The power of the relationship between the photographic apparatus and migration is situated at a metaphorical crosslink between the two-dimensional outcome of marking borders on a map, or printing an image on a flat surface, and the time that affects the events that shape the very heart of that crosslink. The rigidity of borders, and sometimes their false ideas of flexibility can be seen on how recently Europe has proved (again) that ‘open boundaries’ is a non specific inclusive idea. The experience of migrants going through conflict situations is representative of the relationship between the ‘having to deal with’ the happenings, in most cases forced, and at the same time changing, transforming the landscape, leaving or bringing old and new values. Therefore the democratic power in this work is intended as the collective recognition of the importance of simple acts of looking, bringing values to the transformative nature of human beings. Because of its mechanical nature and the stillness of the images it produces, photography has the capacity to show transformation, with the quality of its materiality, which continuously challenges the users of photography in accessing different formats, since its invention. In the context of this work (Cartographers), photography becomes an inspiration for the concept, planning and making of the film process. Film can embrace elements that photography doesn’t have, like sound and duration, added to landscape and to portraits. These elements may help the viewer to understand a narrative that grows from a single trunk, the film, whose roots are holding onto the lightness of the sky instead of the thickness of the ground by representing, filmically, the expressions of the people who speak about their experiences. The ‘democratization of cartography’ – is in this written text considered as a shift of attention from the act of cartography to who makes it, the cartographers. Therefore map-making does not function as a merely two-dimensional outcome but as a nuance of an experience that is individual and collective. Cartographers reveals a map visible through the memory of a community of people who originate from the same place and have lived the same conflict (WWII) while being scattered across several different countries (Italy, France, Scotland). The work Cartographers, a film and series of archival aerial image, makes available the maps of these happenings, which memories are pulled together and suggest a reflection towards a democratic act of cartography making. The aim of this research is opposite to the creation of a cartography newly created by joining points from different journeys, experiences or concepts: in this work as the director of the film I have attempted to make emerge that the cartographers are aware of each other, their map is drawn collectively and everyday, and it does not join different points, but it starts from a single one and it explodes in different directions. The exploration of this work and research was made by attempting to represent what can be felt with the connection they have with the starting point. This is not only a process that looks at a certain community but is a dialogue with the memory of that community of cartographers which aids the understanding of the landscape that we traverse in our daily lives. With their memories, the subjects of the interviews - which I refer to as the Cartographers - leave a transparent but permanent trace that remains fixed in the landscape and makes it what it is today. The role of the artist in this case, is not the one of the ‘creator’ of a certain map, but the one that wipes the dust about to reveal the map of the treasure, and finds a way to show to the public, that the suspended moment of revelation, is the treasure itself.

This thesis explores one secondary art teacher's journey into multicultural education, multicultural art education and issues in holistic education. It delves into the difficulties and expectations in creating a classroom culture where all students feel validated and respected, and mutual understanding is fostered across cultural borders. Specific needs of multicultural students are addressed in regards to their education. Then due to an unexpected turn of events which led to a five week study abroad in India, the research looks at ways to incorporate a holistic approach, and spiritual dimension, to multicultural education based on Tibetan Buddhist principles. This narrative looks to find connections between cultural representation within the curriculum, student engagement, and teacher satisfaction. This thesis uses both narrative inquiry and autoethnography as methodologies. It includes field notes from India, as well as excerpts from my teaching journal in the classroom, which are woven into a narrative research text. It also includes an autoethnographic section describing my connection to the Hispanic community and why this study is relevant to my teaching practice.

