This dissertation presents research that is broadly concerned with comparative understanding of the concept of citizenship and its relationship to nationhood, most particularly as it relates to contemporary government policies - what Michel Foucault refers to as 'studies of governmentality' - in Britain and Hong Kong. A major consideration is the assessment of how modern states seek to imbue citizenship with new meanings by mobilising connections to reimagined 'national cultures' and 'national values' as a way of expanding power and limiting access to citizenship. Two cases are selected and examined in this research to elucidate the above concern and consideration. The first is Hong Kong, where a compulsory subject Moral and National Education was proposed in 2012 to cultivate students' positive values and enhance their 'national qualities'. The second is Britain, where all schools and universities since 2015 must by law carry out the Prevent Duty to assess the risk of students becoming terrorists and beginning in 2014 where all schools must actively promote 'fundamental British values'. In both contexts, the education policies and their associated discourses claimed to protect 'our culture', defend 'our values', and promote understanding of 'our nation' Curriculum documents, policy documents, and parliamentary reports related to these education policies are collected and critically analysed in a genealogical approach to reveal (a) the expressions of 'national values' and citizenship in these policy and associated political texts, (b) how these texts and associated discourses influenced the re-imagination of nations, and (c) how the national perspectives expressed ideologically - especially in relation to the narrowing of borders through policies - recast, mediate or alter conceptions of citizenship. The comparative policy landscape in Britain and Hong Kong is assessed by deploying an interdisciplinary framework that addresses nation, citizenship, borders, and governmentality in a unique way. The study of the cases, in return, demonstrates how this framework can be applied to analysing education policies and assessing the rationalities and effects of these policies.

Learning from traumatic events: a comparative case study of governmental close protection policies in the aftermath of the murder of Olof Palme and Anna LindhViolent and threatful crimes against politicians are as despicable as any other crime acts against citizen. However, if politicians are targeted solely due to their position – the act can seriously damage the state and central government. This paper compares reports of government commissions and investigations which were initiated after the murder of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986 and secretary of state Anna Lindh in 2003. The purpose is to analyse and compare the conclusions and distinguish the main arguments that led to those conclusions and decipher similarities and differences through the lens of Tom Christensen’s instrumental perspective as well as Peter May’s social policy learning theory. The methodological approach of a qualitative method for this study fosters a deeper understanding of the ideological stances. Furthermore, the qualitative approach of conducting interviews with officials in various government positions has allowed for a more nuanced and thoughtful analysis. Together with the commissions and report, the interviews provide a holistic perspective of the two timeframes. The research question has been posed as follows: When comparing government commissions regarding the close protection of the central government, which essential similarities and differences can be distinguished? The result suggests that, an ideological change regarding main threats against the central government has taken place. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of prime minister Olof Palme was terrorism and if it could have been prevented at the time being. One major policy change was the build-up of the Swedish counter-terrorist unit. The main policy discussions in the aftermath of the murder of Anna Lindh was the issue of citizens with severe mental illnesses and how to detect those that pose serious threats to the central government at an earlier stage. Furthermore, given the conclusions of the commissions and reports, it is possible to determine that ”social policy learning” has occurred as according to Peter May’s theory. However, the study also notes an crucial exception; government officials in need of close protection can henceforth conform the structure of it and determine whether they want it or not.

The rise of the 21st Century Islamic extremist movement, which was mobilised by the al-Qaeda attacks of and responses to September 11, 2001, heralds a new period in the history of terrorism. The increased frequency and intensity of this type of terrorism affects every nation in the world, not least Australia. Rising to meet the challenges posed by terrorism is the field of terrorism studies, the field which aims at understanding, explaining, and countering terrorism. Despite the importance of the field, it has been beleaguered with criticisms since its inception as a response to the rise of international terrorism. These criticisms specifically aim at the field's lack of objectivity, abstraction, levels of research, and levels of analysis. These criticisms were the impetus behind the adoption of the methodology of this thesis, which offers the distinct ability to understand, explain, and forecast the way in which terrorists interact within covert cells. Through social network analysis, this thesis examines four terrorist cells that have operated in or against Australia. These cells are from the groups Hrvatsko Revolucionarno Bratstvo (Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood), Aum Shinrikyo (Supreme Truth), Lashkar-e-Taiba (Army of the Pure), and Jemaah Islamiyah (Islamic Community) and operated between 1963 and 2003. Essentially, this methodology attempts to discover, map, and analyse the interaction within the cells during the covert stage of their respective operations. Following this, the results are analysed through the traditional social network analysis frameworks to discover the internal dynamics of the cell and identify the critical nodes (leaders) within the cells. Destabilisation techniques are subsequently employed, targeting these critical nodes to establish the most effective disruption techniques from a counter-terrorism point of view. The major findings of this thesis are: (1) that cells with a focus on efficiency rather than covertness were more successful in completing their objectives (contrary to popular belief); and (2) betweenness centrality (control over the flow of communication) is a critical factor in identifying leaders within terrorist cells. The analysis also offered significant insight into how a Jemaah Islamiyah cell might operate effectively in Australia, as well as the importance of local contacts to terrorist operations and the significance of international counter-terrorism cooperation and coordination.

