Ce travail explore la « francophonie translingue », littérature écrite en français par des auteurs dont le français est une langue seconde, apprise tardivement par une démarche individuelle. Au sein de cet ensemble est examinée l’œuvre à la fois représentative et problématique d’Agota Kristof.Qu’implique le choix d’écrire en français, lorsque le français est une langue seconde, apprise par une démarche volontaire à un âge relativement avancé ? S’agit-il d’une simple « conversion » à un centre politique et littéraire prestigieux et à sa tradition littéraire, ou bien d’une pratique littéraire hybride, qui perturbe les liens supposés nécessaires entre langue, littérature et nation ?Une première partie de la recherche est consacrée à l’élaboration d’une poétique francophone translingue, qui rend compte des contraintes communes des écrivains du point de vue de l’institution littéraire, de la diversité et complémentarité de leurs imaginaires des langues et de la traduction, des régularités formelles et thématiques dans leurs œuvres.Dans une deuxième partie est abordée l’œuvre d’Agota Kristof. Son appartenance à la francophonie translingue constitue le point de départ pour interroger les positionnements de l’auteure, les transformations de sa poétique et les stratégies d’écriture qu’elle déploie.Si l’œuvre d’Agota Kristof gagne à être lue au prisme de la francophonie translingue, inversement la francophonie translingue mérite d’être « mise à l’épreuve » d’une écrivaine qui semble excéder son cadre. / This doctoral thesis explores literature written in French by non-native authors who learned the language of their writing relatively late. Among this literature, which I propose referring to as “translingual francophone literature”, I focus on work which is both representative and problematic of Hungarian-Swiss writer Agota Kristof. While the conceptualization of translingual francophone literature sheds new light on Kristof’s oeuvre, the single author analysis also allows the concept to be tested.In the first part of my work, I describe the elements of translingual Francophone poetics. I contend that translingual francophone writers share several formal choices, as well as institutional constraints; I then analyze the representations of languages and translation in their work, which work as rival positions in the translingual discursive space. Lastly I examine their narratives in novel and autobiography, whose frequent topics show their common intentions and the variety of literary solutions.In the second part of the thesis, I consider the work of Agota Kristof. Translingual francophone literature will not be an explanatory principle, but the starting point of the investigation. Through this lens I will examine the author’s isolation strategy in the French literary field and in the translingual discursive space, her trajectory from Hungarian poetry to French novel through self-translation and theater, her representation of languages as separate, non-communicating entities, the importance of the theme of the border in her plays and novels and the construction of an “illiterate writing” through her mature work.

Cette thèse questionne les frontières européennes contemporaines et tente de les penser en échappant à la fragmentation liée aux évènements propre aux standards médiatiques et aux multiples discours politiques polémiques. Il s'agit tout d’abord de contextualiser les tracés actuels et de les resituer au fil de l’histoire. Pour cela, la recherche revient sur la formalisation des États en Europe dans la période moderne, pour comprendre comment sont définies leurs limites territoriales et s’inventent les relations internationales modernes, avant d’étudier les multiples reconfigurations frontalières sur le continent entre le 17ième et le 21ième siècle de façon diachronique. Ainsi, dans une perspective constructiviste, la recherche restitue l’originalité du processus de la construction européenne et aborde l’Union Européenne contemporaine par le prisme de ses frontières et voisinages de façon synchronique. Cette thèse permet de comprendre les enjeux de l’évolution post-westphalienne des relations internationales par le biais de l’intégration européenne et de ses dimensions supranationales. Parallèlement, sont abordées les dynamiques souverainistes et néo-westphaliennes à l’œuvre au moment historique où l’UE est confrontée à une crise de légitimité interne, et doit faire face à de multiples crises géopolitiques dans ses voisinages. Dans un second temps, la thèse propose de revenir sur trois espaces régionaux afin d’interroger, plus particulièrement, les voisinages européens contemporains autant du point de vu des Etats voisins que des populations frontalières qui vivent et agissent dans ces