Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T11:08:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoayresalmeidacamurça.pdf: 8655134 bytes, checksum: e1e8949fa9e9f4dd18f386f0611fd1a8 (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: on 2017-08-15T11:40:47Z (GMT) / Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T11:44:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoayresalmeidacamurça.pdf: 8655134 bytes, checksum: e1e8949fa9e9f4dd18f386f0611fd1a8 (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: on 2017-08-15T11:45:18Z (GMT) / Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-08-15T12:09:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoayresalmeidacamurça.pdf: 8655134 bytes, checksum: e1e8949fa9e9f4dd18f386f0611fd1a8 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-08-15T12:53:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoayresalmeidacamurça.pdf: 8655134 bytes, checksum: e1e8949fa9e9f4dd18f386f0611fd1a8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-15T12:53:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 rodrigoayresalmeidacamurça.pdf: 8655134 bytes, checksum: e1e8949fa9e9f4dd18f386f0611fd1a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-09-15 / O presente trabalho se dedica a produzir uma reflexão sobre o papel dos deslocamentos de lazer e em especial o turismo exterior na realidade cubana e as chamadas “Brigadas solidárias”, através das noções de imaginário, consumo, lazer, diferença e ritos simbólicos. A dissertação cumpre-se em quatro capítulos e através de uma sociologia/antropologia do lazer, do consumo e do turismo, busca-se identificar qual é o intuito das representações publicitárias, tanto de agências e órgãos especializados em turismo e “Brigadas solidárias” nos países fora do eixo socialista, como o Brasil, quanto dos órgãos do Estado cubano voltados para o turismo das “Brigadas solidárias”. Busca-se, nessa pesquisa, mostrar como ambos produzem estímulos ao fomentar o desejo de visita do turista estrangeiro ao país a partir da difusão de um imaginário de Cuba como uma sociedade singular com forte identidade própria, o que revelaria uma qualidade de autenticidade característica deste país. Além disso, nossa análise procurará revelar também contradições, estranhamentos e até conflitos que essa atividade turística pode produzir através do encontro e a interação entre uma modalidade “capitalista” ligada ao consumo, ao dispêndio de dinheiro (no caso moeda estrangeira, dólar), como é o turismo, e a sociedade cubana que se pretende igualitária e resistente às influências desagregadoras exteriores. Ao final, por meio de minha experiência etnográfica, realizada em uma “Brigada Solidária”, procuro relatar a experiência montada em um turismo tipicamente militante e reforçar que existe uma construção simbólica refletida nesses roteiros que remetem à identidade própria de nação-estado, que venho trabalhando ao longo desta dissertação nos capítulos que seguem as análises de agências / This work is dedicated to producing a reflection on the role of leisure trips and especially foreign tourism in the Cuban reality and the so-called "Solidarity Brigades", through the imaginary notions of expenditure, leisure, difference and symbolic rites.This dissertation fulfills in four chapters and through a sociology / anthropology of leisure, expenditure and tourism, seeks to identify what is the purpose of advertising representations, both agencies and specialized organizations in tourism and "Solidarity Brigades" in countries outside the socialist axis, such as Brazil, as the Cuban State agencies facing the tourism and the "Solidarity Brigades".This research is trying to show how both produce incentives to encourage the desire of foreign tourists to visit the country from the spread of a Cuban imaginary as a unique company with strong own identity, which reveals an authenticity characteristic with quality of this country.Moreover, our analysis also seeks to reveal the contradictions, strangeness and even conflicts that tourism can produce, through the encounter and interaction between a "capitalist" mode linked to the consumption, the expenditure of money (in this case, foreign currency, dollar) as is tourism, and the Cuban society that intends to be egalitarian and resistant to external disruptive influences.At the end through my ethnographic experience held in a "Solidarity Brigade" I try to relate the experience molded in a typically militant tourism and reinforce that there is a reflected symbolic construction in these scripts that refer to this very identity of the nation-state, that I've been working throughout this dissertation in the chapters that follow the analysis of agencies and advertising materials.

