Du Ier décembre 1958 au 15 décembre 2014, l'évolution constitutionnelle, institutionnelle, et sociopolitique de la République Centrafricaine est caractérisée par une instabilité chronique. [...] Tandis que la Constitution Française de la Cinquième République brille depuis le 4 octobre 1958 par sa longévité, le Centrafrique totalise 6 Constitutions en 56 ans (soit en moyenne une Constitution tous les neuf ans), plusieurs Révisions Constitutionnelles, douze Actes Constitutionnels, et une Charte Constitutionnelle de Transition adoptée le 18 juillet 2013, sans oublier l'adoption projetée de la Constitution de la septième République en 2015. Les six Constitutions successives ont établi chacune un régime parlementaire, sauf que celui-ci est hétérodoxe, et n'a jamais fonctionné dans un système parlementariste, mais plutôt dans un système présidentialiste, caractérisé par une hypertrophie de la fonction présidentielle, une concentration et une personnalisation du pouvoir au profit du Chef de l’État. Contrairement à la logique parlementaire, le Chef de l’État nomme et révoque ad nutum le Premier Ministre, et même les Ministres ignorant le pouvoir de proposition du Premier Ministre en la matière. Ce présidentialisme prégnant et omniprésent constitue à n'en pas douter le principal facteur explicatif de l'échec de la greffe du parlementarisme en Centrafrique depuis la première Loi Fondamentale, la Constitution du 16 février 1959. Tout en constituant une des caractéristiques d'une pratique institutionnelle et politique inadéquate et non démocratique, le présidentialisme est source de déformation du pouvoir exécutif. L'effet de contagion jouant, il est aussi facteur de déformation institutionnelle générale. La déformation institutionnelle est également le fait d'une insuffisante considération de l'environnement sociologique sur le plan constitutionnel et institutionnel, d'un défaut de conscience citoyenne favorable, et d'un mimétisme constitutionnel et institutionnel tronqué. Des pans entiers de la Constitution apparaissent souvent comme virtuels. L’exécutif centrafricain dans son ensemble souffre d'un déficit de légitimité, mais est pourtant très puissant et pratiquement quasi-irresponsable. C'est l'évidence du déséquilibre au sein du triptyque constitutionnel pouvoir-légitimité-responsabilité. Le principe de la séparation des pouvoirs reste formel, donc illusoire. Grâce au culte qui lui est voué, le Chef de l’État investit les autres institutions et capte leurs pouvoirs. C'est alors l 'assainissement du Premier Ministre et des Ministres, la domestication des pouvoirs législatif et judiciaire, et même le ravalement du pouvoir médiatique. Cette thèse se veut une modeste contribution à une ingénierie constitutionnelle et institutionnelle adéquate, une nécessité exigée par ce qui est unanimement reconnu en 2014 comme un État complètement failli, et donc un État Centrafricain à refonder. Sous ce rapport, il est clair que c'est la Constitution qui devra être non seulement la fondation et le pilier principal du nouvel État, mais aussi la sève irriguant et nourrissant les futures institutions. Or, les réflexions et analyses menées dans cette Thèse sont susceptibles d'inspirer les rédacteurs de la Constitution de la septième République dont l'adoption est projetée en 2015. / From December 1st, 1958 to December 15th, 2014, constitutional, institutional and socio-political evolution of the Central African Republic is characterised by a permanent instability. […] While the French Constitution of the Fifth Republic is still applying since its adoption on October 4th, 1958, Central Africa totalizes no less than 6 Constitutions within only 56 years (for a life's duration of 9 years in average for each one). Central Africa counts several constitutional reviews, 12 Constitutional Acts, and a Constitutional Charter of Transition adopted on July 18th, 2013. Furthermore, the country planned to adopt by 2015 another Constitution for the Seventh Republic in place. The 6 successive Constitutions established each one a parliamentary regime, however the latter is strange and never worked as a real parliamentary system but as a presidential one where the President of the Republic concentrates all the powers in his hands as well as he practices a form of personalisation of the presidential function. Contrary to the parliamentary logic, the Chief of State appoints and dismisses ad mitum the Prime Minister, and even the Ministers who actually ignore the power allocated to the Prime Minister to make proposals in the process of appointing the Ministers. This strong and omnipresent presidentialism constitutes the main factor that explains the failure of the idea of a parliamentary system in Central Africa since the first Fundamental Law known as the Constitution of February 16th, 1959. The presidentialism in Central Africa constitutes one of the characteristics of a non­democratic and political inadequacy in the practice of powers, and at the same time, it is also the origin of the deformation of the executive power. This situation produces a contagion's effect. It contributes to a general deformation of the political institutions. The institutional deformation is also the fact of an insufficient consideration of the sociological environment in terms of respect of the Constitution and the normal functioning of institutions, and of a lack of awareness of citizens in favour of it, and of a shortened constitutional and institutional imitation. Some entire provisions of the Constitution often appear as virtual. The Central African executive as a whole suffers a deficit of legitimacy, but nevertheless it is a powerful State and mostly practically irresponsible. This is clearly the fact of the imbalance of the necessary constitutional triptych Power-Legitimacy-Responsibility. The principle of separation of powers remains formal, and so imaginary. Because of his personality cult well celebrated, the Chief of State vests the other institutions with his authority and at the same time takes their powers. Then this is the subjection of the Prime Minister and Ministers, the domestication of legislative and judiciary powers, and even the media suffer the same fate. This thesis that aims to be modest is a contribution to a constitutional and institutional engineering that is appropriate and necessary for Central Africa, which is considered in 2014 as a State completely failed, and then as a country to be rebuilt. Under this report, it is clear that this is the Constitution that shall be not only the foundation and the cornerstone of the New State, but also the sap irrigating and feeding the future institutions of the country. Yet, the reflexions and analyses raised in this thesis may inspire the writers of the future Constitution of the Seventh Republic which adoption is planned for 2015.