espaces frontaliers. Pour cela, la thèse mobilise des observations et des entretiens compréhensifs issus d’un travail de terrain mené in situ sur chaque espace frontalier à partir des méthodes et outils de la sociologie. Plus précisément, il s’agit du bassin genevois, aux frontières entre la France et la Suisse, de la région du Sud-Est de la péninsule balkanique, où se rencontrent la Bulgarie, la Grèce et la Turquie, et enfin de l’interface entre la Slovaquie, la Hongrie et l’Ukraine en Europe centrale. Ces régions sont successivement remises en contexte puis étudiées à partir de leurs interfaces frontalières. Au-delà des singularités historiques et des diversités empiriques, la thèse souligne l’importance décisive de l’européanisation pour normaliser les relations de voisinages étatiques et intégrer les territoires. Les propriétés frontalières et les « effets-frontières » entre territoires se reconfigurent, les populations frontalières s’adaptent et agissent en mettant en œuvre des stratégies de mobilités différentiées et diversifiées. Cependant, les acteurs frontaliers locaux sont tributaires des États et de l’UE qui gardent la main sur : les propriétés ; les règles et les normes frontalières ; la vie politique et institutionnelle et l’évolution des relations internationales, tous éléments clés qui conditionnent le présent et l’avenir de ces espaces pour leurs habitants. La thèse repose sur une articulation analytique de ces différentes échelles, périodes et acteurs. Elle permet par ces différents axes d’approche de comprendre le fait frontalier de façon historique et relationnelle. Plus généralement, ce travail amène ainsi à comprendre pourquoi le projet européen fait face aujourd’hui à un carrefour politique. / This thesis questions the contemporary European borders and tries to think of them by escaping the fragmentation in events that is specific to media standards and multiple political polemical discourses. First of all, it is a question of contextualizing the current lines and relocating them over the course of history. To that end, the research returns to the formalization of the states in Europe in the modern period, to understand how their territorial limits were defined and modern international relations were invented, before studying diachronically the multiple border reconfigurations on the continent between the 17th and the 21st century. Thus, in a constructivist perspective, this research restores the originality of the process of European construction and approaches synchronically the contemporary European Union through the prism of its borders and neighborhoods. This thesis aims at understanding the challenges of the post-Westphalian evolution of international relations through the European integration and its supranational dimension. At the same time, sovereignist and neo-Westphalian dynamics are approached at the historical moment when the EU is facing a crisis of internal legitimacy, and faces multiple geopolitical crises in its neighborhoods. In a second time, the thesis proposes to dwell on three regional spaces in order to question contemporary European neighborhoods as much from the point of view of neighboring states as from perspective of the border populations living and acting in these border areas. For that purpose, the thesis mobilizes observations and comprehensive interviews from fieldwork conducted in situ on each border area, using the methods and tools of sociology. More precisely, it concerns the Geneva basin, on the border between France and Switzerland, the South-East Balkan Peninsula region, where Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey meet, and finally the interface between Slovakia, Hungary and Ukraine in Central Europe. Beyond the historical singularities and the empirical diversities, the thesis underlines the decisive importance of Europeanization to normalize relations of neighborhoods and integrate territories. Border properties and border-effects between territories are reconfigured, border populations adapt and act by implementing differentiated and diversified mobility strategies. However, local border actors are dependent on the states and the EU who keep control of: properties; border rules and standards; the political and institutional life and the evolution of international relations, all of them key elements that are shaping the present and the future of these spaces for their inhabitants. The thesis is based on an analytical articulation of these different scales, periods and actors. These different axes of approach makes it possible to understand the border principle in a historical and relational way. More generally, this work leads us to understand why the European project is at a political crossroads today.

