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This qualitative case study aims to understand the ways in which students identifying as Native American, American Indian, and Indigenous navigate attending a university informed by their identities. Through semi-structured interviews with Indigenous students and participant observation with a Native American student organization, this study identified how this demographic of students navigate and conceptualize their identities as Native and Indigenous peoples, the benefits of joining a Native American student organization on their university campus, and how they experience the university as a racialized organization. One overarching and three nuanced research questions were examined to illustrate how students' identities inform how they experience university life with themes surrounding Native and Indigenous identity construction informed by federal policy and Indigenous community practices, collective identity and student involvement, sense of belonging at college, and understanding universities as racial organizations that participate in racial capitalism. The study findings indicated that students' identities are regularly negotiated, engaged with, and leveraged throughout their college experiences and recommendations were made for how colleges and universities can more adequately and equitably serve this student demographic.

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No description available.

The presence of atheists within the Muslim world has begun to receive global attention after a number of cases in which atheist bloggers and writers in majority Muslim countries were killed for criticising Islam. The rise in number of Arab atheist Facebook groups has sparked conversation about the rise in number of atheists across the Arab world, and to what extent the use of social media platforms has facilitated this. This study examines 2 such Facebook groups and aims to explore the way in which social media platforms can be used to bring a geographically diverse group of people together to form a collective group identity, and to provoke societal change. The research was conducted using qualitative data, gathered using open ended interview and survey questions, alongside quantitative data which was gathered from closed survey questions and raw survey data in an attempt to understand how communication technology is used by these groups to form a collective identity among their members and to achieve shared objectives. The study lies within the frame of new social movement theory, with particular focus on the ever evolving role which online communications can play in developing aspects of a given society.The results showed that social media had given members from both groups the ability to share experiences, develop a collective identity, and utilise their new found visibility to provide the voices of atheists in the Arab world with an authority which they had been lacking. The study found that the freedom for atheists to unite online in large number was exposing closeted atheists as well as practising Muslims to opinions which would not have been as vocalised in the real world. The freedom for both parties to involve themselves in the group has reflected some of the difficulties faced in the real world, but has importantly opened up a dialogue and is working toward the acceptance of atheism within majority Muslim societies.

The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country. / La Fundacion La Caixa. Consejeria de Educación Universidades e Investigación of the Basque Country Government.

Aspects of memory and identity with reference to the prose of Dana Snyman will be reflected in this research report. Concepts from memory studies, such as cultural and collective memory, collective identity as well as nostalgia and loss will serve as the matrix for a reading of his narratives. The reception of Weg, an Afrikaans outdoor magazine (and specifically the contri- butions by Snyman) amongst readers typified as the Weg-generation will be studied. Since the political transformation of 1994, there has been a renewed attempt by Afri- kaners to explore their identity and status in the new dispensation. Snyman’s nostalgic representation of this process can be linked to a current trend in Afrikaans literature where identity and roots are explored in order to redefine Self and Other. His stories document the Afrikaner culture of a bygone era with a view of coming to terms with that past. / Afrikaans / Thesis (M.A. (Afrikaans))