Sous la Troisième République, les inspecteurs d’académie ont été chargés de faire appliquer les différentes politiques gouvernementales en matière d’enseignement primaire. Leur rôle, mal connu, ne se résuma pas seulement à exécuter des instructions ministérielles. Ils ont investi leur mission en s’adaptant aux territoires dans lesquels ils exerçaient, des territoires où ils devaient composer avec des pressions contradictoires. Le Midi, où de fortes disparités culturelles, politiques, religieuses et économiques existaient, permit ainsi à ces hommes d’épouser l’idéal républicain, en soutenant, en menant le camp laïque, en s’opposant parfois violemment avec les adversaires conservateurs. Après la Grande Guerre cependant, leur influence s’amoindrit, contestée qu’ils furent par l’émergence du Syndicat National et de ses relais départementaux. Ainsi, de Jules Ferry à Jean Zay, les inspecteurs d’académie, alors que s’effaçait lentement la tutelle du préfet et des hommes politiques, durent composer avec cette force nouvelle en tenant désormais grand compte de ses revendications. / Under the Third Republic in France, chief inspectors of schools were in charge of making apply the various governmental policies in primary education. Their role, badly known, amounted not only to execute ministerial instructions. They invested their mission by adapting itself to the territories in which they practiced, territories where they had to compose with contradictory pressures. In the south of France, when strong cultural, political, religious and economic disparities existed, so allowed these men to marry the ideal republican, by supporting, by leading the laic camp, by opposing sometimes violently with the conservative opponents. After the Great War however, their influence decreases, disputed that they were by the emergence of the “Syndicat National des Instituteurs” and its departmental relays. So, from Jules Ferry to Jean Zay, chief inspectors of schools, while faded slowly the guardianship of the prefect and the politicians, had to compose with this new strength by holding henceforth major account of its demands.

The thesis is focused on the internal control system and its application in the contributory organization (a school facility). Currently, these organizations suppressed internal control system to the background despite the legal obligation of its introduction. The thesis is divided in a theoretical part, which is focused on the theory of the internal control system, and the reasons, why it is important to monitor the internal control system in educational institutions. In the practical part of the thesis the internal control system of the model contributory organization (school facility) will be evaluated and adjustments of the current state will be suggested. The main purpose of the thesis is to prove that the contributory organizations are not able to guarantee either the accuracy of internal control or its observance. The second purpose of the thesis is to prove that even controlling institutions do not follow or check internal control system as a complex problem.

No description available.

<p>Racial tension in the United States has moved to the forefront in social discourse with the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement and elections of far-right wing politicians who provide support and empathy for White supremacist groups. In higher education, colleges and universities often serve as microcosms of the broader society’s racial climate. Experts have revealed that 56% of U.S. university presidents believed that inclusion and diversity had grown in importance between 2015-2017. Additionally, 47% of presidents at 4-year institutions stated that students had organized on their campus amid concerns about racial diversity. In attempts to combat the divisiveness present in American culture, colleges and universities have begun appointing Chief Diversity Officer (CDO) administrative positions to lead their inclusion and diversity missions to better support minoritized and marginalized communities. Experts estimate that nearly 80% of CDO positions were created in the last 20 years. Despite efforts to develop CDOs, higher education institutions sometimes struggle to foster inclusive and diverse environments. Recently, a small body of literature has been developed to better understand the CDO role in higher education. Predominantly White Land-Grant Universities (PWLGUs) have also seen an influx of issues related to diversity and inclusion over the years. The purpose of the current study was to uncover how CDOs see their role and responsibilities in the context of Predominantly White Land-Grant Universities. This study used Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework to examine how CDOs navigate their identities, the presence of racism, and the social climate of their university and the broader United States. This study was guided by five research questions, including one topical question which served to provide demographic information of the CDOs. The other four research questions covered barriers and successes of CDOs, how CDOs navigated their own identity while in the role of CDO, and how they observed the presence of racism at PWLGUs. Two rounds of interviews were conducted with seven CDOs at PWLGUs. Topic and pattern coding were used to analyze data via NVivo qualitative data analysis software. There were four findings for this study. First, racism has had a constant presence on, and at times has been supported by, land-grant universities further complicating the jobs of CDOs. Second, CDOs of color often connected elements of their identity to the responsibilities of the CDO position. Third, CDOs described ways in which inclusion and diversity were part of the purpose of land-grant universities and ways in which race factored into academic achievements of the institution, but then become afterthoughts in other elements of campus life. Finally, PWLGUs often invoke liberal processes and decision-making that further limits the capabilities of the CDO to foster inclusive and diverse campuses. Future study recommendations include comparing and contrasting CDOs of Color and White CDOs, CDOs at Minority-Serving Institutions with CDOs at Non-Minority Serving Institutions, and perception of satisfaction by people of color with the job of the CDO at their institution. </p>

