Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.

Les assassinats ciblés désignent l’utilisation étatique de la force létale avec l’intention préméditée et délibérée de tuer individuellement les personnes sélectionnées se trouvant en dehors des frontières nationales. Sont-ils légitimes au regard de notre compréhension des règles démocratiques et libérales ? Pour répondre à cette question, cette thèse de doctorat dresse une comparaison entre les pratique israélienne et américaine. Les assassinats ciblés participent d’une discussion sur la légitimité de l’assassinat politique en même temps qu’ils procèdent des évolutions des théories des bombardements et de l’utilisation préventive/préemptive de la force. (Chap. I) La discussion générale sur leur légitimité doit donc être complétée par une étude soulignant les spécificités nationales de ces politiques. (Chap. II) Israël et les États-Unis se sont servis de ces pratiques pour conduire une reformulation partielle du droit international. (Chap. III) L’absence de mécanismes efficaces de contrôle des normes juridiques lors de conflits armés pose problème. Nous évaluons les procédures et institutions existantes et proposons un élargissement du régime de responsabilité des drones proposés par Allan Buchanan et Robert Keohane aux opérations d’assassinats ciblés. (Chap. IV) Leur efficacité tactique ne garantit pas leur pertinence pour une stratégie de long terme contrant le terrorisme. (Chap. V) Leurs conséquences sur la politique étrangère sont-elles bénéfiques ? Nous montrons qu’ils contribuent à renforcer la souveraineté des États faisant la guerre aux « illégitimes ». (Chap. VI) Ceux-ci sont-ils compatibles avec les valeurs morales prônées par les démocraties israéliennes et américaines ? Ils promeuvent une conception libérale de l’action politique légitime en renouvelant les exigences de transparence à l’égard de l’utilisation secrète de la force. (Chap. VII) Ce débat ouvre des pistes pour un aménagement de la raison d’État en démocratie libérale en précisant le contenu théorique d’une moralité d’exception. (Chap. VIII). / The term “targeted killings” is commonly employed to refer to the intentional, premeditated and deliberate use of lethal force by states to kill selected individuals who are not in their custody. My research questions the justifications used to legitimize targeted killings within the liberal-democratic framework. I first give a chronological account of lethal practices pertaining to targeted killings and the context of their emergence. In the literature, targeted killings are discussed in reference to political assassination, theories of bombing in warfare and the use of preventive/preemptive force. (Chapter I) I then explore the national specific features of targeted killings by comparing Israeli with American discussion. (Chapter II) I analyze how targeted killings have been the spearhead of a recasting of legal obligations of Israel and the United States restricting use of force against irregular actors. (Chapter III) I then analyze national and international actual and hypothetical accountability mechanisms. I complete Allan Buchanan and Robert Keohane proposition of a “Drone Accountability Regime” by extending it to targeted killings. (Chapter IV) Their tactical efficiency does not guarantee their relevance for a long-term strategy aiming at countering terrorism. (Chapter V). What are their consequences on the international level? Targeted killings contribute to reinforce sovereignty of States waging war against “unlawful combatants”. (Chapter VI) Are they compatible with the moral values put forward by Israeli and American democracies? Targeted killings promote a new conception of legitimate violence by strengthening transparency demands towards secret use of force. (Chapter VII) This debate opens up avenues for “Raison d’État” in a liberal democracy by specifying the theoretical content of an exceptional morality. (Chapter VIII).

Our thesis has aimed to show a relationship between certain aspects of EU counter-terrorism legislation and the impact it has on basic human rights. We have used the example of incommunicado detention laws in Spain to show that denying the detainees access to basic rights such as (and most importantly) access to legal counsel could lead to systematic abuse of human rights under the Articles 3, 5 or 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). We have shown that in the EU, where counter-terrorism mostly falls under criminal law, the only viable way to combat terrorism is to create exceptions in such law system with the aim of effectiveness. We have shown that these (such as incommunicado detention mentioned above) exceptions will pose threat to basic human rights. We have concluded that combined with mass pre-emptive surveillance and ability to stop and search at will (example of Article 44 in the UK), the Spanish example could lead to a legal system that could by systematically abused and used for suppressing others. We have concluded that on standalone basis, some EU states (notably Spain and the UK) have counter-terrorist laws that have high possibility of infringing upon basic human rights. However the real threat lies in the worst of them combining on the EU level.

This thesis deals with the topic of terrorism prevention and counter-radicalization in the European Union. The aim of this thesis is to assess the effectiveness of the 'prevent' pillar of The EU Counter-Terrorism Strategy. Due to the lack of agreement on why people engage in terrorism, (the process of) radicalization, and measuring and conceptualizing effectiveness, a unique research framework was designed. In the absence of a 'recipe' for effective terrorism prevention, the focus is on the EU's approach, i.e. what the EU has set out for itself in the 'prevent' pillar. This research design consists of two criteria - 'progress' and 'EU involvement.' In order to assess the effectiveness of the 'prevent' pillar, each of the pillar's seven key priorities was exposed to these criteria. The findings indicate that the 'prevent' pillar is relatively effective as the progress was made in each priority area and the EU was involved considerably. As this research does not make any causality claims, these findings do not translate into the reduction of the terrorist threat. This effectiveness might as well be a result of careful wording of the pillar's priorities and their tailoring to the EU context. The main responsibility to tackle radicalization and recruitment still remains at local and national level.