This thesis describes Japan's modern system of community fire brigades, a federated civilian paramilitary organization dedicated to localized fire prevention and response with a current active membership of over 800,000 men and women. Auxiliary firefighting institutions in Japan have had comparatively high rates of participation vis-à-vis those of other nations, but are now facing acute recruitment difficulties in the face of increased competition from alternative venues for civic engagement since the mid-1990s. This suggests both the tractability of civil society as an extra-statal sphere of institutionalized social organization as well as the inherent pluralism of its vernacular expression. I demonstrate that the nationalization of the fire brigade system in 1894 was predicated on the existence of an autonomous and normative sphere of age-graded practices of inter-household mutual aid in the villages of Tokugawa Japan. The gradual absorption and redirection of these practices into the nation-building projects of the Meiji state and its successors realized the creation of a functional emergency service organ with universal penetration at minimal expense. Nevertheless, drawing on Maurice Bloch's theory of rebounding violence, I argue that the secular rituals and state symbolism used to achieve this encompassment have conferred a legacy of structural ambivalence between civility and uncivility that continues to inform perceptions and representations of the brigade in public discourse. It follows that the phenomenon of organizational aging and questions of recruitment and succession should be seen as ideological in nature, rather than as simple indices of wider demographics or social transformation. This thesis is based on data collected during twenty months of research in Japan between 2008 and 2010, including eleven months of continuous participant observation with a brigade in Suwa District, Nagano Prefecture. Extensive ethnographic interviews with local firefighters, community members, and town officials are supplemented with data from primary and secondary historical sources, including online discussion forums. This thesis contributes to the literature on local voluntarism in Japan, as well as to the wider anthropological project of documenting non-western models of civil society.

The left-wing terrorism in Italy in the 1970s and the Red brigades as its most significant symptom resulted in the long-term view from the fight between the partisans and the fascists in the Second World War and from the short-term view from the students' and labourers' protests in the end of 1960s. The Red brigades were founded in 1970 and were composed mainly by students from Trento (Curcio, Cagol), communists from Reggio Emilia (Franceschini, Gallinari) and labourers from Milano (Moretti). They began in the first years of their functioning with agitation in the factories, burning the cars of the high managers and kidnapping. The thesis follows gradual radicalisation of the group and the change of their aims - from this moment on mostly politicians, judges, state magistrates. The transformation of the Red brigades related to the personal changes in the leadership - after Curcio and Franceschini were arrested and Cagol killed, radical Moretti became very influential. The organisation under his leadership started to kill intentionally its victims and the wave of brutal attacks culminated in the spring 1978 in kidnapping and murder of former Prime Minister Aldo Moro. The Red brigades however became strongly socially isolated and several ideological differences among the members of the administration...

Notre thèse porte sur la question carcérale et la gauche révolutionnaire en Italie dans les années 1970 et 1980.La question carcérale devient centrale, en Italie, à partir des années 1970 : ce sont des années de révolte et de revendications de masse, mais aussi la période des mouvements de lutte armée. À ce moment-là, l'État se retrouve confronté à un double problème : d'une part, celui de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, avec des prisons vétustes et des règlements archaïques hérités de la période fasciste, et d'autre part la montée en puissance des mouvements extra-parlementaires et de la lutte armée, qui ne cessent d'augmenter la population carcérale.Cette étude vise à analyser le rôle joué par le système carcéral pendant cette période de crise pour la jeune République italienne, et ceci selon plusieurs points de vue. Nous analysons, d'une part, le mouvement revendicatif des détenus de droit commun, qui se politisent au contact des jeunes extra-parlementaires arrêtés après leurs manifestations. D'autre part, nous étudions la montée en flèche de la violence révolutionnaire qui s'oppose à un État qui, de son côté, accroît l'intensité de la répression et met en place des mesures d'urgence pour contrer la dissidence. Cette confrontation donne naissance à une période particulièrement violente, où la prison fini par assumer une fonction de gestion du conflit politique.À travers la description d'un corpus très varié (articles de journaux, tracts, documents théoriques, documents militants de revendication, archives ministérielles, archives de l'administration pénitentiaire) mais aussi des textes historiographiques et des témoignages directs, cette étude pose la question plus générale du rôle central de l'univers carcéral, comme une véritable clé de lecture sociopolitique des années 70 et 80 italiennes. / Our thesis focuses on the prison issue and the revolutionary Left in Italy during the 1970s and 1980s.The prison question becomes central in Italy from the 1970s: these are the years of revolt and mass claims, but also the period of the armed struggle. At that time, the State faces a double problem: first, the necessary reform of the prison system, with prisons in dilapidated state and archaic regulations inherited from the fascist period ; and secondly the rise of extra-parliamentary movements and armed struggle, which are both increasing the prison population.This study aims at analyzing the part played by the prison system during this crisis period in the young Italian Republic, according to several points of view. We analyze, on the one hand, the protest movement of the common criminals who politicize themselves in contact with the young extra-parliamentary people arrested after their demonstrations. On the other hand, we study the soaring revolutionary violence that opposes the State which, in turn, increases the intensity of repression and sets up emergency measures to counter dissidence. This confrontation gives rise to a particularly violent period in which the prison finally takes up a role of political conflict management.Through the description of a varied corpus (newspaper articles, pamphlets, theoretical documents, activists claim, ministerial archives, archives of the prison administration) as well as historical texts and eyewitness accounts, this study raises the more general question of the prison system as a central key to sociopolitical reading of the Italian Seventies and Eighties.