Terrorism remains a cardinal threat to national, regional, and international peace and security. It violates the fundamental principles of law, order, human rights and freedom and remains an affront to the Global Charter of the United Nations (UN) and the values and principles enunciated in Africa's Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU). Moreover, it presents a grave and direct threat to the territorial integrity, security and stability of States. In this regard, effective counter terrorism mechanisms and approaches remain fundamental tools in curbing the threats and devastating effects of terrorism. Since the advent of the 'war on terror', issues regarding terrorism and counter-terrorism have become pronounced norms within the international realm. Yet, while an abundance of literature has been focussed and analyzed on counter terrorism approaches within the United States (US), the United Kingdom (UK), Russia and India; little has been documented on effective counter terrorism approaches in South Africa post-2001. Given emerging trends of terrorist camps within the country and the fact that South Africa will be hosting the international event of the 2010 FIFA Soccer World Cup, it is imperative that South Africa improves the overall direction of its counter terrorism strategy. Essentially, this study offers recommendations for the most effective counterterrorism mechanism, which will aid policing in South Africa. History and current events indicate that South African Police Service (SAPS) has the capacity and capability to successfully deal with threats of terrorism. What is lacking is a concrete proactive counter terrorism approach that makes SAPS stand out as the lead department in countering terrorism. Yet, it should be borne in mind that the most important principle of any counter terrorism operational concept is to co-ordinate an operation with an integrated approach. Bearing this in mind, this study includes an assessment of the counterterrorism methodologies of various agencies responsible for counter terrorism within South Africa, with SAPS being the focal point. To establish the most effective counter terrorism strategy applicable to the South African context, this study considers a comparative analysis of counter terrorism strategies adopted within specified developed (Russia, US and UK) and developing countries (India and Algeria) as well as a conceptual analysis of relevant policing mechanisms that are currently considered as appropriate mechanisms to counter terrorism within specified countries. The synopsis of best-case practices of counter terrorism in developed and developing countries as well as the relevant literature on policing mechanism are then synthesized and interrogated into conceptualising an effective policing mechanism to counter terrorism in South Africa. / Criminology and Security Science / M. Tech. (Policing)

Adaptability and invisibility are hallmarks of modern terrorism, and keeping pace with its dynamic nature presents a serious challenge for societies throughout the world. Innovations in computer science have incorporated applied mathematics to develop a wide array of predictive models to support the variety of approaches to counterterrorism. Predictive models are usually designed to forecast the location of attacks. Although this may protect individual structures or locations, it does not reduce the threat—it merely changes the target. While predictive models dedicated to events or social relationships receive much attention where the mathematical and social science communities intersect, models dedicated to terrorist locations such as safe-houses (rather than their targets or training sites) are rare and possibly nonexistent. At the time of this research, there were no publically available models designed to predict locations where violent extremists are likely to reside. This research uses France as a case study to present a complex systems model that incorporates multiple quantitative, qualitative and geospatial variables that differ in terms of scale, weight, and type. Though many of these variables are recognized by specialists in security studies, there remains controversy with respect to their relative importance, degree of interaction, and interdependence. Additionally, some of the variables proposed in this research are not generally recognized as drivers, yet they warrant examination based on their potential role within a complex system. This research tested multiple regression models and determined that geographically-weighted regression analysis produced the most accurate result to accommodate non-stationary coefficient behavior, demonstrating that geographic variables are critical to understanding and predicting the phenomenon of terrorism. This dissertation presents a flexible prototypical model that can be refined and applied to other regions to inform stakeholders such as policy-makers and law enforcement in their efforts to improve national security and enhance quality-of-life.