For much of its recent history, the Kachin State of northern Myanmar has been wrought with civil warfare that has come to define its image from the outside, as well as being a key signifier in the conceptual life worlds of many of its ethnic nationalities. While Myanmar is currently witnessing significant – if still uncertain – political and economic transitions, the Kachin State remains largely marginalized from these processes. Rather than an absence of state power, however, this marginalization had led to competing projects of statecraft vying over resources, military control and popular legitimacy in the highly fragmented territorialities. In this thesis I engage this complex landscape through the nexus of formal schooling, organized religion, and ethno nationalist politics. My primary ethnographic focus is on the emergence ‐ of several private schools led by a younger generation of Kachin educators. I am asking why these schools arose at this point in time and what has motivated their leaders to strive for institutional autonomy in settings long characterised by a scarcity of human and material resources. I argue that, in addition to their explicitly stated pedagogical aims, these initiatives are serving particular visions of social and political development, defined by Christian moralities and ethno‐nationalist ideologies. As such, their practice can be read as a form of critique towards the established systems of schooling and governance led by the central state of Myanmar, as well as that of the Kachin Independence Organization, the main contender for political self‐determination in the area. Decades of perceived marginalization of the Kachin populace of northern Myanmar are the principal motivator for the leaders of these educational projects. However, important points of tension also exist within the Kachin society itself, both in the fields of schooling and religion. A focus on the institutions of private education thus enables me to ask questions about the nature of local political authority, ethnic identification, and the influence of organized religion more generally. By employing a historical perspective to complement my ethnographic material, I am tracing the emergence of ideas, practices, and institutions of schooling that were born from the missionary encounter and decades of military conflicts. These, together with the more recent cosmopolitan ideas of modernity, lie at the heart of contemporary efforts to provide alternative paths to schooling, and to attain the dreams of social development for the Kachin society that the educators seek.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T11:21:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MAURO GUIMARAES DE OLIVEIRA JUNIOR.pdf: 2562716 bytes, checksum: 2ccf879d51e1d3750d464f21e5af8a5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-06-27 / This is a dissertation entitled PARTICIPATION IN THE DEFENSE OF THE BORDER GOIÁS WEST AND NORTH ATLANTIC PORTUGUESE EMPIRE 1750 TO 1821. Presented to the Graduate Course in History at the Catholic University of Goias - PUC-GO.This is a research paper on the history of Goias and aimed to investigate the importance of Goiás in the context of the Portuguese Empire, not only as a producer of gold, as is usually portrayed in the historiography of Goiás, Goiás but determining how to participate in the defense of limits and west of the central territories of colonial Brazil.The active participation of the Province of Goiás in the protection of the Province of Mato Grosso was made with the aid of gold, the fifth, and taxes to fund the defense of the west limits of colonial Brazil. And with the deployment of troops, when requested, to the Captain of Mato Grosso and Para, to defend the limits of colonial Brazil in those territories. Goiás served as the fulcrum of the Portuguese Atlantic Empire in territories far from the coast and difficult to access. For the Portuguese Atlantic Empire to defend the province of Mato Grosso and Para, and Tocantins River Basin it was important because they are regions rich in gold and tropical products; if these regions were occupied would threaten the state of Minas Gerais and the coastal Brazilian colony. / Esta é uma dissertação de mestrado intitulada A PARTICIPAÇÃO DE GOIÁS NA DEFESA DA FRONTEIRA OESTE E NORTE DO IMPÉRIO ATLÂNTICO PORTUGUÊS DE 1750 A 1821. Apresentada ao curso de Pós-graduação em História da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás - PUC-GO. Trata-se de um trabalho de mestrado que pesquisa sobre a História de Goiás cujo objetivo e investigar a importância de Goiás no contexto do Império Português não só como produtor de ouro, como usualmente é retratado pela historiografia goiana, mas determinando como Goiás participou da defesa dos limites oeste e dos territórios centrais do Brasil Colonial. A participação ativa da Capitania de Goiás na proteção da Capitania do Mato Grosso se deu com o auxílio em ouro, do quinto, e com impostos para custear a defesa dos limites a oeste do Brasil Colonial. E com o envio de tropas, quando requisitada, para as Capitanias de Mato Grosso e Pará, para a defesa dos limites do Brasil Colônia nesses territórios. Goiás serviu como ponto de apoio do Império Atlântico Português em territórios distantes do litoral e de difícil acesso. Para o Império Atlântico Português a defesa da Capitania de Mato Grosso e do Pará, bem como da Bacia do Rio Tocantins era importante por serem regiões ricas em ouro e produtos tropicais; se essas regiões fossem ocupadas poriam em risco as Minas Gerais e o litoral da colônia Brasileira.

