O Plano Brasil Novo ou Plano Collor, como ficou conhecido foi lançado em março de 1990 por Fernando Collor de Mello, primeiro presidente eleito por voto direto no Brasil em quase 30 anos, tendo como principal marca o inédito confisco das aplicações financeiras privadas por um período de 18 meses. A brusca retirada de moeda de circulação, que fez sumir de um dia para outro cerca de 75% do dinheiro que irrigava a economia brasileira, provocou uma ruptura não apenas no sistema econômico-financeiro do País, como também nas relações sociais e na cultura econômica vigentes, alterando a dinâmica do cotidiano e o comportamento econômico da população urbana. / The New Brazil Plan or Collor Plan, as it was known was launched in March 1990 by Fernando Collor de Mello, the first president elected by direct vote in Brazil in almost 30 years, having main feature the unprecedented confiscation of private financial investments for a period of 18 months. The abrupt withdrawal of circulation money, which wiped out about 75% of the money that irrigated the Brazilian economy from one day to the next, provoked a rupture not only in the country\'s economic-financial system, but also in social relations and economic culture, changing the daily dynamics and the economic behavior of the urban population.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, August, 2001. / Title from PDF t.p.

No description available.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar a política externa do governo Collor (1990-1992) a partir do marco conceitual da autonomia pela modernização. Trabalha-se com a hipótese de que, na qualidade de potência média recém-industrializada, as forças estruturais ou sistêmicas direcionam mais a política externa brasileira do que as demandas domésticas. Em termos mais específicos: um país como o Brasil do início da década de 1990, no qual prevaleciam profundas vulnerabilidades sociais e econômicas, foi obrigado a adotar uma inserção internacional reativa, que se desenhava muito ao sabor dos interesses dos países com quem se tinham laços de dependência (como os países industrializados) e, sobretudo, dos Estados Unidos da América. Isso não significou, no entanto, que a política externa tenha adotado o tão propugnado alinhamento automático. Nos dois anos e meio de governo, houve tentativas de resistência às pressões sistêmicas, muitas das quais malfadadas forçando-nos a concessões controversas e muitas outras positivas reforçando a autonomia brasileira. Essa é a segunda hipótese que essa tese oferece: a política externa do governo Collor possuiu quatro momentos distintos, cada qual com uma característica e uma ênfase, mas todos guiados por um princípio diplomático caro ao Brasil, o da busca pela autonomia, e uma estratégia comum, a modernização. / This dissertation aims to analyze president Fernando Collors foreign policy (1990-1992) within the conceptual framework of autonomy through modernization. We argue that, as a newly-industrialized middle-power, the structural or systemic forces guide Brazils foreign policy more than the countrys domestic demands. In more specific terms: a country like Brazil, in the early 1990s, which suffered from profound social and economic vulnerabilities, was forced to adopt a reactive international orientation, which was led according to the interests of countries with whom Brazil had dependency ties (as the industrialized powers) and, above all, the United States of America. It did not mean, however, that foreign policy automatically aligned with the US. In Collors two and a half years in office, there were several attempts to resist the systemic pressures, many of which failed forcing us to controversial concessions and many others which succeeded reinforcing Brazils autonomy. This is the second hypothesis this dissertation offers: Collors foreign policy can be divided in four different moments, each one guided by a characteristic and an emphasis, but all oriented by the same diplomatic principle, the quest for autonomy, and a common strategy, modernization.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar a política externa do governo Collor (1990-1992) a partir do marco conceitual da autonomia pela modernização. Trabalha-se com a hipótese de que, na qualidade de potência média recém-industrializada, as forças estruturais ou sistêmicas direcionam mais a política externa brasileira do que as demandas domésticas. Em termos mais específicos: um país como o Brasil do início da década de 1990, no qual prevaleciam profundas vulnerabilidades sociais e econômicas, foi obrigado a adotar uma inserção internacional reativa, que se desenhava muito ao sabor dos interesses dos países com quem se tinham laços de dependência (como os países industrializados) e, sobretudo, dos Estados Unidos da América. Isso não significou, no entanto, que a política externa tenha adotado o tão propugnado alinhamento automático. Nos dois anos e meio de governo, houve tentativas de resistência às pressões sistêmicas, muitas das quais malfadadas forçando-nos a concessões controversas e muitas outras positivas reforçando a autonomia brasileira. Essa é a segunda hipótese que essa tese oferece: a política externa do governo Collor possuiu quatro momentos distintos, cada qual com uma característica e uma ênfase, mas todos guiados por um princípio diplomático caro ao Brasil, o da busca pela autonomia, e uma estratégia comum, a modernização. / This dissertation aims to analyze president Fernando Collors foreign policy (1990-1992) within the conceptual framework of autonomy through modernization. We argue that, as a newly-industrialized middle-power, the structural or systemic forces guide Brazils foreign policy more than the countrys domestic demands. In more specific terms: a country like Brazil, in the early 1990s, which suffered from profound social and economic vulnerabilities, was forced to adopt a reactive international orientation, which was led according to the interests of countries with whom Brazil had dependency ties (as the industrialized powers) and, above all, the United States of America. It did not mean, however, that foreign policy automatically aligned with the US. In Collors two and a half years in office, there were several attempts to resist the systemic pressures, many of which failed forcing us to controversial concessions and many others which succeeded reinforcing Brazils autonomy. This is the second hypothesis this dissertation offers: Collors foreign policy can be divided in four different moments, each one guided by a characteristic and an emphasis, but all oriented by the same diplomatic principle, the quest for autonomy, and a common strategy, modernization.

