Dans le contexte algérien contemporain, la femme a activement participé aux guerres pour l'indépendance, eu accès à l'école de la République et a imposé sa présence dans un milieu dominé par les hommes. Sous la décennie noire, le tragique historique a fait de la femme- intellectuelle de surcroit- la première cible des extrémistes religieux. Les auteures algériennes avaient le choix de se taire, elles ont préféré écrire, parcourant comme c'est le cas pour Bey, l'histoire de l'Algérie contemporaine. Maïssa Bey fait partie de cette génération d'auteures qui ont dit l'horreur de l'Histoire, qui se sont senti dépositaires d’une Histoire collective à laquelle elles assistent en tant que femmes d'abord, intellectuelles ensuite.Mais si les romans beyens se posent comme support intellectuel pour la lutte contre les dérives de la violence historique, sociale, religieuse, etc., il n’en demeure pas moins que l’individualité de Bey cède la place à la parole de la collectivité, chaque lecteur pouvant reconnaître dans le portrait d’une victime la figure de toute personne acculée arbitrairement au silence.C'est justement à la charnière de toutes ces transformations qui ont touché l'Histoire de l'Algérie, la société algérienne et la création romanesque résultant d'un séisme identitaire que se situe l'œuvre de Maïssa Bey et que nous comptons explorer dans ce travail.Mots-clés : Maïssa Bey, littérature algérienne francophone, fictionnalisation de l'histoire, idéntité individuelle, identité collective. / In the contemporary Algerian context, the woman actively participated in wars for independence, had access to the school of the Republic and imposed her presence in a male-dominated environment. Under the Algerian Civil War, the tragic history has made the intellectual woman moreover the first target of religious extremists. The Algerian authors had the choice to be quiet, they preferred to write, browsing as is the case for Bey, the history of contemporary Algeria. Maïssa Bey is part of this generation of writers who have said the horror of history, who felt they were the depositary of a collective history that they attend as women first, then intellectual.But if Bey novels arise as intellectual support for the fight against the excesses of historical, social, religious violence, etc., the fact remains that Bey's individuality gives way to the word of the collectivity , each reader can recognize in the portrait of a victim the figure of any person arbitrarily driven to silence.It is precisely at the turning point of all these transformations that have touched the history of Algeria, the Algerian society and the romantic creation resulting from an identity crisis that the work of Maïssa Bey is located and that’s what we intend to explore in this work.Key-words : Maïssa Bey, algerian francophone literature, fictionnalisation of the history, individual identity, collective idendity.

<p>The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory.</p><p>Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism.</p><p>Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.</p>

Russian Jews who left the Former Soviet Union (FSU) and its Successor States after 1989 are considered as one of the best qualified migrants group worldwide. In the preferred countries of destination (Israel, the United States and Germany) they are well-known for cultural self-assertion, strong social upward mobility and manifold forms of self organisation and empowerment. Using Suzanne Kellers sociological model of “Strategic Elites”, it easily becomes clear that a huge share of the Russian Jewish Immigrants in Germany and Israel are part of various elites due to their qualification and high positions in the FSU – first of all professional, cultural and intellectual elites (“Intelligentsija”). The study aimed to find out to what extent developments of cultural self-assertion, of local and transnational networking and of ethno-cultural empowerment are supported or even initiated by the immigrated (Russian Jewish) Elites. The empirical basis for this study have been 35 half-structured expert interviews with Russian Jews in both countries (Israel, Germany) – most of them scholars, artists, writers, journalists/publicists, teachers, engineers, social