Cette thèse par articles porte sur le processus de constitution de la communauté de mouvement social antiautoritaire au Québec, entre 2000 et 2010. Partant du constat de l’évolution de cet acteur politique d’inspiration anarchiste dans la province au cours de cette période, la thèse interroge les facteurs qui ont favorisé sa construction progressive autour de composantes diversifiées. Telles qu’elles se révèlent au grand jour vers la fin de la décennie, les composantes de cette communauté de mouvement social sont en effet hétérogènes au regard des enjeux qui retiennent leur attention, mais convergent néanmoins dans l’adoption de positions politiques, de stratégies d’action et de modes organisationnels caractéristiques de la perspective antiautoritaire contemporaine. Bien que l’environnement politique général dans lequel intervient la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec ait influencer son développement, la thèse démontre que les dynamiques internes à cette communauté sont celles qui ont assuré la pérennité de cet acteur politique en favorisant l’intégration de la diversité qui s’est exprimée en son sein au cours de la période étudiée. Le fait d’appréhender le mouvement antiautoritaire sous l’angle conceptuel de la communauté de mouvement social permet ainsi d’aborder le développement de cet acteur politique dans la continuité, au-delà des seuls moments publics d’interaction avec les autorités. Ce faisant, cette approche met également en lumière les facteurs endogènes qui ont contribué à son développement. Dans la lignée des travaux sur les mouvements sociaux qui proposent une perspective théorique synthétique liant la considération des aspects structurels et culturels dans l’analyse, l’étude du processus de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec fait ressortir le rôle des dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans ce phénomène. Cette thèse par articles contribue à cette perspective théorique par l’application de l’approche mécanistique dans l’étude des mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci met en relief, d’une part, l’interaction de ces dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans la constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire et documente, d’autre part, les dynamiques qui leur sont inhérentes. Le passage graduel du mouvement antiautoritaire vers la configuration de communauté de mouvement social a ainsi été marqué, d’une part, par un processus de constitution organisationnelle qui a interagi avec le processus de démarcation identitaire en cours au sein du mouvement. D’autre part, la communauté antiautoritaire a pu se développer entre 2000 et 2010 grâce à un processus de conciliation identitaire réalisé par le travail identitaire des militants et des militantes. Ces processus ont favorisé la construction d’une identité collective fondée sur la lutte contre la pluralité des formes d’oppression, exprimée à la fois dans le discours et dans les pratiques des acteurs de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec. La démonstration analytique proposée dans cette thèse repose sur une approche méthodologique de recherche-action participative combinant observation participante, analyse d’entretiens et étude de sources documentaires. L’interprétation empirique de la communauté antiautoritaire est basée sur un projet réalisé conjointement avec le Collectif de recherche sur l’autonomie collective (CRAC) de l’Université Concordia, à Montréal. / This thesis by articles is a case study of the development process of the anti-authoritarian social movement community in Quebec between the years 2000 and 2010. The study questions the factors that have contributed to the evolution of this political actor during this period and allowed for its heterogeneous character to be unveiled by the end of the decade. While the anti-authoritarian community’s components encompassed numerous issues of struggle, there was convergence around the adoption of political positions, action strategies and organizational methods that form a contemporary anti-authoritarian ideal-type. Although the overall political environment of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec did have an influence on its development, this thesis by articles demonstrates that it was the movement’s internal dynamics that ensured its survival by allowing for the accommodation of the diversity expressed within the movement during that period. Understanding the anti-authoritarian movement through the conceptual lens of the social movement community allows us to observe and analyse the development of this political actor well beyond its public interactions with authorities. In doing so, this approach also highlights the role of the internal factors that have contributed to its development. In line with previous work on social movements that put forth a synthetic theoretical perspective linking structural and cultural aspects, this analysis of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec highlights the role of organizational and identity factors, while contributing to this perspective by applying a mechanistic approach. By doing so, the thesis highlights, on the one hand, the interaction of these dimensions in the development of the antiauthoritarian community and, on the other, the dynamics that are inherent to them. The gradual transition towards a social movement community structure was noted first as a process of organizational development that interacted with the process of boundary formation within the movement. On another hand, the anti-authoritarian community was able to sustain itself between 2000 and 2010 due to the identity work undertaken by its activists, through a process of identity reconciliation. These processes have contributed to the formation of a collective identity built around the struggle against various forms of oppression, simultaneously expressed in the political discourse and practices of anti-authoritarian activists. The findings proposed in this thesis rely on a participative action research methodology and combine participant observation, the analysis of interviews and the study of documentary sources. The empirical interpretation of the anti-authoritarian community is based on a project carried out with the Research Collective on Collective Autonomy (CRAC) at Concordia University in Montreal.

