O governo de Getúlio Vargas trouxe características peculiares à função do Estado, o que garantiu, no Tempo Presente, uma influência muito grande deste período chamado de Era Vargas (1930-1945) sobre o Estado brasileiro atual. Nosso interesse é estudar como foi estruturado este Estado varguista sob o olhar da oposição paulista e do distanciamento do ex-presidente Washington Luis. Este trabalho tem como objetivos: interpretar as relações políticas no processo histórico através da perspectiva do ex-presidente Washington Luis; analisar as relações do Estado varguista com a oposição perrepista e as garantias dos direitos humanos, sobretudo, dos civis e políticos; compreender se este ex-presidente, um paulista de Macaé, participou da organização dos movimentos oposicionistas durante o seu exílio e discutir a memória coletiva produzida sobre Washington Luis a partir do registro e das ações políticas de seus correligionários. Os embates políticos, as manobras e a habilidade de Getúlio Vargas foram responsáveis pela maior parte do conteúdo exposto na leitura das cartas selecionadas que foram usadas neste trabalho. A análise das cartas entre Washington Luis e seus correligionários foi comparada com a leitura da historiografia do período e sobre o período e de alguns jornais escritos da imprensa de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, OESP e a Folha da Manhã. A introdução explica como foi pensado e organizado o trabalho e teoriza o trabalho do historiador com o uso das correspondências como fontes históricas. O capítulo inicial trabalha o conceito de Estado e de Direitos Humanos, faz uma breve trajetória sobre estes direitos no Brasil, apresenta uma biografia de alguns personagens desta trama e descreve os últimos meses de Washington Luis no poder e as articulações para o golpe de 1930 da Aliança Liberal. O capítulo II trabalha a situação de exilado, tendo como tema o exílio e a situação do ex-presidente Washington Luis como um exilado involuntário, a ciranda de interventores e os acontecimentos do movimento paulista de 1932. No capítulo III, analisamos a formação da Assembléia Constituinte, as relações políticas da Câmara dos Deputados com o correligionário Roberto Moreira e os conflitos entre a Aliança Nacional Libertadora e os integralistas. Com a intensificação da coerção política a partir do malogrado golpe dos comunistas com Luis Carlos Prestes, o país entrava num período mais complicado ainda para os direitos humanos, sobretudo, para os direitos civis e políticos. Em 1937, com a promulgação da nova Constituição, estava instaurado o Estado Novo e a censura prévia institucionalizada como política de Estado. Aliás, era o fim das oposições e a iminência da guerra mundial dava aspectos de que o Brasil precisaria se posicionar. O ex-presidente Washington Luis aguardava os acontecimentos da conclusão da guerra mundial em 1945 para retornar ao Brasil, porém isso só ocorreria em 1947. No capítulo IV, vemos a escassez de cartas que mostrava a falta de resistência da oposição e a sua indefinição como influência política na sociedade. A memória ausente de Washington Luis foi trabalhada de forma a garantir a análise da construção de sua história como exilado e seu legado político. Ele esteve dezessete anos fora do país, vivendo muito bem, mas expatriado e impedido de usar os seus direitos de cidadão. Ao analisarmos a documentação diante do procedimento proposto pôde-se observar que o papel desempenhado por Washington Luis na oposição foi de mero receptor das notícias, fazendo projeções e conjecturas sobre os assuntos tratados nas correspondências. Esta documentação atendeu a uma necessidade de conhecer características sobre um outro olhar das relações políticas nos bastidores da capital federal e da oposição em São Paulo, sobretudo, do desrespeito aos Direitos Humanos e do engodo dilacerado pelo populismo. / Getulio Vargas\' government brought out peculiar characteristics to the function of the State. Nowadays, this period called Vargas Era (1930-1945) exerts enormous influence on the current Brazilian State. Our interest is to study how this Vargas State was structured under the Paulista oppositions eye and distant from the ex-president Washington Luis. This paper has as its aims: interpret the political relationships in history from ex-president Washington Luiss point of view; analyze the relationship between the Vargas State and the Perrepista opposition and the guarantee of human rights, especially, civil and political ones; understand if this ex-president, a paulista from Macaé, took part in organizing oppositional movements during his exile and discuss the collective memory of Washington Luis, based on