Depuis l'enchâssement constitutionnel de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, le contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité subit d'importantes critiques. Pour contester la légitimité démocratique de ce contrôle, des politologues et des juristes invoquent notamment le fait que les juges ne sont pas élus, qu'ils ne représentent pas la population, alors qu'ils imposent leurs préférences et leurs interprétations aux législateurs et gouvernements. En réponse à ces critiques, des théories de la légitimité de la justice constitutionnelle ont été élaborées. Ce débat doctrinal influence la jurisprudence de la Cour suprême du Canada, ce qui se traduit par l'élaboration de différentes normes de contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité. Ce choix entre l'activisme et la retenue judiciaires est déterminant dans le résultat d'un contrôle constitutionnel sous la Charte. Alors que les critiques du contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité témoignent d'une conceptualisation insuffisante du jugement juridique, les attitudes de retenue et d'activisme semblent également problématiques au plan philosophique et théorique. Devant cette situation, la justice constitutionnelle doit être placée dans la perspective de la démocratie délibérative. Il est de plus possible de préciser la fonction du contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité dans un système juridique. Se renouvelle ainsi l'explication des opérations d'interprétation et de limitation des droits et libertés ainsi que celles de sanction et de réparation en cas de violation. En adoptant une dimension contextuelle et systémique, le contrôle judiciaire de constitutionnalité prend la forme d'une institutionnalisation de la critique interne du système juridique et sert ainsi d'instance d'autoreproduction du droit. / Judicial review has been the object of substantial criticism since the enshrinement of the Canadian Charter ofRights and Freedoms. Political scientists and lawyers have contested the democratic legitimacy of judicial review by notably invoking that although judges are not elected and do not represent the population, they nevertheless impose their preferences and interpretations on legislators and governments alike. In response to this criticism, theories have been developed addressing the legitimacy of constitutional justice. The jurisprudence of the Supreme Court of Canada has been influenced by this ideological debate, which has in turn, established different norms ofjudicial review. The choice between judicial activism and restraint is a determining factor resulting in judicial review under the Charter. While the criticisms ofjudicial review suffer from an inadequate conceptualization of legal judgment, attitudes of judicial restraint and activism seem equally problematic with respect to theoretical and philosophical issues. Under these circumstances, constitutional justice must be considered from the perspective of deliberative democracy. Moreover, it is possible to specify the function ofjudicial review within a legal system. This can generate renewed understanding of the approaches to interpretation and limitation of rights and freedoms, as well those applying to sanctions and reparation in case of a violation. The adoption of a contextual and systemic approach institutionalizes judicial review as an internaI review of the legal system and thus serves as an authority for the self-reproduction of the law. / "Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de doctorat en droit (LL.D.)"

La science génétique tend de plus en plus à identifier des maladies génétiques et à associer des comportements humains au bagage génétique. Or, ces applications peuvent servir à exclure et stigmatiser des individus. Cela crée parfois ce qu'on appelle de la discrimination génétique. Le domaine de l'emploi est particulièrement propice à voir surgir cette forme de discrimination. Nous voulons ici déterminer dans quelle mesure les chartes des droits de la personne canadienne et québécoise protègent les travailleurs contre la discrimination génétique. Nous regardons d'abord si la lutte contre la discrimination génétique est compatible avec les objectifs de la règle anti-discrimination. Ensuite, nous examinons la prohibition de la discrimination basée sur le handicap afin de voir si celle-ci peut empêcher la discrimination génétique des travailleurs. Finalement, nous tentons de voir si les caractéristiques génétiques pourraient constituer un motif analogue de discrimination prohibé par la Charte canadienne. / Increasingly, the genetic science tends to identify sorne genetic diseases and to associate the human behaviors to the genetic code. This uses can serve to exclude and stigmatize the individuals. This sometimes creates what is called the genetic discrimination. The workplace is particularly favorable to see emerging this form of discrimination. We try to determine in what way the human rights charters protect the workers against the genetic discrimination. First, we scrutinize if the struggle against the genetic discrimination is well-suited with the objecti ves of the principles of the non-discrimination. Secondly, we examine if the prohibition of the disability discrimination could prevent the genetic discrimination against the workers. Finally, we try to establish if the genetic characteristics could constitute an analogous ground of discrimination prohibited by the Canadian Charter. / "Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maître en droit option Droit des biotechnologies". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

No abstract available. / Thesis (LL.M.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2006.

In my critical discourse analysis of The Intown Academy's (TIA) various documents and media—including the school's charter petition, charter, Parent-Student Handbook, and website—I articulate the school's subjectifying narratives and analyze how these narratives function to (re)produce particular subjects according to tropes of threat/crisis, opportunity, corporate/non-profit benevolence, and personal responsibility. Identifying these subjects, I analyze how they are effected/affected by the practice of education at TIA. To this end, I examine the various practices of school discipline codified in the Parent and Student Contracts in TIA's 2012-2013 Parent Student Handbook, including mandates for the wearing of school uniforms, volunteer labor, and reorientations of the family and the private space of the home. I conclude that TIA discursively produces indebted subjects whose educational and economic survival depends on the reorientation of their lives in service to the school.