workers, students and politicians. The qualitative analysis of the interview material in Israel and Germany revealed that there are a lot of commonalities but also significant differences. It was obvious that almost all of the interview partners remained to be linked with Russian speaking networks and communities, irrespective of their success (or failure) in integration into the host societies. Many of them showed self-confidence with regard to the groups’ amazing professional resources (70% of the adults with academic degree), and the cultural, professional and political potential of the FSU immigrants was usually considered as equal to those of the host population(s). Thus, the immigrants’ interest in direct societal participation and social acceptance was accordingly high. Assimilation was no option. For the Russian Jewish “sense of community” in Israel and Germany, Russian Language, Arts and general Russian culture have remained of key importance. The Immigrants do not feel an insuperable contradiction when feeling “Russian” in cultural terms, “Jewish” in ethnical terms and “Israeli” / “German” in national terms – in that a typical case of additive identity shaping what is also significant for the Elites of these Immigrants. Tendencies of ethno-cultural self organisation – which do not necessarily hinder impressing individual careers in the new surroundings – are more noticeable in Israel. Thus, a part of the Russian Jewish Elites has responded to social exclusion, discrimination or blocking by local population (and by local elites) with intense efforts to build (Russian Jewish) Associations, Media, Educational Institutions and even Political Parties. All in all, the results of this study do very much contradict popular stereotypes of the Russian Jewish Immigrant as a pragmatic, passive “Homo Sovieticus”. Among the Interview Partners in this study, civil-societal commitment was not the exception but rather the rule. Traditional activities of the early, legendary Russian „Intelligentsija“ were marked by smooth transitions from arts, education and societal/political commitment. There seem to be certain continuities of this self-demand in some of the Russian Jewish groups in Israel. Though, nothing comparable could be drawn from the Interviews with the Immigrants in Germany. Thus, the myth and self-demand of Russian “Intelligentsija” is irrelevant for collective discourses among Russian Jews in Germany. / Russischsprachige Juden, die nach 1989 die Sowjetunion und ihre Nachfolgestaaten verlassen haben, zählen weltweit zu den bestqualifizierten Migranten. In ihren bevorzugten Zielländern (Israel, USA, Deutschland) zeichnen sie sich durch sichtbare Formen der kulturellen Selbstbehauptung, eine starke Aufstiegsmobilität und einen relativ hohen Grad der Selbstorganisation aus. Auf Grund des hohen Bildungsgrades und der dominierenden Berufsbilder konnte in Anlehnung an das Modell der „Strategic Elites“ von Suzanne Keller ein generell hoher Anteil an Eliten in der untersuchten Gruppe von Immigranten in Deutschland und Israel ausgemacht werden – v.a. professionelle, kulturelle und intellektuelle Eliten. Die Studie fragte danach, inwiefern Prozesse der kulturellen Selbstbehauptung, der lokalen und transnationalen Vernetzung und der ethno-kulturellen Selbstorganisation von den zugewanderten Eliten unterstützt oder sogar selbst befördert werden. Als empirische Grundlage dienten je 35 Experten-Interviews mit russisch-jüdischen Immigranten in beiden Ländern – dabei vorwiegend Wissenschaftler, Künstler, Schriftsteller, Publizisten/Journalisten, Lehrer, Ingenieure, Sozialarbeiter, Studenten und Politiker. Die qualitative Auswertung des Interviewmaterials in Deutschland und Israel ergab zahlreiche Gemeinsamkeiten, aber auch markante Unterschiede. Auffällig war, dass fast alle Interviewpartner mit russischsprachigen Netzwerken und Community-Strukturen gut verbunden blieben – unabhängig vom bisherigen Erfolg ihrer individuellen Integration. Fast durchweg waren sie sich ihrer überdurchschnittlichen beruflichen Kompetenzen (70% Akademiker) bewusst, die kulturellen, beruflichen und häufig auch politischen Ressourcen wurden mindestens als ebenbürtig zu jenen der Aufnahmegesellschaften betrachtet. Das