A partir de 1965, l’URSS cherche à profiter de la politique de « détente, entente, coopération » lancée par le général de Gaulle auprès des pays du pacte de Varsovie pour obtenir, via une conférence sur la sécurité européenne, le gel de l’ensemble des frontières du continent et la reconnaissance de la mainmise soviétique sur l’Europe de l’Est. Sauf que la France, partisane au contraire d’une détente censée aboutir au dépassement de l’ordre bipolaire issu de la guerre froide, n’entend pas entériner le statu quo politique et territorial européen. Dès 1969, la France décide peu à peu de se servir du projet de conférence pour promouvoir sa vision de l’Europe : la Conférence sur la Sécurité et la Coopération en Europe doit d’une part favoriser le rapprochement entre tous les peuples du continent et d’autre part encourager chaque nation à s’exprimer en son nom propre, en dehors des alliances militaires.Lorsque trente-trois Etats européens, les Etats-Unis et le Canada se réunissent, de 1972 à 1975, pour négocier le contenu du futur Acte final de la CSCE, les Français tentent, avec leurs partenaires de la Communauté européenne, de faire de la conférence le prolongement multilatéral de la politique gaullienne de détente. Dans cette optique, ils veillent d’abord à ce que les frontières puissent être modifiées de façon pacifique : il s’agit de permettre à l’Allemagne d’être un jour réunifiée. Ils œuvrent également pour que la conférence facilite la coopération culturelle et la circulation des personnes entre l’Est et l’Ouest, le but étant, selon le président Pompidou, de transmettre aux pays communistes le « virus de la liberté » et d’enfoncer un coin dans le système des blocs. / From 1965, the USSR sought to take advantage of the French policy of détente launched by General de Gaulle towards the Warsaw Pact’s countries to set the borders in Europe and to obtain Western acknowledgment of the Soviet control over Eastern Europe. But France was in favour of a détente which would lead to overcome bipolarity created by the Cold War ; it did want to confirm the European political and territorial status quo. From 1969, France gradually decided to use the conference project to point out its vision of Europe: the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe had to promote the coming together of peoples of the whole continent and to encourage each nation to speak with its own particular voice, outside military alliances.When thirty-three European countries, the United States and Canada met, from 1972 to 1975, in order to negociate the Final Act’s content, the French and their European Community partners tried to make the conference a multilateral continuation of the Gaullist policy of détente.From this perspective, they first made sure that borders could be changed by peaceful means: it was crucial to reserve the German people’s right to be reunified. They also acted to make the CSCE facilitate cultural cooperation and movement of persons between East and West. According to President Georges Pompidou, the main goals were to transmit the « freedom virus » to the communist countries and to drive a wedge into the bipolar system.

Cette thèse prend comme point de départ l’étude d’un service de police, la Police Aux Frontières (PAF) en lien avec la construction européenne. En nous inspirant de la sociologie de l’État nous avons élaboré des catégories analytiques à même de rendre compte de l’évolution concomitante de cette police et des « régimes de circulation » national et européen. Le « régime de circulation » est défini grâce aux catégories rokanienne de l’analyse de l’État : il est lié à un « centre politique » et définit un territoire pertinent de circulation et les caractéristiques des personnes habilitées à s’y déplacer. La PAF est caractérisée comme une police des déplacements, elle met en jeu certaines des formes de pouvoir étatique décrite par Michel Foucault, qui met l’accent sur la capacité de l’État à contrôler à distance les activités des individus. Le régime de circulation national repose depuis 1974 sur le principe de la frontière comme lieu légitime et efficace des contrôles des déplacements des personnes et des déviances. Il entre en contradiction avec celui du régime de circulation européen qui, à partir de 1985, repose sur le principe de libre franchissement des frontières internes. La PAF, administration marginale, connaît alors un développement sans précédent de ses effectifs, de ses tâches et de son rôle dans l’élaboration du régime de circulation. Elle gère les interactions et les contradictions entre le régime de circulation national et européen. La PAF apparaît à la fois comme un acteur professionnel à même de défendre une extension des limites de sa « juridiction » mais également un acteur administratif intervenant dans l’élaboration des régimes de circulation. / This PhD thesis studies a police service, the Police Aux Frontières (PAF) in relation with European integration. Using the literature of the sociology of State, I elaborate two analytical categories to give an account of the parallel evolution of both the PAF and the European and French “movement regime”. The “movement regime” is defined thanks to rokanian analysis of the State: it is linked to a “political centre” and defines an area of movement and the characteristics of the people allowed to move within it. The PAF is defined as a movement police; it applies forms of State power described by Michel Foucault, who puts the emphasis on the capacity of the State to control individual activities from a distance. Since 1974, French “movement regime” has defined the border as the legitimate and effective locus of individual’s movements and deviance control. It opposes to the European “movement regime”, which since 1985 has relied on free movement of people. The PAF, a once marginal administration, has shown a rapid growth regarding staff, tasks, and role in the policy-making of European and French “movement regime”. The PAF is both a professional actor aiming for an extension of its “jurisdiction” and an administrative actor contributing to the “movement regime” decision-making.