This diploma thesis called ČT sport newsroom without an editor-in-chief. Where are its limits? focuses on the leadership of sports newsroom, which operated without editor-in-chief between the years 2013 and 2019. In January 2020 the sports department was reorganized thus there is the editor-in-chief at the head of the organization since then, who manages the organization in terms of journalism. The researcher paid attention to the analysis of both possible structures. In the theoretical part, the author describes possible organizational structures according to which the organization can be structured. She focuses on media routines and history and the presence of the sports newsroom, but she is mostly targeting the hierarchy of the department. The empirical part is based on 14 in-depth interviews with workers of the newsroom, who describe how the sports department works and point out the positives and negatives of the system. The research took place in two phases. The first one before the restructuring of the department, the second one a few months after. The result is, how the sports newsroom according to its employees worked in this kind of atypical structure.

Civil unrest in the1960s pitted Black citizens and police officers against each other (Kerner Commission, 1968). The Kerner Commission examined race relations and recommended the hiring of more Black officers to patrol Black neighborhoods. Recent shooting deaths of unarmed Black males primarily by White officers has led to renewed calls for police reform (Scholsser, Cha-Jua, Valgoi & Neville, 2015). This quantitative secondary analysis study utilizes data from the 2013 LEMAS survey to compare local police departments from three states (N=184) to examine whether police departments with a Black chief and/or a higher rate of Black officers reported more participation in community oriented policing activities than police departments led by Whites. The study’s hypothesis is that local police departments led by a Black chief and departments with a high rate of Black officers will report greater participation in community oriented policing activities. Descriptive data along with results from Pearson’s correlation, ANOVA and multiple regression analysis indicate there are some benefits to appointing Blacks as police chief along with hiring more Black officers. In this study, the race of the chief had a positive but not significant impact on the number of reported COP activities. The presence of more Black officers was positively correlated at a significant level with reports of higher rates of COP activities.

No description available.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The Battle of Tippecanoe marked the turning point in relations between Anglo/American and Native American cultures, whose incompatible ways of understanding and living on the land and religious views made co-existence improbable. The battle also served as a last ditch effort by young, desperate warriors following the orders of a Prophet whose promises of invincibility and dominance proved untrue. The victory at Tippecanoe, and subsequent success during the War of 1812, strengthened the military prowess and popularity of the battle’s commander William Henry Harrison and his men. Overtime, the legacy of Harrison, his men, and Battle of Tippecanoe grew in significance. This thesis is an examination of the academic interpretation and public memory of the Battle of Tippecanoe. Until the cultural history movement by scholars in the mid-twentieth century, historical interpretation and public memory mirrored one another in the remembrance of the battle. As historians aimed to provide a more balanced and nuanced understanding of the Battle of Tippecanoe, the public memory of the battle remained entrenched in the teachings highlighted during Progressive Era. The purpose of this thesis is to trace the origins of both schools of thought as the importance and significance of the battle’s interpretation changed over the last 200 years.

Tribal Colleges and Universities (TCUs) are educational institutions owned by Native American tribes intended to address the failure of the education system to support Indigenous students. Significant research has been done on the value of culturally sustaining pedagogy (CSP) and on TCUs, but little has been done to examine whether and how TCUs implement CSP. This study aims to fill that gap by examining teaching at Chief Dull Knife College (CDKC), a tribal college on the Northern Cheyenne reservation. Interviews were conducted with eight white faculty members and four Cheyenne administrators at CDKC. Analysis of the interviews revealed that the instructors saw building personal connections with students as the foundation of teaching at CDKC and that they engaged in attempts at individual adaptation and structural change to support such teaching. The Cheyenne administrators found these efforts valuable, but suggested that more needed to be done to foster a connection between the white faculty members and the Cheyenne community and culture. Ultimately, this study reveals that instructors at CDKC are attempting to implement CSP, but that there are still gaps in that implementation. The interviews suggest that further structural changes are needed at CDKC to better support CSP and ensure that students are receiving the support they need to succeed.