Interesse an direkter gesellschaftlicher Partizipation und Akzeptanz war entsprechend hoch. Für das Zusammengehörigkeitsgefühl der Immigranten in Israel und Deutschland bilden russische Sprache, Kunst und (Alltags-) Kultur nach wie vor eine Schlüssel-Rolle. Dabei entsteht für die meisten Immigranten kein zwingender Widerspruch, sich "russisch" im kulturellen, "jüdisch" im ethnischen und "israelisch" / "deutsch" im nationalen Sinne zu fühlen - insofern ein klassischer Fall von additiver Identitätsbildung, der auch die zugewanderten Eliten charakterisiert. Assimilation in die Mehrheitsgesellschaft ist keine Option. Tendenzen ethno-kultureller Selbstorganisation, die erfolgreiche individuelle Integrationsverläufe im neuen Umfeld keineswegs ausschließen, zeigten sich am intensivsten in Israel. So reagiert ein Teil der russisch-jüdischen Eliten auf allgemeine Ausgrenzungserfahrungen und/oder Schließungsprozesse der lokalen Eliten bewusst mit der Bildung eigener Vereine, Medien, Bildungseinrichtungen und sogar politischer Parteien. Insgesamt widersprechen die Ergebnisse der Studie dem weitverbreiteten Stereotyp vom russisch-jüdischen Migranten als eines pragmatisch-passiven „Homo Sovieticus“. Zivilgesellschaftliches Engagement war bei den untersuchten Eliten eher der Regelfall. Zu den Traditionen der frühen, legendären russischen „Intelligentsija“ gehörten fließende Übergänge zwischen Kunst, Bildung und gesellschaftspolitischem Engagement. Dies setzt sich in Israel in einigen Gruppierungen der russisch-jüdischen Immigranten nahtlos fort. Dagegen machten die Experten-Interviews in Deutschland deutlich, dass ein vergleichbarer „Intelligentsija“-Effekt hier nicht zu erwarten ist - und daher für kollektive Orientierungsprozesse der russischen Juden irrelevant bleibt.

The present compiled dissertation explores culture jamming as a social movement in late capitalist information society. Culture jamming embraces groups and individuals practicing symbolic protest against the expansion and domination of large corporations and the logic of the market into public and private life. The central aim is to understand the meaning of culture jamming; its “model” of collective identification, and its protest and mobilizing strategies. International social movement research mostly focuses upon well established movements that are traditionally organized and directed against conventional political institutions. Studying culture jamming as a social movement therefore entails implications for social movement theory and research. For instance, concepts must be adjusted to cover emerging “individualized” forms of collective action and the effects of cyberspace on collective identification. Furthermore, attention is directed to emotions in culture jamming. It is thereby also argued that social movement research generally may have a lot to gain from incorporating emotion theory. Data consists of texts and visuals from the organization Adbusters Media Foundation, and seven interviews with culture jammers. The groups represented in the interviews are Institute for Applied Autonomy, Reverend Billy’s Church of Stop Shopping, New York Surveillance Camera Players, Bureau of Inverse Technology, Rtmark, and the French Casseurs de Pub. The method of analysis is “abductive” qualitative text analysis inspired by hermeneutic qualitative analysis and the epistemological and ontological foundations of discourse theory and post-structuralism. Analysis is carried out in five separate studies presented in text I-IV (previously published) and in chapter eight. Text I maps the Adbusters Media Foundation (AMF) along the lines of narrative, organization, ends, means, and strategy. Text II offers an analysis of the various nodal points in the AMF discourse and discusses the tensions inherent to the AMF effort to “hegemonize” the meaning of culture jamming. Text III offers an analysis of culture jamming as political activism from the thematic perspective of culture, place and identity, based on four of the interviews. In text IV the AMF visuals are analyzed from the perspective of emotions and social movement mobilization. Chapter eight brings together the seven interviews and the AMF material into an analysis of emotions in culture jamming.