Le présent mémoire s’intéresse au développement du mouvement social Lesbien, Gai, Bisexuel, Trans, Intersex et Queer (LGBTIQ) depuis la chute de la dictature de Ferdinand Marcos en 1986 jusqu’à aujourd’hui. À partir de 1990, le mouvement est caractérisé par un développement rapide. Il était parmi les premiers en Asie du Sud-est à organiser une marche de la fierté et à créer un parti politique LGBTIQ. Toutefois, malgré le dynamisme inhérent à ce mouvement, les communautés LGBTIQ sont toujours discriminées sur le marché du travail, à l’université ou encore dans le système de santé. De plus, elles sont toujours les victimes de violence et de meurtre commis sur la base de leur orientation sexuelle ou de leur genre. Actuellement, le mouvement LGBTIQ n’a toujours pas été en mesure d’obtenir des gains politiques afin de mieux protéger les droits et la sécurité de ces communautés. Même si ce problème pourrait être attribué au conservatisme de l’élite politique ou encore à l’influence du Catholicisme et de l’homophobie dans la société philippine, l’argumentation de ce mémoire propose plutôt que la fragmentation et le manque de cohérence au sein du mouvement ont compliqué la formulation et l’adoption de politiques pouvant régler ces enjeux. Mon analyse du mouvement pendant les 30 dernières années identifie quatre conflits internes majeurs expliquant ce problème 1. la définition de l’identité collective 2. le cadrage utilisé afin de conceptualiser cet enjeu 3. les différentes idéologies structurant l’action des militant.es et 4. les divergences par rapport aux modes d’organisation et aux stratégies employées. Ainsi, ce mémoire tourne l’attention vers ces conflits internes plutôt que vers les facteurs exogènes. Mon argumentation est basée sur 17 entrevues semi-dirigées réalisées à Manille avec des militant.es du mouvement, de mai à octobre 2015. Dans les deux premiers chapitres de ce mémoire, j’analyse la littérature portant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux en général pour ensuite aborder la littérature traitant précisément sur les Philippines et l’Asie du Sud-est. Cette revue servira de base théorique afin de comprendre les quatre facteurs identifiés ainsi que leur rôle dans la fragmentation du mouvement. Dans le quatrième chapitre, j’analyse la fragmentation du mouvement selon les échelles d’action des militant.es, leurs cibles ainsi que leur trajectoire de mobilisation. Dans le cinquième chapitre, j’explique cette fragmentation à l’aide des quatre facteurs identifiés dans la littérature. / This Master’s thesis investigates the development of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, Intersex and Queer (LGBTIQ) movement in the Philippines from the fall of Ferdinand Marcos’ dictatorship in 1986 to the present moment. Since then, the LGBTIQ movement has developed rapidly. It was among the first in Southeast Asia to organise a Pride March and to constitute an LGBTIQ political party. However, despite this dynamism, LGBTIQ communities are still discriminated in the workspace, schools, and the healthcare system. Moreover, they are still the victims of homophobic crimes. To the present day, the movement has not been able to secure political protection for the rights and the safety of these communities. Although the current situation can be attributed to a certain extent to conservatism in the ruling class or the strong influence of Catholicism and homophobia, this thesis argues that the fragmentation and the lack of coherence of the movement iii has itself complicated the formulation and implementation of concrete policies. My analysis of the movement’s development throughout the last 30 years will highlight four fundamental conflicts resolving around 1. the definition of one collective identity, 2. the framing used to conceptualize these issues, 3. the different ideologies underlying the social activists’ actions, and 4. the divergence in organisational modes and strategies. As such, this thesis shifts attention from external factors to internal conflicts within the LGBTIQ movement of the Philippines. My arguments are based on 17 interviews with social activists, conducted between May and October 2015 in Manila. In the first two chapters of this thesis, I review current scholarship on social movements in general and about the Philippines and South East Asia in particular. This review will provide the theoretical foundation necessary to identify and understand the four identified social factors and their role on the fragmentation of the movement. In chapter four, I analyse the fragmentation of the movement based on the social activists’ scales of action, their targets of mobilization, and their mobilization trajectories. In chapter five, I analyze this fragmentation through the identified factors in the literature.

Sur la base d’une étude des équipes de football universitaire, le présent mémoire de maîtrise cherche à mettre en évidence les éléments de l’« esprit de corps » — c’est-à-dire l’adhésion pas forcément consciente « des individus aux valeurs et à la valeur d’un groupe qui, en tant que corps intégré, dispose des espèces d’échanges propres à renforcer l’intégration et la solidarité entre ses membres » (Bourdieu, 1989, p. 258) — qui peuvent être applicables à ce groupe donné tout en analysant de quelle façon cette notion vient influencer les performances des équipes. En s’appuyant sur des notes de terrain recueillies lors d’une observation exploratoire et sur des entretiens semi-dirigés réalisés auprès de joueurs de football qui jouent ou qui ont joué au niveau universitaire, ce mémoire a pour objectif de mieux saisir en quoi un esprit de corps présent à l’intérieur d’une équipe de football vient influencer les performances de celle-ci. Sur la base des données recueillies, une équipe présentant un fort esprit de corps en ses rangs voit ses performances la mener au succès. Lorsque les composantes de l’esprit de corps sont présentes, partagées par tous les joueurs et suivies à la lettre, les équipes sont appelées à mieux performer dans la ligue de football universitaire, contrairement à d’autres formations où certains éléments caractérisant l’esprit de corps ont une importance moindre. / On the basis of a study of college football teams, the current Master’s thesis seeks to highlight the elements of “esprit de corps” present within the teams and how they can affect the teams’ performances. In other words, this thesis investigates the accession, consciously or not, of people to a group’s values who, as an integrated corps, possess common features that reinforce the integration and the solidarity between its members, as applied to college football teams. Combining field notes from exploratory observations as well as semi-directed interviews done with college football players or formers college football players, this thesis aims to lead to a better understanding of how “esprit de corps” amongst a team can have an influence on its performances. On the basis of the collected data, it appears that football teams that present a strong “esprit de corps” tend to perform better. When the “esprit de corps” components are fulfilled, shared and followed by all the players, football teams offer great performances compared to other teams where these components are considered less important. Key