Mit einem Grußwort von Juan José Linz und Beiträgen von Erhard Crome, Jochen Franzke, Heike Imhof-Rudolph, Lutz Kleinwächter, Ralf Juan Leiteritz, Claus Montag, Christoph Sebastian Widdau, Azadeh Zamirirad und dem Jubilar. / With greetings from Juan José Linz and contributions by Erhard Crome, Jochen Franzke, Heike Imhof-Rudolph, Lutz Kleinwächter, Ralf Juan Leiteritz, Claus Montag, Christoph Sebastian Widdau, Azadeh Zamirirad and the jubilarian.

No description available.

The borders of the twenty-first century come in many forms and are performed by an increasing number of actors in a broad variety of places, both within and beyond the territories of nation-states. This thesis sets out a detailed political geography of how borders operate to reconcile the often conflicting demands of open markets and security. Focusing on Ghana, where there is a widespread fear that the inflow of Chinese versions of African prints will lead to the collapse of the local textile industry, the study explores where and when borders are enforced, who performs them and what kinds of borders are enacted in order to maintain and protect the Ghanaian nation and market without compromising the country’s status as a liberal economy. It combines interviews and documentary sources with analysis drawn from border, security and migration studies to explore three sets of spatial strategies that have defined the Ghanaian approach to the perceived threat of Chinese African prints. They are the institution of a single corridor for African print imports, the anti-counterfeiting raids carried out in Ghana’s marketplaces, and the promotion of garments made from locally produced textiles as office wear through the National Friday Wear and Everyday Wear programmes. These strategies stretch, disperse and embody the borders of the state or nation to control trade in ways that resolve the fears of both open flows and closed borders. This thesis thus seeks to show how a geographical analysis can clarify the specificities of how borders now work to control mobility. In doing so, it not only unsettles conventional assumptions about what borders are and where they are supposed to be located, but also the idea that borders primarily are used to constrain the mobility of certain people while facilitating economic flows. Furthermore, this thesis adds to the understanding of the variety of responses to the inflow of Chinese consumer products to the African continent.

My dissertation, Wixárika Art and Artists: Resisting Neocolonialism While Crossing Visible and Invisible Borders is an ethnographic study of the Wixáritari who have lived in the region of Northern Central Mexico known as El Gran Nayar or the Sierra Madre Occidental, with a specific focus on the Wixáritari who live in Huejuquilla el Alto, Guadalajara, and Zacatecas, Mexico. This dissertation examines the legal, cultural and historical influences as well as the sociopolitical and economic circumstances that have pushed Wixárika (Huichol) art and artists out of their original homeland in Mexico. This dissertation concentrates on the historical construction of race in Mexico to illustrate that Wixáritari have been pushed outside of their territories either willingly or unwillingly. I analyze and interpret this concept through historical events and the process of colonialism through which politics, policy and laws have shaped and created hierarchies of race. Through ethnography I illustrate that the Mexican government's neoliberal policies and laws have adversely affected Wixáritari artists and non-artists in the Sierra Madre, and also those who work in the large cities where half the population now resides. Furthermore, this work illustrates that the Wixáritari are organizing against the Mexican laws and policies that served to exclude and marginalize them. Wixáritari activism is thus creating powerful social change. By using the theoretical framework ethnoexodus, I demonstrate that Wixáritari cannot be put in a box or be stereotyped as a homogenous pan-ethnic group.The second half of my dissertation is devoted to "voluntary" or involuntary im(migration) processes that take place. I specifically explore these forms of dislocation through the use of oral history, oral narratives, and testimonios. I have found that the Wixáritari have a desire to reproduce their traditions and resist modernity. They have experienced cultural changes and in the process they have been integrated into their surrounding society by forming new relationships and learning to adapt on their own terms to the capitalist system and "modern" way of life. In these spaces, I argue that their homeland and geographic space in and outside of the Sierra Madre Occidental along with their spirituality is part of their identity, which crosses many borders that are both visible and invisible. / text