The thesis studies the representation of prehistory as a part of the making and remaking of ethnic identities in Northern Sweden from the end of the 19th Century until today, thus dealing with archaeology and prehistory in relation to issues such as identity, memory and politics. The thesis takes as its point of departure the constitution of a Swedish national identity and memory in the late 19th Century and subsequent decades, followed by studies of, mainly later, representations of Sámi, Kvenish (“Kvänsk”) and North Bothnian (“Norrbottnisk”) collective identities. The study material consists of texts, primarily analyzed through discourse and narrative analysis. The thesis demonstrates how the constitution of a Swedish national identity in Northern Sweden constructed a dichotomy between an imagined civilized “Swedishness”, belonging to the future, and an imagined primitive Sámi Other, belonging to the past. It is argued that this discursive boundary work has not just situated some persons and their everyday life in a marginal position as a visible Sámi Other, but has also situated a substantial number of the inhabitants of Northern Sweden more or less in liminality and marginality in relation to the national identity structure. This has created a need for people to officially represent a more satisfactory collective identity, which includes a rewriting of the prehistory of the area. The last chapter relates the results to studies of similar cases in colonial and postcolonial contexts outside Europe. The essentialist view of identity and history present in several of the studied representations is also discussed. The thesis emphasizes the importance of a more nuanced view of relationships of ethnicity, domination and subordination, and the associated formation of collective memories, in Northern Sweden. Discourses of ethnicity and domination often function through simplifying dichotomies, but dichotomies alone cannot explain real conditions and consequences of these matters.

The Jewish theme and its various aspects are slightly processed in the Slovak literature. The aim of this thesis is to point out the importance of the topic. The main guideline of each interpretation is the term of identity, which is also a relevant aspect when presenting a broader range of contexts. Identity, in this case, is a phenomenon that can be best seized in the opposition of "we" versus "them", when its meaning and content (who and what am I, who and what are you?) are reflected in the most accurate way. The Slovak-Jewish relations are a representative example of such a binary opposition. The hypothesis of the work is that the representation practice of Slovak literature regarding the Jewish topic may be related to the non-literary context. The focus of the research is the examination of the constructions of Jewish identities that appeared in various interpretative and compositional layers of works of Slovakian high literature. The works of non-Jewish authors are considered to be hetero-interpretations, while the works of Jewish authors are self-interpretations of the same phenomenon, Jewish identity. Using the notion of tradition, the diachronic aspect of the phenomenon is taken into account. In the thesis two relevant definitions are confronted: Gadamer's rather positive steady and a...

Nesta tese analisamos os discursos e as práticas dos grupos e pessoas que compõem o movimento negro no processo de construção de uma identidade social no Brasil contemporâneo. O movimento negro brasileiro, a exemplo do que acontece com outros movimentos sociais gerados na modernidade ocidental, instrumentaliza um constructo de identidade social específica dentro do espaço público como forma de pleitear reparações pelos danos causados pela escravidão e ações de inclusão da população afrodescendente na sociedade como cidadãos com direitos iguais. Além de fontes bibliográficas, nossa metodologia se baseou na realização de entrevistas com militantes, participação em reuniões e eventos, análise de comentários postados em comunidades virtuais, de depoimentos de histórias de vida, bem como de publicações diversas associadas ao movimento negro. A análise das narrativas e práticas do movimento negro nos remeteu à pesquisa acerca da historiografia e das teorias sobre a escravidão no Brasil, sobre a inserção do negro na sociedade brasileira e, especialmente, sobre os elementos de formação identitária do militante negro. Concluímos indicando o caráter contraditório dos processos de formação identitária e das demandas políticas do movimento negro que se mobiliza a favor da igualdade de todos os cidadãos brasileiros sem discriminação racial, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, divide a população entre negros (nós, oprimidos, portanto aptos a receberem reparações) e brancos (eles, privilegiados), gerando parâmetros de inclusão de cunho racial contra os quais a luta contra o racismo historicamente se opôs. Se por um lado, o movimento negro coloca em cena a discussão sobre o preconceito racial no Brasil, tema fundamental para mudar a situação socioeconômica desfavorável da população negra, por outro lado, o radicalismo de suas ações afasta aqueles que não sejam totalmente favoráveis à sua visão de luta contra o racismo e a exclusão social. Os debates atuais opõem as lideranças e os simpatizantes do movimento negro favoráveis a