The thesis deals with terrorism and its development as a social phenomenon since 1970s. It has argued that terrorism has undergone a process of radicalization and globalization, particularly as a result of the changed international situation and proliferation of modern technology. Nationalistic terrorism has been replaced with a global form of terrorism. In a similar vein, revolutionist ideologies, typical for terrorist groups of 1970s and 1980s, has given a way to radical interpretations of religions, namely Islamism, which has received substantial popularity as a result of prevailing grievances of the Muslim world. Even though there is no clear distinction between the old and the new form of terrorism, the two social phenomena differ to an important extent. During the second half of 20th century leftist terrorist groups dominated the scene with their fight for a regime change and battle against capitalism as well as imperialism. The organization of the groups took the form of hierarchy and had only limited number of members. At the beginning of the new millennium, the situation changed dramatically with the proliferation of Islamic groups, including the global terrorist group al-Qaeda. The groups work without a formal power structure and are able to hit targets anywhere in the world, as the...

Cette thèse vise à étudier les rapports professionnels noués par les policiers et les gendarmes en matière de police judiciaire et de maintien de l'ordre durant la période 1870-1914, dans l’ensemble de la France, y compris le département de la Seine. Les relations envisagées concernent donc les policiers de la Sûreté générale – police spéciale des chemins de fer et brigades mobiles de police judiciaire, ainsi que les policiers municipaux – notamment ceux de la préfecture de police à Paris – avec les gendarmes des brigades départementales – dont ceux de la compagnie de la Seine – ainsi que les gardes républicains.La compréhension de ces relations, en termes de complémentarité ou de rivalité, passe par la mise en perspective des profils sociaux des gendarmes et des policiers observés pour tenter d’analyser les éléments individuels qui peuvent influencer leurs rapports professionnels. La description des pratiques entre policiers et gendarmes implique de remonter aux représentations mutuelles traversant leurs institutions respectives. Les images des gendarmes sur la police et les policiers, et réciproquement, doivent permettre d’apporter des éléments d’explication de la coopération réussie ou, au contraire, de l’échec des collaborations nouées sur le terrain en matière de police judiciaire ou de maintien de l'ordre. Ces représentations sont, notamment, tirées de la lecture des policiers mémorialistes ou des gendarmes pamphlétaires s’exprimant dans leurs presses corporatives respectives. / This doctoral thesis aims at studying the professional relationships established between the police forces and the gendarmes in terms of both judicial police and law enforcement during the 1870-1914 period in France, including the Paris area.The relationships at stake relate to the Sûreté Générale officers-special railway police and judicial police mobile squads as well as municipal police-officers especially those from the Paris Prefecture de Police (main areas police headquarters), with the Department brigade gendarmes, including those of the Seine company, and also the Republican Guard.Understanding this relationship, in terms of both complementing and opposing, may only result from putting in perspective the social profiles of the gendarmes and police-officers we have focused on, so as to try to single out the individual elements that may influence their professional relationships. Describing the different ways the police-officers and gendarmes worked impels us to go back to the ways those two institutions perceived each other during various periods. Taking into account the way gendarmes perceived police-officers, and vice versa, enables one to explain why the relationship established in the field either succeeded or failed, as far as judicial policing or law enforcement were concerned. The information relating to the way they pictured one another mainly comes from the reading of memoirs written by some police-officers as well as pamphlets written by some gendarmes as expressed in their respective presses.

