本文的目的是了解和分析台灣與中美洲貿易、經濟和政治方面的關係，並將它們與不斷增長的中國的存在和影響力的地理區域比較。它也試圖對總統陳水扁和馬英九所追求的走向盟國外交作一個比較。 / This thesis aims to understand and analyze trade, economic and political aspects of the Taiwanese relationship with Central America, and compare them with the growing Chinese presence and influence in that geographic area. It also attempts to make a comparison between the diplomacy toward allied countries pursued by presidents Chen Shui-bian and Ma Ying-jeou. Taiwan has had to cope with China’s rise, a major geopolitical event of the twenty-first century. The expansion of the Chinese economy is reflected in an increased trade exchange with Latin America. Central America has not been an exception. The PRC has become a major trade partner for several Central American economies, surpassing commerce ties between them and Taiwan. This paper also states that the so-called “diplomatic truce” called for by President Ma has been working so far, as Beijing has not tried to “steal” more Taiwanese allies since 2008, and the ROC has not tried to lure new friends to its camp.

台灣和美國的關係自冷戰以來即維持密切的互動，從1950年代中期的反共軍事同盟至冷戰結束後台灣的民主化，台灣不論在政治、社會、經濟乃至國家安全的發展變遷上，都深受美國的影響。雖然台灣與美國於1979年經歷斷交的陰影，但台灣與美國至今仍保有相當友好的關係。 目前學界對台美關係的觀察多由主流國際關係理論的觀點為途徑，例如由新現實主義及新自由主義，僅探討台美關係在亞太地區軍事戰略的物質結構，缺乏對身分認同及戰略利益的連結關係，因此在解釋台美關係動態變化時，有其無法涵蓋之處。為彌補新現實主義及新自由主義解釋台美關係的缺失，本文由國際關係中社會建構主義的觀點出發，以民進黨陳水扁政府執政時期同時具備外交、兩岸與塑造台灣主體意識效果的兩次總統大選公民投票政策為例，詮釋台灣與美國如何透過身分認同及因身分所衍生的戰略利益兩項主要變數，進而影響雙方的政策產出與關係變動，作為對現有台美關係研究途徑的補充。 由國際關係理論中社會建構理論的奠基者溫特的身分概念，分析台美關係，其中具有可以合作協調的部分，亦有美國因霸權角色身分所衍生的戰略利益與一中政策，是台灣在爭取美國支持我國主權國家地位時，最艱鉅的挑戰。陳水扁執政時期，台美在台灣兩次總統大選公民投票議題所形成的戰略利益分歧，即是由台美雙方參照國際政治體系的角色身分所衍生的戰略利益不協調所導致。 / Taiwan and the United States have maintained close interaction and relationship since the Cold War era. The cooperation between the U.S. and Taiwan from the mid-1950s to now, Taiwan was deeply influenced by the U.S. in many aspects, including political, social, economic, democratization and even national security. Although the diplomatic relation between the U.S. and Taiwan was terminated in 1979, but they still maintain strong bilateral ties. The popular approaches in academic area for the analysis concerning Taiwan-U.S. bilateral relationship depend on the mainstream international relations theories, including Neo-realism and Neo-liberalism. These two theories emphasize on power structure and material interest, but ignore the causality of identity and strategic interest of states. This thesis takes the perspective of Identity in Social Constructivism as a complementary approach in order to interpret the dynamic changes and identity factors in Taiwan-U.S. relations. The research takes the twice national referendums held together with presidential election in 2004 and 2008 during the Chen Shui-bian Administration period as case studies. Chen’s referendum policies presented the effects of Taiwanese national identity and the strategy of foreign and Cross-Strait policies, those effects can help us interpret the identity and strategic interest variables in Taiwan –U.S. relationship. When using the conception of identity from the social constructivism to observe Taiwan-U.S. relations, we can figure that cooperation and coordination persist in some issue areas, but we also can find there are some divergences of strategic interests between U.S. and Taiwan driven by the role identity factors. The hegemonic role identity of the United States drive the insistence on the “One China policy” as her national interest, it is the most difficult part for Taiwan to seek the U.S.’s support for Taiwan’s sovereignty. The strategic divergence between the U.S. and Taiwan in Taiwan’s sovereignty and the referendum policies caused by the differences of their strategic interest come from the role identities.

University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Chinese

博士(社会学) / 甲第523号 / 143, 394, vp / Hitotsubashi University(一橋大学)