políticas de inserção social pautadas por parâmetros raciais e aqueles que alertam para o perigo de leis raciais em um país miscigenado, defendendo que as políticas de inclusão devem ser edificadas por parâmetros socioeconômicos. / In this thesis we analyze the discourses and practices of black movement groups and individuals in the process of constructing a social identity in contemporary Brazil. Similar to other movements in the Americas, the Brazilian black movement is a new social actor generated by Western modernity which developed an identity and actions within the public space claiming reparations for the damages caused by slavery and supports the inclusion of people of African descent in society as equal citizens. In addition to bibliographic sources, our methodology was based on interviews with activists, participation in meetings and events, analysis of comments posted in virtual communities, life stories testimonies and various publications related to the black movement. We relate the analysis of the narratives and practices of the black movement to the history and theories about slavery and the inclusion of blacks in Brazilian society, in particular, the formation of a black militant identity. We indicate the contradictory nature of the processes of identity formation and political demands of the black movement. While it fights for the equality of all citizens without discrimination, at the same time it divides the Brazilian population into blacks (we, the oppressed, therefore entitled to receive reparations) and whites (they, the privileged), generating criteria for social inclusion policies based on race identification which was historically opposed by those that fought against racism. Therefore, on the one hand the black movement brings the discussion of racial prejudice to the political scene which is of fundamental importance for changing the unfavorable socioeconomic situation of the black population, on the other hand, the radicalism of the movements actions marginalize those that do not completely identify with their views on race and the fight against racism and social exclusion. The current debates are polarized around leaders and supporters of the black movement in favor of policies based on racial criteria and opposition activists who warn of the danger of using racial categories in a miscegenated country. They argue that inclusion policies must be built solely on socioeconomic considerations.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2507.pdf: 2384023 bytes, checksum: 35cd894e5483d3b0e169802114fc9487 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-04-28 / Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais / This work analyzes the Tenentismo (lieutenants´ movement) ´s political trajectory from 1922, date of its appearance, to 1932, moment when the October 3rd Club created the Sketch for the Social and Political Reconstruction of Brazil. Its central aim is to detect how, during this period, the Tenentismo made a transit from a military group, defending institutional interests, to a political group, formulating a project for the society as a whole, that is, it changed from a reacting to a proposing movement. That being so, the hypothesis here considered is that the construction of the movement as a political actor coincided with its manifestations in the national scenery between 1922 and 1932. Supposedly, this transformation happened due to the fact that the lieutenants emerged from a historical moment of modernization of the Brazilian society and of the Armed Forces, and the interaction with this scenario forged its collective identity, and made it capable of interfering with the process of social change. For this purpose, starting from the idea that the Tenentismo was under construction, we will analyze the documents produced during this period by both the São Paulo and the Rio de Janeiro segments. Thus, the methodology employed is the primary analysis of Tenentismo´s manifestos, programs, handouts and letters from the period, since we believe the texts produced by these actors are the intellectual product of reflections, formulations, re-significations that oriented them towards action. / Este trabalho analisa a trajetória política do movimento tenentista entre 1922, data de seu surgimento, e 1932, momento em que o Clube 3 de Outubro formulou o Esboço de Reconstrução Política e Social do Brasil. O objetivo central é detectar como ao longo desse período o tenentismo transitou de um grupo militar, defensor de interesses institucionais, a grupo político, ao formular um projeto para o conjunto da sociedade, ou seja, passou de um movimento reativo a um movimento propositivo. Sendo assim, a hipótese aqui trabalhada é que a construção do movimento tenentista enquanto ator político coincidiu com suas manifestações no cenário nacional entre 1922 e 1932. Supostamente essa metamorfose foi proporcionada pelo fato de que os tenentes surgiram de um momento histórico de modernização da sociedade brasileira e das Forças Armadas e ao interagir com esse cenário forjaram sua identidade coletiva, sendo assim, capaz de interferir no processo de mudança social. Para tanto, partindo do pressuposto de que o movimento tenentista estava em construção, analisaremos os documentos produzidos nesse período pelos segmentos de São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Rio Grande Sul epicentro de disputa pelo poder político e regiões de maior vitalidade do movimento. Assim, a metodologia empregada será de análise primária de manifestos, programas, folhetins e cartas do tenentismo desse período, uma vez que acreditamos que os textos produzidos pelos atores são produtos intelectuais de reflexões, formulações, ressignificações que os orientam para a ação.