. As a counterpoint, it will be suggested the vision of another institution, named as Homo activo’s Judiciary Power, where the action exercised as an attitude brings back the use of the public space, the other’s perception and the collective’s care. Some

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Dias de Oliveira.pdf: 1815439 bytes, checksum: d03915f10304d91a9e33ba0bc26f9430 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis presents an analysis of the multiple facets of the expression of authority in teaching with objective to understand the exercise of this in the contemporanity and its particularities in the context of high school. It seeks thus to examine the school environment and their correspondence with the teaching authority, investigating the explicit manifestations and 'invisible' in the school day of the first year of São Paulo public high. This is a case study whose driving force is the qualitative research with students, teachers, coordinators and management, anchoring in bibliographical research, especially in the theories of the social sciences, with emphasis on the thoughts of Hannah Arendt, but also, resorting to other areas of knowledge such as history and philosophy, in order to obtain an interdisciplinary look at the phenomenon. As a result of this process, it is shown that there are several ways to judge the teaching authority, and that being presented here is only one of them, trying to find clues that help to elucidate the complexity of teaching authority in contemporary Brazilian public school / Esta tese apresenta uma análise sobre as múltiplas faces de manifestação da autoridade no trabalho docente, sendo seu objetivo compreender o exercício desta na contemporaneidade e suas especificidades no contexto do Ensino Médio. Procura-se, desta forma, analisar o universo escolar e suas correspondências com a autoridade docente, investigando as suas manifestações explícitas e invisíveis no cotidiano escolar do primeiro ano do Ensino Médio de uma escola pública estadual na cidade de São Paulo. Trata-se de um estudo de caso cujo eixo condutor é a pesquisa qualitativa realizada com alunos, professores, coordenador e direção, ancorando-se na pesquisa bibliográfica, principalmente nas teorias das Ciências Sociais, com ênfase no pensamento de Hannah Arendt, mas também, recorrendo-se a outras áreas do conhecimento, como História e Filosofia, de forma a obter um olhar interdisciplinar sobre o fenômeno. Como resultado desse processo, demonstra-se que há várias maneiras de se julgar a autoridade docente, sendo aquela apresentada neste trabalho apenas uma delas, buscando-se encontrar pistas que auxiliem a elucidar a complexidade da autoridade docente na escola pública brasileira contemporânea

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:53:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sergio Luis Braghini.pdf: 824240 bytes, checksum: 04043dd37d30a6e55702c3ea65a26063 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-05-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The objective of this work is to study the youth, for what it means to pass the family to the social world, and therefore show traces of social change. Our reflections on youth were located in the reading of social scientists, historians, psychoanalysts, and other authors, books, theses and scientific journals in psychology, social sciences and humanities. These readings allowed the path of reflection on the issue of youth in post-modernity and the implications of studies about the decline of the paternal imago, the image that is made of youth. We asked: Is it possible to observe through a historical survey, the decline of paternal authority as to how this idea is presented in the thesis of Jacques Lacan? My hypothesis is that these remains on the decline of paternal authority are recorded in the images of fiction films that demonstrate the social portrait of youth to the present day. To this end, we conducted a film looks back to youth culture between the years 1950 to 2008. It is understood that film is a cultural product registered in a particular historical time partner, is through him that support my thesis. Our hypothesis that the traces on the decline of paternal authority are recorded in the images of fiction films has been confirmed, but not confirmed that there would be a loss of the paternal role, the way Lacan theorized after 1953. What we found in our research is that the decline of symbolic efficacy of the paternal function does not necessarily involve, the decline of paternal authority. We can say that the crisis of legitimacy of authority is no place, because the referential postmodern, as the organizer of great symbolic narrative of this period in capitalism has been the market / O objetivo deste trabalho é o de estudar a juventude, pelo que ela implica de passagem do mundo familiar ao social, e pelo que mostra de vestígio das mutações sociais. Nossas reflexões sobre a juventude foram localizadas na leitura de cientistas sociais, historiadores, psicanalistas e outros autores, em livros, teses, e revistas cientificas em psicologia, ciências sociais e humanas. Tais leituras possibilitaram o caminho de reflexão sobre a questão da juventude na pós-modernidade e as implicações dos estudos sobre o declínio da imago paterna, na imagem que se faz da juventude. Perguntamos: é possível observar, por meio de um levantamento histórico, o declínio da autoridade paterna da forma como essa ideia se apresenta na tese de Jacques Lacan? Minha hipótese é a de que esses vestígios sobre o declínio da autoridade paterna estão registrados nas imagens dos filmes de ficção que demonstram os retratos sociais da juventude dos anos 1950 aos dias presentes. Para tanto, foi feita uma análise de filmes voltando os olhares para a cultura jovem entre os anos 1950 a 2008. Entende-se que um filme é produto cultural inscrito em um determinado momento sócio histórico, é por meio dele que amparo a minha tese. Nossa hipótese de que os vestígios sobre o declínio da autoridade paterna estão registrados nas imagens dos filmes de ficção se confirmou, mas não se confirmou que haveria um desaparecimento da função paterna, da forma como Lacan a teorizou após 1953. O que encontramos em nossa pesquisa é que o declínio da eficácia simbólica da função paterna não envolve necessariamente, a decadência da autoridade paterna. Podemos dizer que a crise de legitimidade de autoridade se encontra sem lugar, pois o referencial pós-moderno, o organizador como grande narrativa simbólica desse período no capitalismo tem sido o Mercado