documents and on the political actions of his coreligionists. Getulio Vargass political clashes, maneuvers and skills were responsible for most of the content presented on such letters, which were especially selected to be used on this paper. The analysis of the mail between Washington Luis and his coreligionists was carried out by comparing the historiography of the period and some newspapers written by the press from São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, mainly, OESP and Folha da Manhã. The introduction explains how this paper was thought and organized, describing a brief timeline of the human rights in Brazil and theorizing the role of a historian while using mail as historical sources. The first chapter works on the biography of one of these characters and describes the last months in which Washington Luis held office, besides the articulations of the liberal alliance to mount the 1930 coup détat. The Second chapter deals with the situation of the exiled, approaching this theme and portraying ex-president Washington Luis as an involuntary exiled, besides the intervention and the widespread occurrences of the Paulista Movement of 1932. The third chapter analyzes the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the political relationships between the chamber of deputies and the coreligionist Roberto Moreira, in addition to the conflicts between the National Liberty Alliance and the Integralists. As the political coercion became more intense due to the unsuccessful coup planned by communists such as Luis Carlos Prestes, the country started to go through an even harder period for human rights, above all, to civil and political ones. With the promulgation of the new constitution in 1937, the New State was established and strict censorship would become, at that time, official and institutionalized as the State policy. Actually, the end of oppositions and the imminence of the World War indicated that Brazil would have to take a side. The ex- president Washington Luis waited for the end of the World War in 1945 to return to Brazil, but that would only take place in 1947.The fourth chapter studies the absent memory of Washington Luis to make sure we could analyze his history as an exiled and his political legacy as well. He had been away from his country for seventeen years, living fairly well, though expatriated and impelled to use his citizen rights. While analyzing documents with the previously set aims, its noticeable that Washington Luiss role as opposition was as a mere news receiver, making projections and conjectures only based on the content of his mail. These documents fulfilled the need to identify, from another point view, characteristics of the backstage of political relationships in the federal capital and the Paulista opposition, mainly concerning the disrespect for human rights and the lacerating enticement for populism.

La mémoire du corps comme source de création pour une dramaturgie scénique engagée : tel est le point de départ de cette recherche-création. Ce mémoire présente le parcours emprunté pour aller de la théorie à la pratique, en proposant une méthodologie de travail d'écriture scénique à partir du corps - la corpographie, liée à l'idée de traces. Partant des souvenirs de quatre femmes ayant vécu le coup d'État en 1973 au Chili, la notion de mémoire du corps est conçue comme un processus dynamique, un système complexe créant un lien permanent entre le présent et le passé, élément de base pour la composition de Traces, notre mise en scène. La thématique de la mémoire, l'histoire et les phénomènes mnémoniques ainsi que l'étude de la corporéité sont les enjeux essentiels de cette recherche. L'action physique induit des résonances au niveau sensoriel et rationnel qu'il faut découvrir et apprendre à lire afin de les utiliser dans la création scénique. C'est pourquoi l'approche de Laban en analyse du mouvement, à partir de l'observation des paramètres temporaux, spatiaux et dynamiques est étudiée et appliquée dans cette démarche. Elle a permis la lecture du corps et la collecte de matériel pour la création, et l'étude de la corporéité de quatre femmes qui ont bien voulu partager souvenirs, émotions et traumatisme, comme autant de pistes pour la conception du spectacle. Sont également abordés les mécanismes de la mise en jeu du travail du corps et du mouvement, dans le passage du langage du corps quotidien à un langage extra-quotidien, tel que décrit par Eugenio Barba, nécessaire pour la scène. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : mémoire du corps, corporéité, écriture scénique du corps, coup d'État au Chili, femmes chiliennes, corpographie, Laban, Barba.