A tese parte da hipótese central de que existe uma antinomia fundamental no pensamento político ocidental contemporâneo entre os Direitos Humanos e a Soberania. Observamos tal antinomia em dois campos distintos, porém interconectados: no campo propriamente teórico, no qual chegamos à antinomia do projeto universal-cosmopolita dos Direitos Humanos em relação ao Estadoemuralhado- nacional, e no campo do direito internacional, no qual a antinomia se faz presente em alguns instrumentos jurídicos internacionais do pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial. Ao final da pesquisa, a hipótese central se confirmou, o que mostrou, portanto, a vigência de uma dupla matriz teórico-prática no pensamento político (duas filosofias) presentes no mundo contemporâneo. De um lado, os Direitos Humanos levados às últimas consequências (em sua extremidade lógica), remetem a um mundo sem fronteiras e o defendem: o do kosmopolites (cidadão do mundo). Por outro lado, a Soberania, de igual forma, em sua extremidade lógica, remete às fronteiras territoriais, aos territórios fechados e de jurisdição exclusiva. Vista por esse viés, a Soberania atém-se à lógica da muralha, da distinção e polaridade do eu e do outro enquanto o cidadão-nacional versus o estrangeiro. / This thesis argues from the central hypothesis that there is an essential antinomy in the contemporary Western political thought between human rights and Sovereignty. This antagonism can be observed in two fields (although interconnected): in the theorethical field itself, in which we arrive at a universal-cosmopolitan project antagonistic to the State-enclosed-national terrritory; and in the field of international law, where we encounter this paradox in some of the international post-Second World War legal instruments. At the end of the research, the hypothesis was confirmed, thus revealing the existence of a double theoretical-practical matrix in the political thought (two philosophies) of the contemporary world. On the one hand, human rights are taken to the very end (in its logical extreme), correlate and defend a world without borders, of the kosmopolites (world citizen). On the other hand, Sovereignty, equally taken in this logical extreme, refers back to territories frontiers, to the closed territories, and its exclusive jurisdiction. Seen from this point of view, Sovereignty ties itself to the logic of the wall, the distinction and polarity of I and the other, as the national-citizen versus the foreigner.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-11-21T12:50:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Leila Maria Camargo.pdf: 2677951 bytes, checksum: 6278c3d51730a44107f65852bb5b4ced (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-21T12:50:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leila Maria Camargo.pdf: 2677951 bytes, checksum: 6278c3d51730a44107f65852bb5b4ced (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-28 / This thesis is a social anthropological case study from the perspective of critical studies in the Curriculum, Knowledge and Culture research field. Among the objectives we sought: (a) to understand the ethical and moral crossings of the nation ethos in school curricula identifying their ideological interfaces and of power in social and collective imaginary of educational subjects on the northern border of Brazil; (b) to analyze relationally the implications of this ethos in conditionings of teaching and learning processes as a power device in the relation ship of domination and subjugation. We tried to understand how the cultural trait of the "jeitinho brasileiro – “brazilian way”, inserted in the nation ethos, marked by its moral ambivalence, operates as a differential power in the educational field. Concrete evidence that could signal this ideological culture acts vertically on the social and educational imaginary as a hegemonic form of domination and social control and cultural were sought. The research was guided by the critical social theories in curriculum and had a qualitative nature. It was held in Boa Vista / Roraima, located in multiple region boundaries: geographic, linguistic, ethnic, cultural and symbolic. The study took as subject teachers and managers. Data collection was done through a field survey with the application of questionnaires and interviews with high school teachers and higher and public schools managers of Boa Vista / RR. The sample consists of 31 questionnaires and 11 interviews. Among some of the results, the survey found that is striking the crossing of the practices of "brazilian way" in the schools of the research subjects. It also found that, besides being a perversion of ethics because it corrupts people and the collective right, this also prevents the development of ethical postures and geared to the respect for public affairs. It constitutes trafficking in influence within the school and where the most harassed actors are teachers who