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-16T15:23:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2287735 bytes, checksum: 3b6ec7489ea1e266aede7e26c096d133 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / Information Science and Museology show openness to dialogue discipline. Both areas interested in the museum exhibitions (LOUREIRO, LOUREIRO, SILVA, 2008; MORAES, 2008) included as the main vehicle for creating social significance of the museum. This thesis aims to analyze the narrative exposition of the Casa of José Américo Museum (CJA) from the characterization of the formation and operation of its expository structures, while information practices, characterized as a descriptive analysis of character too, exploratory approach outlined as a field study (Gil, 2006). It addresses the following themes: information; dialogical relation of Information Science, Museology and Semiotics, Memory and Collective Identity, Culture Heritage Material; Typologies Museum, emphasizing the Houses-Museum, museum exhibitions and Informational Practices in museological context. The research is the permanent exhibition at the Casa of José Américo Museum, located in the city of João Pessoa - PB, whose collection represents the life and work of writer and politician José Américo. It is used as a research method to Semiotic Analysis. To collect data we used the technique of direct observation and qualitative non - participatory and non-directed and informal interviews with museologist who planned and assembled the exhibition of the Museum CJA. It is concluded that exposure can be studied as a museum and field research object, understanding it as a space for dissemination of information, representing the social and cultural role of the museum. Understanding how memory representation (DIEHL, 2002) one can see that Semiotics, both as theory and as a research method, is the theory that underlies this representational process, since it is given both in the context of materiality - sign object, sign vehicle - as in the immateriality - interpretant sign. Therefore, the analysis of informational phenomena, focusing on the collective cultural memory, pervades the relationship with the semiotic analysis, through which you can build methodological models for the study of information as memory support. Understand the museums as producers of information and construction of representations from fragments of reality represented there in the material culture expressed in the exhibits is to see the museum as a place of production of meaning. / A Ciência da Informação e a Museologia apresentam abertura para o diálogo disciplinar. Ambas as áreas interessam-se pelas exposições museológicas (LOUREIRO, LOUREIRO, SILVA, 2008; MORAES, 2008) compreendidas como o principal veículo de criação de significação social do museu. Essa dissertação objetiva analisar a narrativa expositiva do Museu Casa de José Américo (CJA) a partir da caracterização da formação e o funcionamento das suas estruturas expositivas, enquanto práticas de informação, caracterizando-se como uma análise descritiva, de caráter também exploratório, de abordagem delineada como um estudo de campo (Gil, 2006). Aborda as temáticas: Informação; relação dialógica Ciência da Informação, Museologia e Semiótica; Memória e Identidade Coletiva; Patrimônio Cultura Material; Tipologias de Museu, enfatizando as Casas-Museus; Exposições Museológicas e Práticas Informacionais em contexto museológico. O universo da pesquisa é a exposição permanente do Museu Casa de José Américo, localizado na cidade de João Pessoa - PB, cujo acervo representa a vida e obra do escritor e político José Américo. É utilizada como método de pesquisa a Análise Semiótica. Para a coleta de dados foi utilizada a técnica da observação qualitativa direta e não participativa e a entrevista não dirigida e informal com a museóloga que planejou e montou a exposição do Museu CJA. Conclui-se que a exposição museológica pode ser estudada como campo e objeto de pesquisa, compreendendo-a como um espaço de divulgação da informação, representando o papel social e cultural do museu. Compreendendo a Memória como representação (DIEHL, 2002) é possível perceber que a Semiótica, tanto enquanto teoria quanto como método de pesquisa, é a teoria que fundamenta esse processo representacional, uma vez que esta se dar tanto no contexto da materialidade - signo objeto, signo veículo quanto na imaterialidade signo interpretante. Portanto, a análise dos fenômenos informacionais, com foco na memória cultural coletiva, perpassa pela relação com a análise semiótica, através da qual é possível construir modelos metodológicos para o estudo da informação enquanto suporte da memória. Compreender as instituições museológicas como produtoras de informação e construtoras de representações através de fragmentos da realidade ali representados na cultura material expressa nos objetos expostos é perceber o museu como espaço de produção de significação.