Productivity efficiency in the livestock sector depends upon reproduction success at the farms. Evaluation of follicle and corpus luteum hemodynamics by color-Doppler ultrasonography is becoming more commonly used in cattle reproductive management. Improved understanding of the relationships between size and blood flow of the preovulatory follicle (POF) and corpus luteum (CL) with the subsequent systemic progesterone production, and the impact of those factors on fertility, would provide information to help maximize fertility in cattle reproduction. Three studies were conducted in this dissertation with the following general objectives: I) evaluate the relationships between follicle and corpus luteum dimensions and blood flow, and the influence of follicle size and wall blood flow on systemic progesterone production by the subsequent CL; II) study the relationships between follicle wall blood flow within different follicle size categories, between cows and heifers, and the effect on pregnancy rates; and III) develop a novel and reliable objective method for evaluation of follicle wall blood flow. In study one, high positive correlations were found among all POF and CL end points, and progesterone concentrations. Ratios of POF, CL, and progesterone end points ranged from moderate to strong positive correlations. Linear regression dispersions among selected POF and CL end points and progesterone concentrations showed high significance when using POF dimensions to estimate CL dimensions as well as POF blood flow to estimate CL size and blood flow, and plasma progesterone concentrations. In study two, cows had larger and more vascularized follicles than heifers. Pregnant cows had larger follicles and tended to have more vascularized follicles than non-pregnant cows. Follicle blood flow was greater in the large follicle category compared with the small follicles, and tended to be greater than medium-size follicles. Moderate to strong correlations were found between follicle blood flow and small, medium, and large follicles. Pregnancy rates were similar among follicle diameter categories. In study three, a novel objective method (wall under flow, WUF) for evaluation of follicle wall blood flow using color-Doppler ultrasonography was tested. Results indicated that due to differences in follicle morphology and in area and location of the blood flow, the objective pixel analysis previously reported in the literature for evaluation of CL blood flow cannot be translated as a gold standard test to objectively evaluate blood flow in follicles. The WUF was a superior method to evaluate follicle wall blood flow when compared with other methods. Furthermore, pixel area method did not sustain the validation of subjective evaluations of follicle wall blood flow. In conclusion, this work demonstrated novel linear relationships among POF and CL end points which can be used to estimate the subsequent progesterone production by the CL. Additionally, POF wall blood flow was closely associated with an increase in follicle diameter; smaller follicles had lower blood flow when compared with larger follicles. Moreover, the WUF was a more reliable method to objectively evaluate follicle wall blood flow in cows than the pixel area method.

Orientador: Jose Carlos de Souza Braga / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-21T15:19:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carvalho_CarlosEduardoFerreirade_D.pdf: 13196400 bytes, checksum: 3b549d347ed70d30e159d2e704f644f6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1996 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed. / Doutorado / Doutor em Economia