While the Europeans were discussing integration, other nations experienced long conflicts over borders. In some of the latter contexts, the significance of borders was underscored by escalated border policing through the erection of barriers. Although barrier construction is not a new phenomenon, an increasing number of nation-states are launching barrier projects along their borders. While in all cases the concerned nation-states claimed these barriers were provided security, scant attention was given to the actual security outcomes of these constructions. This research provides answers to the questions: what accounts for the different security outcomes of border barriers? How can barriers differ? And why? How does variation in barriers affect the nature and number of non-state actors' attacks? When do violent groups have tactical shifts and tactical innovations in the context of a barrier? This work moves beyond the conventional perspective on barriers that see them as successful defensive security measures. Instead, it develops the Fortification-Cooperation model that explains why the level of cross-border militant attacks change, when violent groups shift their tactics and when they innovate. I argue that security cooperation on both sides the border limits violent activities locally, which in turn restricts their access to militant resources. Presence of these resources is central for launching more attacks and for introducing tactical innovations. In turn, barriers impose restrictions to movement and increase the cost of certain attack. In this context, motivated violent groups substitute their commonly employed attack tactics for other types of attacks that can be sustained despite the presence of the barrier. Using a newly constructed qualitative and quantitative datasets on Palestinian attacks against Israel and barrier construction between 1990 and 2010, this study finds that the empirical record does not provide support the existing common explanations about the outcomes of barriers and that the interaction of cross-border cooperation and fortification is a key determinant of the number and nature of cross-border militant attacks. This work has significant implications for many states that built, are building, or are considering the construction of barriers on their borders since according to this research, a barrier without cross-border security cooperation would not be efficient at diminishing or decreasing cross-border violence. Additionally, violent groups' access to military resources is an important factor that should be taken into consideration when a barrier is built. Again, cross-border cooperation plays an essential role in restricting these resources, which would lead to less violence. In fact, in some cases, cooperation alone may result in similar outcomes to the combination of fortification and cooperation, which raises questions about the utility of barriers to begin with. / text

Freedom of movement is a matter of individual freedom rather than only a tool for addressing global distributive injustice. Freedom of movement has normative value whether or not it concerns interstate borders. Migration, in the sense of interstate relocation, is a subcategory of movement, which can involve travel, temporary relocation or permanent relocation--a brief walk, or a move halfway around the world. My argument about freedom of movement has two essential elements: first, that freedom of movement has noninstrumental value, not only instrumental value, and that it deserves more weight and attention than liberals usually give it; and second, I justify this and its implications by emphasizing the cross-scalar connections between local and global movement and showing that the difference between internal and interstate movement is not as significant as is usually assumed to be. Freedom of movement is proposed as a unit of concern and a matter of degree, with principles and restrictions functioning in parallel at both levels. The cohesive account of liberal freedom of movement offers the chance to think about people moving and staying as one overarching category. This challenges the characterization of migration as anomalous and captures the chance to treat like cases alike. Chapter Two makes an argument for freedom of movement as a noninstrumental liberal value to which the normative weight of the instrumental value of freedom of movement is added. Chapter Three explores small-scale movement in the countryside and the city and proposes a stronger valuation of freedom of movement particularly vis-à-vis private property rights. Chapter Four considers theoretical and legal arguments involving intrafederal movement in the United States and Germany and compares intrafederal exit to exit from the state. Chapter Five considers several free movement regimes in Europe to draw out the similarities between interstate, intrafederal, and local movement. Throughout these chapters I show that there are many legitimate ways in which freedom of movement can and should be restricted at the internal level, but this is not sufficient to conclude that interstate movement can be arbitrarily restricted. / Government