Nesta tese analisamos os discursos e as práticas dos grupos e pessoas que compõem o movimento negro no processo de construção de uma identidade social no Brasil contemporâneo. O movimento negro brasileiro, a exemplo do que acontece com outros movimentos sociais gerados na modernidade ocidental, instrumentaliza um constructo de identidade social específica dentro do espaço público como forma de pleitear reparações pelos danos causados pela escravidão e ações de inclusão da população afrodescendente na sociedade como cidadãos com direitos iguais. Além de fontes bibliográficas, nossa metodologia se baseou na realização de entrevistas com militantes, participação em reuniões e eventos, análise de comentários postados em comunidades virtuais, de depoimentos de histórias de vida, bem como de publicações diversas associadas ao movimento negro. A análise das narrativas e práticas do movimento negro nos remeteu à pesquisa acerca da historiografia e das teorias sobre a escravidão no Brasil, sobre a inserção do negro na sociedade brasileira e, especialmente, sobre os elementos de formação identitária do militante negro. Concluímos indicando o caráter contraditório dos processos de formação identitária e das demandas políticas do movimento negro que se mobiliza a favor da igualdade de todos os cidadãos brasileiros sem discriminação racial, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, divide a população entre negros (nós, oprimidos, portanto aptos a receberem reparações) e brancos (eles, privilegiados), gerando parâmetros de inclusão de cunho racial contra os quais a luta contra o racismo historicamente se opôs. Se por um lado, o movimento negro coloca em cena a discussão sobre o preconceito racial no Brasil, tema fundamental para mudar a situação socioeconômica desfavorável da população negra, por outro lado, o radicalismo de suas ações afasta aqueles que não sejam totalmente favoráveis à sua visão de luta contra o racismo e a exclusão social. Os debates atuais opõem as lideranças e os simpatizantes do movimento negro favoráveis a políticas de inserção social pautadas por parâmetros raciais e aqueles que alertam para o perigo de leis raciais em um país miscigenado, defendendo que as políticas de inclusão devem ser edificadas por parâmetros socioeconômicos. / In this thesis we analyze the discourses and practices of black movement groups and individuals in the process of constructing a social identity in contemporary Brazil. Similar to other movements in the Americas, the Brazilian black movement is a new social actor generated by Western modernity which developed an identity and actions within the public space claiming reparations for the damages caused by slavery and supports the inclusion of people of African descent in society as equal citizens. In addition to bibliographic sources, our methodology was based on interviews with activists, participation in meetings and events, analysis of comments posted in virtual communities, life stories testimonies and various publications related to the black movement. We relate the analysis of the narratives and practices of the black movement to the history and theories about slavery and the inclusion of blacks in Brazilian society, in particular, the formation of a black militant identity. We indicate the contradictory nature of the processes of identity formation and political demands of the black movement. While it fights for the equality of all citizens without discrimination, at the same time it divides the Brazilian population into blacks (we, the oppressed, therefore entitled to receive reparations) and whites (they, the privileged), generating criteria for social inclusion policies based on race identification which was historically opposed by those that fought against racism. Therefore, on the one hand the black movement brings the discussion of racial prejudice to the political scene which is of fundamental importance for changing the unfavorable socioeconomic situation of the black population, on the other hand, the radicalism of the movements actions marginalize those that do not completely identify with their views on race and the fight against racism and social exclusion. The current debates are polarized around leaders and supporters of the black movement in favor of policies based on racial criteria and opposition activists who warn of the danger of using racial categories in a miscegenated country. They argue that inclusion policies must be built solely on socioeconomic considerations.