While the US-presidency comprises the most powerful office of leadership in the world and has also been investigated at various angles in personal, biographical approaches as well as comparative studies, this research paper specifically lays focus and compares the two presidencies of President Bush and President Obama in regard of their leadership qualities and counter-terrorism strategies. Because counterterrorism seems to be a good example of how presidents perform crises-management and because the subject by itself is critical in the perspective of human rights and security concerns, the research paper has chosen to focus on President Bush and President Obama who are known to have chosen different routes and strategies in countering terrorism. However, when comparing the two presidents’ leadership qualities regarding their counter-terrorism strategies, this paper concludes that on this matter the strategies of the two presidents were not quite so different as expected and a possible path of continuity runs through this realm of US-foreign affairs and presidents’ leadership decisions.

The existing research on lone wolf terrorism and the use of case study research within this field and criminology is discussed and reviewed. In an attempt to find how an investigated and IS inspired extremist commits an act of lone wolf terrorism without any suspicion of authorities was the key focus. Through the use of a case study utilizing a chronological time-series analysis, Man Haron Monis responsible for the Martin Place Siege in Sydney, Australia in 2014 was examined. The analysis produced eleven significant events contributing to his radicalization. His radicalization process and the causal factors were examined against two radicalization pyramids developed by McCauley and Moskalenko (2014) that placed him at the most dangerous level of a lone wolf about to act. This thesis also indicates the limitations of lone wolf terrorism research and the further steps required in order for authorities to effectively identify and disrupt lone wolf terrorists prior to terrorist acts.

Since the fall of September, 2011, there has been a major increase in awareness and study of global terrorism. Academia, the media, politicians, and the average citizen all have varying definitions, ideas, and concerns about terrorism. The focus has mainly been on international terrorism. Terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda have permeated the discussion. However, there is a growing concern of the "lone wolf terrorist." A lone wolf terrorist acts without a terrorist organization and is capable of having his/her own radical agenda with the audacity and simplicity to carry it out solely and enact great damage. The focus in the United States and globally has been on international lone wolf terrorists. This is important, but a longstanding concern (that often goes without much conversation) is the domestic lone wolf terrorist. Using Gustav Freytag’s Triangle and Rational Choice theory, it is shown that lone wolf terrorism must be examined by the United States government to ensure safety of its citizens. A lone wolf terrorist is characterized as a United States citizen who enacts a terrorist action without being part of an organization or terror group. His motives are extremist in nature. This thesis examines the iii growing phenomena of the domestic lone wolf terrorist. In doing so, the primary function is to look at an even starker reality: that some lone wolf terrorists have served in the military, and during service have shown to portray radical thoughts and actions. Furthermore, these lone wolf terrorists used their military training and weapon insight to enact their catastrophic aims. This thesis uses a case study methodology to examine three lone wolf actors. From the Oklahoma City Bombing, to the 1996 Olympic Summer Games in Atlanta and on to the Ft. Hood shootings the studies find that in all cases the actors did have radical beliefs, military training and used that training in concert with their attacks. This thesis can be used as a discussion about lone wolf terrorism, but also about governance. The findings show an increased need for the Department of Defense to work closely with the Department of Homeland Security and seek greater advice from organizations like the Federal Bureau of Investigation in order to conduct better psychological studies and examinations of military personnel. A disclaimer must be made that this thesis does not, in any way, seek to disparage the amazing amount of work and sacrifice of United States government personnel and agencies. This thesis aims to provide research towards improved understanding and combating of lone wolf terrorism.

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This thesis investigates global fight against terrorism in North West Pakistan and Afghanistan from a 21st century perspective in 2018. It focuses on local attitudes towards the War on Terror and their interplay with geo-strategic, regional, international and Pakistan’s domestic landscapes. In doing so, it questions the efficacy of existing academic and policy approaches towards achieving sustainable peace in North West Pakistan in particular and South Asia in general. It also evaluates the impact of regional rivalries especially in between Pakistan and India on the achievement of US foreign policy interests. Part-1 reviews existing literature on terrorism especially in post 9/11 setting. It examines the international discord of agreeing on a single definition of terrorism and its ramifications. It sequentially focuses on character of security in North West Pakistan and neighbouring Afghanistan since colonial times. It also identifies various traditional, religious and societal angles of Pashtun tribes; which always inspired them to fight against external powers. Part-2 combines academic investigations with empirical evidence. The results are correlated with current discussions on modern terrorism, geopolitical pulls and regional rivalries to create a holistic picture. It identifies local attitudes and regional rivalries as major impediments towards achievement of sustainable peace. Research findings indicated that predominant Western academic debates on the conflict were foreign policy inspired with little local and veteran input. By adapting a pragmatic approach the terrorism challenge can be addressed and the region can contribute towards the continuation of ‘Rules Based Order’ within the current phase of Great Power Rivalry.

Over the past 14 years, working independently and with other original thinkers, I have produced works that have on two fronts contributed to the evolving understanding of ethnic relations in contemporary Britain. The first is around social/community cohesion, media and representation as well as counter-terrorism policy as explored through the social sciences. The second domain covering the same themes is couched within the humanities, in particular, the production of literary fiction.