Esta tese é uma reflexão sobre os arranjos institucionais que compõem as ordens jurídicas e políticas de nossas democracias ocidentais. Queremos mostrar a urgência de uma virada na perspectiva antropológica, como alternativa para superação da imensa crise pela qual passamos, e, para tanto, a filosofia política de Hannah Arendt foi a inspiração certa. Com a Filósofa, aprendemos que é somente na interação do “eu com os outros” que se concretiza a realidade do mundo humano, garantindo a vitalidade do espaço público, sede, por excelência, da ação política. Enquanto permanecermos presos ao individualismo solipsista, reproduzindo o padrão comportamental daquele a quem Hannah Arendt chama de animal laborans, não poderá existir uma esfera verdadeiramente pública, mas, tão-somente, atividades privadas exibidas em público. O que queremos demonstrar é que a possibilidade de superação dos atuais problemas passa pelo afastamento da violência que destrói o poder e esvazia a autoridade, pelo resgate da confiança dos cidadãos e pela afirmação do compromisso entre governantes e governados. Trata-se de uma concreta mudança na perspectiva antropológica subjacente às estruturas institucionais da comunidade política. Sai de cena o animal laborans, dando lugar ao amável zôon politikón, o ser humano, na sua condição plena, que sabe que a liberdade real só existe neste “estar um com o outro” no espaço público, onde há a necessária confiança e o essencial consentimento dos cidadãos para construir e fazer funcionar as ordens jurídicas e políticas. Voltamos os nossos olhos para o passado, examinando os contornos políticos, jurídicos e sociais dos respectivos espaços públicos, antigo, medieval e moderno, avaliando as consequencias no desenvolvimento de nossa compreensão sobre a cidadania. A alternativa de solução que propomos investe no valor da argumentação jurídica, pois acreditamos que a compreensão humana é o outro lado da nossa capacidade de agir. Sendo assim, defendemos, neste trabalho, a máxima importância da argumentação jurídica como um dos componentes da cidadania ativa capaz de recuperar as densidades éticas, jurídicas e políticas do espaço público, dando legitimidade democrática às suas regras de regência. / The thesis is a careful thought about the political, social and legal system of our western democracies. It shows how we need, as soon as possible, to make na anthropological overturn, like an alternative to get over the immeasurable crisis we are suffering now. In this task, we are supported by Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy. This wonderful thinker taught that we need to treat the others like equals. At least, if we want to build a human life in the world with a real public space where the political action can happen. If animal laborans keeps the control over the public arena, it will not be a truly public sphere, but only a place where private activities are showed. We will get over the problems if we realize that violence destroys the power and the authority. So, we need to rescue the citizen’s trust and the compromise between the Government and people. It is a real change in the anthropological perspective that deeply affects the political, legal and social orders. Aninal laborans gets out of the public scene. He is replaced by a lovely newcomer: zôon politikón, who lives a truly Human Condition. Actually, he lives in a democratic society in which citizens have access to political debate and can themselves be heard in it. He knows that only in this special place, where we are together, a sphere of open and free discussion is possible. The public space is the place where exists the much-needed trust and the common consent of citizens for build and do work the political and legal orders. We outline a historical retrospect scenery of the western political organizations and their public spheres in order to point out the evolution that happened in the societies in face of the several political, legal and social facts that permeated the last centuries. Especially, we emphasize the effects and consequences of that facts in the citizens’s behavior and citizen’s understanding. We consider that it is quite indispensable to enable and improve the legal reasoning, especially the pratical reasoning, because we believe that the human understanding is the other side of our capacity of action. In this way, we defend the great value of legal reasoning for active citizenship. Actually, we believe in this alternative to recover the ethical, legal and political density of public space, legitimating its rules.