The dissertation thesis concerns with the issue of the left-wing terrorism in Italy and Federal Republic of Germany in the 1970s. The chosen topic is approached using the methods of transnational studies, which have been thus far applied only exceptionally in the relation to this phenomenon, despite the numerous parallels in different countries. The focus of the research lies in the analysis of the German-Italian terrorist network as a whole, the contacts between the organizations and mutual influence. The direct and indirect comparison of the cooperating terrorist organizations is also a substantial part of the thesis. The protest movement, which spread at the end of the 1960s and from which emerged the future terrorist groups as its most radical branches, was an important transnational phenomenon itself. The first chapter concerns with the analysis of this movement, emphasizing the reasons of its inception and its stances on political violence. The student and worker aspects of the movement are introduced, as well as older roots in the anti-fascist resistance or in the work of the Marxist authors. The thesis finds a special inspiration for the radicalizing Left in the events in the Third World. The thesis further examines the individual terrorist groups, chosen according to their importance and relevance...

Pendant que le phénomène des gangs de rue préoccupe les autorités publiques et que des moyens pour réprimer ces groupes sont entrepris, aucune étude scientifique ne vient documenter l’état de situation à Québec. Dans ce contexte, cette recherche qualitative de type exploratoire descriptif poursuit l’objectif de combler cette lacune en traçant un portrait du phénomène des gangs de rue dans la Ville de Québec en vue d’adapter nos interventions selon la nature et l’ampleur de la situation. À cette fin, l’étude se divise en deux principaux volets. Le premier porte sur la description des regroupements de jeunes identifiées comme étant des gangs de rue. Le second s’intéresse aux stratégies d’action actuellement déployées pour prévenir et contrer le phénomène à Québec et celles qui devraient l’être. Les entretiens de recherche ont été menés auprès de 12 informateurs, soit quatre policiers, trois travailleurs de rue et cinq jeunes adultes ayant fait l’expérience des gangs. Nos résultats indiquent que les caractéristiques des groupes présumés gangs de rue de Québec correspondent peu aux critères qui définissent usuellement les gangs de rue tirés de la documentation scientifique. De plus, l’analyse des données a permis de dégager certains constats, dont une absence de consensus parmi les participants sur la définition d’un gang de rue, et conséquemment, sur l’existence même de ce type de groupes sur le territoire de Québec. De ce fait, la lutte antigang est sujette à controverse sans compter ses impacts sur les jeunes associés aux présumés gangs. Enfin, des pistes de solution sont proposées à l’issue de notre analyse de la situation s’appuyant sur les pratiques probantes documentées dans les écrits scientifiques. Mots clés : gangs de rue, gangs, gangs de jeunes, intervention, stratégies. / While street gangs concern public authorities and that suppression strategies are undertaken, no scientific study documents Quebec City situation. In this context, this qualitative descriptive-exploratory research has the objective to fill this gap by drawing a portrait of street gangs in Quebec City. This will help to adapt interventions according to the nature and extent of the situation. To this end, the study is divided into two main parts. The first is a description of the groups identified as street gangs. The second concerns the strategies currently deployed and the proposals from participants to prevent and counter the gang phenomenon and delinquency in Quebec City. The research interviews were conducted with 12 informants : four policemen, three street workers and five young men involved in these groups. Our findings indicate that the characteristics of gangs suspected not much correspond to criterias that usually define gangs in the research. In addition, our data analysis reveal a lack of consensus among participants about the definition of a street gang, and consequently, about the existence of the gang phenemenon in Quebec City. Therefore, the antigang strategies are controversial and labeling impacts of youth too. Finally, possible solutions based on proven practices are proposed in light of the situation analysis. Key words : street gangs, gangs, youth gangs, intervention, strategies.