see their authorities withdrawn and gradually lose power and autonomy over their work and decisions / Esta tese trata de um estudo de caso sócio-antropológico na perspectiva dos estudos críticos no campo de pesquisa de Currículo, Conhecimento e Cultura. Dentre os objetivos se procurou: (a) compreender os atravessamentos éticos e morais do ethos de nação nos currículos escolares identificando suas interfaces ideológicas e de poder nos imaginários sociais e coletivos dos sujeitos educacionais na fronteira norte do Brasil; (b) Analisar relacionalmente as implicações deste ethos no condicionamento dos processos de ensino e aprendizagem como dispositivo de poder nas relações de dominação-subjugação. Procurou-se compreender como o traço cultural do “jeitinho brasileiro”, contido no ethos de nação, marcado por sua ambivalência moral, opera como poder diferencial no campo educacional. Procuraram-se indícios concretos que pudessem sinalizar como essa cultura ideológica atua verticalmente sobre os imaginários sociais e educacionais enquanto uma forma hegemônica de dominação, controle social e cultural. A pesquisa se norteou pelas teorias crítico-sociais em currículo e teve cunho qualitativo. Foi realizada em Boa Vista/Roraima, localizada numa região de múltiplas fronteiras: geográficas, linguísticas, étnicas, culturais e simbólicas. O estudo tomou como sujeitos professores(as) e gestores(as). A coleta de dados foi feita por meio de pesquisa de campo com aplicação questionários e de entrevistas com professores do Ensino Médio e Superior e gestores de escolas públicas de Boa Vista/RR. A amostra constou de 31 questionários e 11 entrevistas. Dentre alguns dos resultados, a pesquisa constatou que é flagrante o atravessamento das práticas do “jeitinho brasileiro” dentro das escolas dos sujeitos da pesquisa. Constatou também que, além de ser uma perversão da ética, pois corrompe as pessoas e o direito coletivo, o jeitinho brasileiro impede o desenvolvimento de posturas éticas e voltadas ao respeito da coisa pública. Constitui em tráfico de influência dentro da escola e os mais assediados são os professores(as) que veem suas autoridades retiradas e perdem paulatinamente o poder e a autonomia sobre seus trabalhos e decisões. A naturalização do jeitinho brasileiro compromete a escola como lugar de aprendizagem e exercício da cidadania e da democracia

O presente estudo parte do contexto de importância da mídia local situada em municípios de fronteira e da pauta rural como temática fundamental aos espaços fronteiriços do sul brasileiro. O interesse centra-se no modo como o rural, especialmente no que tange ao caráter econômico atualmente bastante voltado ao agronegócio, é abordado nos jornais A Plateia e Cidade, de Sant‟Ana do Livramento e Uruguaiana, respectivamente. Tais municípios caracterizam-se como importantes polos econômicos de produção agropecuária e rotas de circulação e contato do Brasil e do Rio Grande do Sul com o Mercosul, especialmente com Uruguai e Argentina. Busca-se compreender como a mídia impressa local noticia o rural, considerando principalmente os aspectos econômicos compartilhados com países vizinhos do Brasil, Uruguai e Argentina. O enfoque recai sobre as escalas espaciais de ocorrência dos acontecimentos relacionados ao rural, a presença dos países vizinhos e das referidas nacionalidades nos textos jornalísticos e as abordagens que caracterizam as notícias sobre a temática. O recorte temporal contempla o período de sete exposições e feiras agropecuárias distribuídas entre os três países, partindo especialmente da 40ª edição da Exposição Internacional de Animais, Máquinas, Implementos e Produtos Agropecuários (Expointer), realizada em Esteio, região metropolitana de Porto Alegre, no Rio Grande do Sul, entre os dias 26 de agosto e 03 de setembro de 2017. Eventos dessa natureza mobilizam os municípios da fronteira e são também espaços de interação entre os países compreendidos nos interesses do estudo. Em termos metodológicos, a dissertação configura-se num Estudo de Caso, para o qual foram acionados a Pesquisa Bibliográfica, a Pesquisa Exploratória e a Análise de Conteúdo. A análise aponta para a temática rural com abordagem predominantemente voltada para a economia, seguida de práticas culturais e o turismo rural. As características dos jornais mostram-se semelhantes em relação à delimitação local, mas distintos no que se refere à abordagem da fronteira e dos países vizinhos, Uruguai e Argentina. / The present study starts from the context of importance of the local media located in frontier municipalities and of the rural agenda as a fundamental theme to the frontier spaces of the Brazilian south. The interest is focused on the way in which the rural sector, especially with regard to the economic character currently geared to agribusiness, is approached in the newspapers A Plateia e Cidade, Sant'Ana do Livramento and Uruguaiana, respectively. These municipalities are characterized