Nesta dissertação buscamos desenvolver um modelo para analisar momentos de redirecionamento na política externa brasileira. O esquema teórico engloba a seguinte lógica: as fontes dos contextos nacional e internacional podem influenciar a arena política doméstica, levando a abertura de uma janela política e quebra dos estabilizadores, momentos em que há maior facilidade para promover uma reforma nas diretrizes externas. Aproveitando este contexto os tomadores de decisões podem optar por promover uma mudança na política externa. Para aplicar o modelo, escolhemos dois governos substancialmente diferentes quanto ao cenário internacional e contexto doméstico, mas que ao mesmo tempo são considerados pela literatura de política externa brasileira como períodos de redirecionamento. Por meio do estudo da política externa destes governos, pudemos testar a utilidade do modelo e realizar uma análise comparativa buscando similaridades entre os processos de mudança. / In this dissertation we seek to develop a model to analyze restructuring periods in Brazilian foreign policy. The theoretical schema follows the next logic: sources from national and international contexts may influence domestic political arena, resulting in the opening of a policy window and in the breaking of the stabilizers, which together may form a scenario where it is easier to promote a foreign directress reformulation. In this context, the decision makers may opt to promote a change in foreign policy. To apply the model, we chose two governments substantially different in their international system and in their political scope, but still, both are considered by Brazilian foreign policy literature as periods of restructuring. Through our study over these governments\' foreign policy, we tested the utility of the model and accomplished a comparative analysis seeking for similarities among those changing processes.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a viabilidade de governos minoritários no presidencialismo brasileiro. Seu objeto de estudo é a formação do governo Collor, momento em que se compôs um gabinete minoritário, e hipótese aqui advogada é a de que o presidente agiu racionalmente ao realizar a opção minoritária. Essa noção é contra-intuitiva porque vai de encontro à tradicional concepção de presidencialismo de coalizão que informa a literatura política nacional. Todavia, uma breve apreciação do estado-da-arte sobre o sistema político brasileiro evidencia uma dinâmica específica das relações Executivo-Legislativo que não impede a existência e viabilidade de governos minoritários. A partir dessa percepção, constrói-se um modelo analítico cujas variáveis nos permitem desvendar o cálculo presidencial que levou Fernando Collor de Mello a constituir seu governo com ministérios apartidários. Por fim, retomam-se as relações entre aquele governo e o PMDB, na votação do Plano Collor, para demonstrar que governos sem base nominal majoritária conseguem lograr êxito parlamentar, dada a conjuntura anteriormente exposta. / This paper aims at discussing the survival of minority governments under Brazilian presidentialism, with its focus on the formation of the Collor government, when a minority cabinet was assembled. The hypothesis put forth in this study is that the president acted rationally in picking the minority option, however counter-intuitive it might seem, given that it is not supported by the traditional concept of coalition presidentialism around which most of our political literature was built. We thus need to shed light on the state-of-the-art of the Brazilian political system, which evidences some specific dynamics of Executive-Legislative relations permissible to the existence and viability of minority coalition governments. Following this notion, we built an analytical model whose variables allow us to unveil the presidential calculus that led President Collor de Mello into forming his cabinet with nonpartisan portfolio-holders. In the end, the relationship between that government and the PMDB during the voting of the Collor Plan is brought to light, in order to demonstrate that governments lacking nominal majoritarian support are able to enjoy legislative success, given a particular juncture.

O presente trabalho tem como objetivo discutir a viabilidade de governos minoritários no presidencialismo brasileiro. Seu objeto de estudo é a formação do governo Collor, momento em que se compôs um gabinete minoritário, e hipótese aqui advogada é a de que o presidente agiu racionalmente ao realizar a opção minoritária. Essa noção é contra-intuitiva porque vai de encontro à tradicional concepção de presidencialismo de coalizão que informa a literatura política nacional. Todavia, uma breve apreciação do estado-da-arte sobre o sistema político brasileiro evidencia uma dinâmica específica das relações Executivo-Legislativo que não impede a existência e viabilidade de governos minoritários. A partir dessa percepção, constrói-se um modelo analítico cujas variáveis nos permitem desvendar o cálculo presidencial que levou Fernando Collor de Mello a constituir seu governo com ministérios apartidários. Por fim, retomam-se as relações entre aquele governo e o PMDB, na votação do Plano Collor, para demonstrar que governos sem base nominal majoritária conseguem lograr êxito parlamentar, dada a conjuntura anteriormente exposta. / This paper aims at discussing the survival of minority governments under Brazilian presidentialism, with its focus on the formation of the Collor government, when a minority cabinet was assembled. The hypothesis put forth in this study is that the president acted rationally in picking the minority option, however counter-intuitive it might seem, given that it is not supported by the traditional concept of coalition presidentialism around which most of our political literature was built. We thus need to shed light on the state-of-the-art of the Brazilian political system, which evidences some specific dynamics of Executive-Legislative relations permissible to the existence and viability of minority coalition governments. Following this notion, we built an analytical model whose variables allow us to unveil the presidential calculus that led President Collor de Mello into forming his cabinet with nonpartisan portfolio-holders. In the end, the relationship between that government and the PMDB during the voting of the Collor Plan is brought to light, in order to demonstrate that governments lacking nominal majoritarian support are able to enjoy legislative success, given a particular juncture.