The focus of this research is in the area of virtual schooling at the K-12 level, specifically looking into teachers’ perceptions of important traits of teacher effectiveness and student progress in this online learning environment. Such a study is important in Indiana, as this is the first time in public school history when there is now a new choice for students to attend a school such as this. The research is a mixed methods approach utilizing surveys and interviews to gather data. The findings from this research indicate several teacher characteristics are important. Teachers should be communicative, responsive, and manage their time well. Student characteristics considered important are access to computer and Internet, strong support from their family or learning coach, and effective time management skills. A top recommendation emerging from this study is the development of a screener for parents to take before enrollment to determine whether this type of learning environment would be the best fit for their student(s)/child, based on the important student characteristics. Other recommendations emerging from this study included professional development, especially in the areas of technology and communication for the school’s teachers and the relationship with between colleges and universities that prepare teachers that would lead to development of specific training and lab experience in a virtual setting. / Department of Educational Leadership

Proportionality review has become a common and expected legal test to determine the limits of rights under Canadian Charter adjudication. Section 2(a) of the Charter, which provides for freedom of religion, is one tool for people of cultural diversity to challenge the social order with their own nomoi. In this thesis I look at the freedom of religion cases that have been decided under section 1, thus also through proportionality analysis for how the proportionality test engages the democratic voice of persons of religious diversity. I argue that while the proportionality test is intended to recognize the democratic voice of diversity the reasoning structure of the test as usually utilized does not facilitate the processes of communication necessary to respectfully engage the voice of religious diversity and results in societal fragmentation. There are however, two recent cases that exemplify a very different and significantly new form of reasoning under the language of the proportionality test. I argue that these forms of proportionality analysis represent a form of deliberative or practical reason in which the nomoi of religious persons is recognized as of equal value as legislative nomoi and where political conflicts might be resolved not solely on the basis of power, but through the construction of shared histories that facilitate creating shared nomoi.

From colonies to nation, this work identifies and emphasizes the influence of interdependent communal relationships on the ascent of the charter school movement. These ideals were made manifest in colonial social covenants that were then compromised by the conformist republican mandate of the common school. These ideals were recovered incrementally as education was affected by broader historical forces, most notably the implementation of court-sanctioned racial apartheid during the Plessy era, the reaction to the underwhelming impact of Brown, and, beginning in the 1980s, the rise of legislation that prepared the way for charter schools. Moreover, this work challenges the assumption that charter schools have proven popular with American citizens due solely to promises of superior academic results. Alternatively, this work suggests that charter schools have prospered because they have challenged the state monopoly in K-12 education, and have thus returned balance to the dynamic between the individual and the state. Finally, this work troubles the idea that charter schools are balkanizing American education, suggesting that the right of citizens to form charter schools, in an effort to sustain unique communities, justifies and is in fact endorsed by the American metanarrative. Research on American charter schools lacks a coherent historical framework. This work provides the charter school movement with an historical narrative that argues for the movement’s legitimacy based on its consistency with the American Republic’s founding philosophy. / Graduate / 0323 / 0337 / 0520 / smg32@duke.edu

No description available.

The idea that Canada was transformed into a "constitutional democracy" in 1982 is widely believed by the public, yet rarely examined in academic literature. This article identifies what it calls a "theory of Constitutional democracy" and then applies it to a test case, the Supreme Court of Canada's decisions on the equality claims of lesbians and gay men. It concludes that if the public expected such a transition, it has yet to be made.

東協憲章對於東南亞許多國家而言，代表著東協整合過程中的重要里程碑。自創立的四十一年來，東協終於產生了一部能使其實質成為「植基於規範和人民導向的」法律主體。 該憲章著實制定規範並賦予東協成員國和該組織法律人格，更重要的是，其標誌了「對於基本自由的尊重、人權的保護以及社會正義的提升」等原則。該憲章更呼籲一人權機構的肇建，俾使每一成員國恪遵憲章的規範。 然而，不幸的是，該憲章未能概括針對未遵守憲章原則規範會員國的制裁條款，且對於將賦予人權機構多少權力以制定規範亦懸而未決。而東協會員國遵行已久的「不干涉會員國內政」原則，更使此情況變得更加模糊難明。因此，本文將針對東協憲章及其所建立的區域治理模式進行分析，並探究東南亞國協區域治理下所面臨的矛盾與難題。 整體而言，新憲章中的各種建議、改革嘗試與區域整合方向儘管極具前瞻性；然而，若始終不願意清晰地面對東協區域內的各種實際問題，區域新憲的法律效力與規範能力，將備受質疑；甚至，亦將無助於區域共同體的實質建構。 關鍵詞：區域治理、東南亞國協、東協憲章 / It is true that for many in South East Asia, the ASEAN Charter is a milestone. For the first time in its 41-year existence, ASEAN has a constitution which can potentially lead it to be "a rule-based and people-oriented" legal entity. It even indeed sets out rules for the ASEAN members and gives the organization legal personality. More importantly, it enshrines the principles of "respect for fundamental freedoms, the promotion and protection of human rights and the promotion of social justice". It also calls for the establishment of a human rights body to ensure that every member state adheres to the Charter's principles. But, unfortunately the Charter fails to include a provision which would authorize sanctions for any member that does not comply with its rules and principles. And it remains unclear how much power will be granted to the human rights body in enforcing the principles. To make matters even more ambiguous, the Charter validates a long-held ASEAN principle that is the root cause of the organization's ineptitude in dealing firmly with its members — "non-interference in the internal affairs of ASEAN member states". As a result, the purpose of study is thus to analyze the ASEAN charter and its mode of regional governance, investigating the problems and contradictions of regional governance under the charter. All in all, though the suggestions, reforms and the orientation of regional integration of the new charter are extremely visionary, if the members are unwilling to face up the substantial problems in ASEAN region, the binding force of the regional new charter will be doubtful and even cannot be conducive to the forming of regional community. Keywords: Regional Governance, ASEAN, ASEAN Charter