as important economic poles of agricultural production and routes of circulation and contact of Brazil and Rio Grande do Sul with Mercosur, especially with Uruguay and Argentina. It seeks to understand how the local print media reports the rural, mainly considering the economic aspects shared with neighboring countries of Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina. The focus is on spatial scales of occurrence of rural events, the presence of neighboring countries and nationalities in journalistic texts, and the approaches that characterize news about the theme. The period includes seven exhibitions and agricultural fairs distributed among the three countries, starting from the 40th edition of the International Exhibition of Animals, Machinery, Implements and Agricultural Products (Expointer), held in Esteio, metropolitan region of Porto Alegre, in the Rio Grande do Sul, between August 26 and September 3, 2017. Events of this nature mobilize the municipalities of the border and are also spaces of interaction between countries included in the interests of the study. In methodological terms, the dissertation is set up in a Case Study, for which the Bibliographic Research, the Exploratory Research and the Content Analysis were used. The analysis points to the rural theme with a predominantly economic approach, followed by cultural practices and rural tourism. The characteristics of the newspapers are similar in relation to the local delimitation, but different in relation to the border approach and neighboring countries, Uruguay and Argentina.

As fronteiras estão cada vez mais presentes nas agendas (políticas), discursos e noticiários. No ínterim, os fluxos de capitais, informações, produtos, pessoas e veículos entre o Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil e a Argentina ofereceram um rico quadro para investigação acadêmica. O trabalho tem por intuito compreender os desdobramentos da segurança, da defesa e do comércio exterior em Uruguaiana. Este questiona como se organizam os sistemas de controle, circulação e segurança na estrutura urbana de uma cidade estratégica em região de fronteira do Sul brasileiro, enfatizando o caso do território uruguaianense. O município situa-se em uma localização comercial privilegiada, em tríplice fronteira. Beneficia-se de distância equidistante de Assunção, Buenos Aires, Montevidéu e Porto Alegre. Constitui-se como um importante corredor de passagem de mercadorias até Santiago e São Paulo, expressivos centros urbanos sul-americanos. Em 2015, teve uma movimentação de mais de 126 mil caminhões, 2,3 milhões de toneladas e US$ 8,5 bilhões de dólares. 1,1 milhão de indivíduos cruzaram a Ponte Internacional Getúlio Vargas – Agustín Pedro Justo. O estudo contou com pesquisa bibliográfica, coleta de dados secundários e ida a campo (na qual foram reunidos dados primários e aplicadas entrevistas). A interlocução com órgãos federais como a Receita Federal do Brasil e o Departamento da Polícia Federal foi importante para o conhecimento da realidade fronteiriça e a obtenção de estatísticas. Diferenças culturais e territoriais, falta de continuidade das políticas governamentais, mudanças constantes nas legislações e oscilações econômicas são alguns dos fatores que geram esta complexidade fronteiriça. / The borders are increasingly more present in the political agenda, speeches and news. In the meantime, the flows of financial capitals, information, products, people and vehicles between the state of Rio Grande do Sul/Brazil and Argentina offer a rich picture for academic research. The work is meant to understand the unfolding of safety, of defense and foreign trade in the city of Uruguaiana. This work questions how the control, circulation and urban structure safety systems are organized in a strategic city in the South border of Brazil, emphasizing the case of Uruguaiana’s territory. The city is located in a prime commercial location, in a triple border. It benefits from an equidistant distance from the cities of Assunção, Buenos Aires, Montevidéu and Porto Alegre. It is constituted as an important crossing corridor of goods up to Santiago and São Paulo, significant South American urban centers. In 2015, it had a transit of more than 126 thousand trucks, 2,3 million tons and US$ 8,5 billion. 1,1 million people crossed Getúlio Vargas – Agustín Pedro Justo International Bridge. The study included bibliographic research, secondary data collect and site visit (in which primary data were gathered and interviews were conducted). The interlocution with federal agencies (such as Brazil’s Federal Income Taxes and the Federal Police Department) was important for obtaining knowledge about the border reality and for gathering statistical data. Cultural and territorial differences, lack of continuity from government policies, constant changes in legislations and economic fluctuations are some of the factors that bring forth this border complexity.