本論文以近年歐盟會員國境內之孤狼恐怖攻擊趨勢出發，分析歐盟因應孤狼恐怖主義威脅所制定之反恐政策，同時評估歐盟反恐政策之內外反恐成效，藉此檢視孤狼恐怖主義與歐盟反恐政策之因果關係。孤狼恐怖主義緣起於美國「無領袖反抗運動」與「暴力激進化」，並透過「全球伊斯蘭反抗運動」與「外國恐怖主義戰士」成為歐盟內部安全之威脅來源；而歐盟反恐政策之決策機構與執行機關，業已透過戰略方針與行動計畫等歐盟反恐法律文件，對內建立合作機制與輔助工具等內部反恐網絡，藉此強化歐盟與歐盟會員國之間的警察合作、司法合作、資訊與情報交換合作、以及邊境安全合作；對外則透過國際協定形式，與重要第三國以及國際組織建構外部反恐網絡，以雙邊與多邊反恐合作形式強化歐盟反恐能量。本論文亦以四起孤狼恐怖攻擊個案分析歐盟會員國層級之反恐措施，分析近年歐盟孤狼恐怖主義之現況與趨勢。 本論文發現，歐盟孤狼恐怖主義來自「聖戰恐怖主義」、「本土恐怖主義」、與「外國恐怖主義戰士」等三種威脅，而歐盟近年因應孤狼恐怖主義威脅之反恐政策與措施，已朝向2005年11月30日歐盟部長理事會《歐盟反恐政策》四大反恐戰略的「預防」層面發展，並以外國恐怖主義戰士為重要反恐目標；此外，歐盟除了著手打擊「激進化」與「暴力極端主義」等導致孤狼恐怖主義之根本原因原因外，亦持續因應敘利亞與伊拉克等衝突地區之「返國外國恐怖主義戰士」所帶來的後伊斯蘭國時代孤狼恐怖主義威脅。 / With the trend of lone-wolf terrorism in member states of the European Union, the thesis analyzes EU’s policy to counter threat from lone-wolf terrorism and also evaluates internal and external effectiveness of EU’s counter-terrorism policy, in an attempt to examine the correlation between lone-wolf terrorism and EU’s counter-terrorism policy. Lone-wolf terrorism originated in the United States from the “Leaderless Resistance” and “Violent Extremism” and further threatened EU’s internal security via “Global Islamic Resistance Movement” and “Foreign Terrorist Fighters.” The decision-making as well as the executing agencies of EU’s counter-terrorism policy has established mechanisms of cooperation and policy toolkits for internal counter-terrorism network by means of EU’s legal documents of counter-terrorism, strategic guidelines and implementing programs included, in order to consolidate cooperation of police, justice, exchange of communication and intelligence, as well as border security between EU and member states. Meanwhile, EU has also been constructing its external counter-terrorism network with bilateral and multilateral agreements with third states and international organizations of importance. The thesis also offers four case studies of lone-wolf terrorist attacks of EU’s member states to analyze conditions and trends of lone-wolf terrorism in EU. The thesis concludes that “Jihadist terrorism,” “Home-grown Terrorism,” and “Foreign Terrorist Fighters” are the three main types of threat of lone-wolf terrorism in EU, and that EU counter-terrorism policy has been developing strategy of “prevention”, one of which stated in “EU’s Counter-terrorism Strategies” of November 30th, 2005, by Council of the European Union, and considering foreign terrorist fighters as its main target. Additionally, EU has been countering not only root causes of lone-wolf terrorism, such as “radicalisation” and “violent extremism,” but also future threats from “Returning Foreign Terrorists Fighters” heading back home from Syria and Iraq in the Era of Post-Islamic State.

The terrorist label became recently so widely used. It strongly influenced the language of media, politicians and society. The security discourse is seemingly dominated by the counter-terrorism policy. Both the national and international legal systems introduced laws to avert the terrorist actions. Ironically, no universal definition of terrorism has been found yet so the use of the terrorist label depends mainly on own interpretation. The thesis aims to critically analyse the terrorist label and to determine if it prevents the conflict between so called terrorists and the rest of the society from peaceful resolution. The first chapter introduces theoretical and methodological framework of the research. It is followed by the analysis of the EU's designation of Hezbollah's military wing as a terrorist organization in the second chapter. A special attention is paid to the Israeli diplomatic pressure on the EU to blacklist Hezbollah which was selected as an appropriate example of the terrorist labelling.

No description available.

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".