Servant de titre à notre travail, la distance entre Reims, terre de sacre royal, et Varennes, village où Louis XVI et sa famille ont été pris en flagrant délit de fuite, est une métaphore de l’érosion du langage de l’autorité politique (notamment, le droit divin des rois) au cours du XVIIIe siècle et de la concurrence entre les discours de résistance aux autorités traditionnelles et ceux qui proposèrent un nouvel ordre politique sur la base des fondements théoriques et abstraits de la France du dix-septième siècle (le constitutionnalisme, le contractualisme, entre autres discours). Nous mettons en lumière pamphlets, brochures, actes parlementaires et documents administratifs et de gouvernement, écrits à l’occasion du sacre et du procès engendré par la fuite du Roi, ceux-ci n’étant pas à strictement parler, des œuvres classiques de la théorie politique. Toutefois, systématiquement analysées sans omettre de les articuler aux travaux de philosophie politique de l’époque largement connus, de telles sources permettent d’observer la dynamique de l’autorité politique, tout comme les disputes relatives à la définition de la nature et aux limites du (corps) souverain, portées par différents langages politiques de l’histoire. En réalité, dans la présente recherche, l’autorité politique est, pour paraphraser John Pocock, une activité discursivement constituée. Loin d’affirmer que de tels discours auraient été intronisés seulement au moment de la rupture, c’est-à-dire pendant les évènements qui marquèrent la Révolution Française de 1789, dans notre travail nous soutenons qu’au regard des écrits des auteurs analysés, les langages politiques gardent une forte ressemblance avec ceux qui étaient déjà en circulation et avaient pour but de contester l’ordre en vigueur, utilisés au cours des décennies antérieures à la période révolutionnaire, dès l’Ancien Régime. En réalité, notre hypothèse interprétative indique autant les effets de la rupture qu’une certaine continuité des langages dans un contexte particulier de l’histoire. / Providing the title of our thesis, it is the distance from Rheims to Varennes (the first being the land of the royal consecration and the last the place where Louis XVI and his family were caught fleeing), that provides the metaphor both for the erosion of the language of political authority (especially, the king’s divine right) during the 18th century and for the competition between political discourses of resistance to traditional authorities and those which proposed a new political order, based on theoretical and abstract foundations (notably the constitutionalism, the contractualism, among other discourses). We want to analyse the dynamics of political authority in that period by shedding some light on pamphlets, brochures, parliamentary minutes and administrative documents written during the consecration and the process engendered by the royal flight. Even though such documents may not be considered canonical works in political theory, closer analysis and their articulation with the philosophical works of that period allow us to observe the disputes over the definition of the nature and the limits of the sovereign’s body based on political languages of history. Indeed, this research takes political authority as a discursively constituted activity, to paraphrase John Pocock. Far from arguing that such discourses would have been constituted only at the moment of rupture, during the noticeable events of the French Revolution, in 1789, In this work we sought to sustain that the political languages coming from the pen of our authors keep a strong resemblance to those already in circulation and contesting that current order. In fact, this repertory was forged in the decades before the revolutionary period – specifically during the last ordination of the Ancien Régime, in Rheims. Accordingly, the thesis' interpretative hypothesis takes into account both the effects of rupture and the continuity in certain languages that held the legitimate political authority in a particular context in history.

A comparative study of Arabic and Turkish literary modernity, this dissertation investigates the rhetoric of authority in Ottoman-Arab and -Turkish literary, literary-historical, and literary critical discourses in the nineteenth century. Bringing together examples of travelogue, fiction, literary history and criticism, I attend to the divided and divisive figures of the sovereign and the author in order to examine the crises and transformations of political and literary authority in this period. Through an extended conversation with the recent historiography of the late-Ottoman Empire, I illustrate how the divisions and dispersions of the author’s body in these texts mirror the diffusion, dispersion, and dissipation of sultanic sovereignty, slowly being disembodied from the Sultan’s body, and how this pairing, in turn, testifies to the contradictions that inhere in the emergent possibilities of popular, political and literary, representation. Juxtaposing (de)formations and representations of sovereign bodies with contemporary (de)constructions of authorial bodies, I claim that certain theological and political aspects associated with the sultan’s body henceforth come to be taken up by the body of the author. It is the concurrent excess and deficiency of this transfer and translation—and the force and weakness that is at once associated with the act of writing—that defines the modern crisis of representation. To make sense of the institution of modern literature in Arabic and Turkish—and of other new modalities of political and cultural representation—it is necessary to attend to the crises of late-Ottoman sovereignty, as well as to the avenues of enchantment and disenchantment thereby opened. In three chapters bookended with an introduction and conclusion, I focus on the works of Aḥmad Fāris al-Shidyāq (1804-1886), Namık Kemal (1840-1888), Beşir Fuad (1852-1887), and Ibrāhīm al-Muwayliḥī (1844-1906) to articulate—through the coupling of the two bodies of the sovereign and the author—a critique of literary modernity in its relation to shifting discourses of political and literary authority.

This dissertation is an ethnographic study of institutional politics in postcolonial societies, in this case, contemporary Mali. It examines the ways in which transitions to democracy have transformed everyday politics not only through the creation of new institutional arrangements, but through the promotion of new understandings of social and political authority. In particular, this research examines the expectations that democratic institutions place on political deliberation and public speech, as well as the multiple ways in which democratic political speech has failed to fulfill those expectations. To address these questions, it combines Linguistic and Political Anthropology in the analysis of everyday discussions that took place in institutions of political representation in contemporary Mali—from the National Assembly to local councils and party meetings. This linguistic evidence was collected during fifteen months of fieldwork in Bamako and Kita, Mali, in 2010, 2011, and 2012. Each chapter is centered on one of the various categories that mediate the relationship between political speech and action—such as authority, representation, and intention. My analyses of discursive patterns within the specific political context of Mali lays bare an oscillation between a serious engagement with democratic political discussion on the one hand, and its rejection through expressions of suspicion and disbelief on the other. Drawing on J. L. Austin’s speech act theory, I argue that democratic political speech suffers “infelicity,” or a recurrent difficulty in authenticating formal political speech and investing it with added performative force.