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Durant la décennie 1990, de nouveaux défis s’imposent aux Etats européens dans le domaine de l’asile. La transformation des flux de migration forcée et la construction d’un espace de libre circulation conduisent à porter la question de l’asile au sein de l’arène européenne. La politique d’asile de l’Union européenne est élaborée afin de répondre à l’échelle européenne aux défis de la protection et des flux spontanés. Plus de 10 ans après son coup d’envoi, le bilan est mitigé. Certes, une réponse européenne a été apportée au moyen du développement du droit communautaire de l’asile, porteur de nouveaux droits subjectifs. Toutefois, l’espace européen de l’asile reste un espace hétérogène au sein duquel la répartition des charges de l’asile est particulièrement inéquitable. L’harmonisation des normes des systèmes d’asile nationaux est inachevée, le système Dublin est un échec, la solidarité financière entre les Etats est minimale. Au-delà du territoire des Etats membres, de nouvelles politiques sont élaborées dans le prolongement de celles mises en œuvre sur le territoire des Etats membres. Les politiques extraterritorialisées de contrôle des frontières extérieures de l’Union visent à limiter les charges de l’asile assumées par ces derniers. Elles conduisent à faire émerger un nouveau défi dans le domaine de la protection : celui de l’accès à l’espace européen. La dimension extérieure de la politique d’asile constitue une réponse partielle et inachevée à cette nouvelle problématique. Aussi, l’Union européenne porte désormais de manière systématique ses intérêts migratoires au sein de sa coopération avec les Etats non membres de l’Union européenne. La coopération qu’elle mène avec la Turquie dans le domaine de l’asile illustre la portée et les limites de telles politiques. Si l’influence de l’Union européenne sur le système d’asile turc est certaine, son impact sur la répartition des charges de l’asile entre la Turquie et les Etats membres est sujette à discussion. Tout en explorant la relation dialectique entre droit d’asile et politique migratoire, cette recherche sur l’espace européen de l’asile et ses frontières sonde les transformations de la territorialité de l’asile et en propose une approche renouvelée. / During the 1990s, European States face new challenges in the asylum area. The transformation of forced migration flows and the achievement of the common area of free movement bring the asylum issue in the European arena. The European Union asylum policy is built to answer at the European level to the protection and mixed migration flows challenges. More than 10 years after the policy has been launched, the picture is mixed. A European answer has certainly been elaborated through the development of the EU asylum law, guaranteeing new subjective rights for asylum seekers and refugees. However, the common European asylum area remains an heterogeneous area in which fair burden-sharing is not ensured. The harmonization of the legal norms of the domestic asylum system is unachieved, the Dublin system is a deadlock, and only minimum financial solidarity mechanisms between the Member States have been established. Beyond the Member States territories, new answers are being built as a continuation of those implemented within the European Union. The extraterritorialization of border control policies aims to limit the Member states’ asylum burden. Access to the asylum territory is the new protection challenge emerging as a result of those policies. The external dimension of the European Union asylum policy is a partial and unachieved attempt to address this issue. Also, the European Union now systematically integrates its migrations concerns within its cooperation policy with non-EU Member States. Its cooperation with Turkey in the asylum area illustrates the scope and the limits of this policy. The influence of the European Union on the Turkish asylum system is uncontested. However, whether the European Union has an impact on the asylum burden-sharing between Turkey and the Member States is subject to discussion. While exploring the dialectic relation between the right to asylum and migration policies, this research on the common European asylum area and its borders focuses on the transformation of asylum territoriality and seeks to propose a renewed approach of it.