No description available.

O governo de Getúlio Vargas trouxe características peculiares à função do Estado, o que garantiu, no Tempo Presente, uma influência muito grande deste período chamado de Era Vargas (1930-1945) sobre o Estado brasileiro atual. Nosso interesse é estudar como foi estruturado este Estado varguista sob o olhar da oposição paulista e do distanciamento do ex-presidente Washington Luis. Este trabalho tem como objetivos: interpretar as relações políticas no processo histórico através da perspectiva do ex-presidente Washington Luis; analisar as relações do Estado varguista com a oposição perrepista e as garantias dos direitos humanos, sobretudo, dos civis e políticos; compreender se este ex-presidente, um paulista de Macaé, participou da organização dos movimentos oposicionistas durante o seu exílio e discutir a memória coletiva produzida sobre Washington Luis a partir do registro e das ações políticas de seus correligionários. Os embates políticos, as manobras e a habilidade de Getúlio Vargas foram responsáveis pela maior parte do conteúdo exposto na leitura das cartas selecionadas que foram usadas neste trabalho. A análise das cartas entre Washington Luis e seus correligionários foi comparada com a leitura da historiografia do período e sobre o período e de alguns jornais escritos da imprensa de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, OESP e a Folha da Manhã. A introdução explica como foi pensado e organizado o trabalho e teoriza o trabalho do historiador com o uso das correspondências como fontes históricas. O capítulo inicial trabalha o conceito de Estado e de Direitos Humanos, faz uma breve trajetória sobre estes direitos no Brasil, apresenta uma biografia de alguns personagens desta trama e descreve os últimos meses de Washington Luis no poder e as articulações para o golpe de 1930 da Aliança Liberal. O capítulo II trabalha a situação de exilado, tendo como tema o exílio e a situação do ex-presidente Washington Luis como um exilado involuntário, a ciranda de interventores e os acontecimentos do movimento paulista de 1932. No capítulo III, analisamos a formação da Assembléia Constituinte, as relações políticas da Câmara dos Deputados com o correligionário Roberto Moreira e os conflitos entre a Aliança Nacional Libertadora e os integralistas. Com a intensificação da coerção política a partir do malogrado golpe dos comunistas com Luis Carlos Prestes, o país entrava num período mais complicado ainda para os direitos humanos, sobretudo, para os direitos civis e políticos. Em 1937, com a promulgação da nova Constituição, estava instaurado o Estado Novo e a censura prévia institucionalizada como política de Estado. Aliás, era o fim das oposições e a iminência da guerra mundial dava aspectos de que o Brasil precisaria se posicionar. O ex-presidente Washington Luis aguardava os acontecimentos da conclusão da guerra mundial em 1945 para retornar ao Brasil, porém isso só ocorreria em 1947. No capítulo IV, vemos a escassez de cartas que mostrava a falta de resistência da oposição e a sua indefinição como influência política na sociedade. A memória ausente de Washington Luis foi trabalhada de forma a garantir a análise da construção de sua história como exilado e seu legado político. Ele esteve dezessete anos fora do país, vivendo muito bem, mas expatriado e impedido de usar os seus direitos de cidadão. Ao analisarmos a documentação diante do procedimento proposto pôde-se observar que o papel desempenhado por Washington Luis na oposição foi de mero receptor das notícias, fazendo projeções e conjecturas sobre os assuntos tratados nas correspondências. Esta documentação atendeu a uma necessidade de conhecer características sobre um outro olhar das relações políticas nos bastidores da capital federal e da oposição em São Paulo, sobretudo, do desrespeito aos Direitos Humanos e do engodo dilacerado pelo populismo. / Getulio Vargas\' government brought out peculiar characteristics to the function of the State. Nowadays, this period called Vargas Era (1930-1945) exerts enormous influence on the current Brazilian State. Our interest is to study how this Vargas State was structured under the Paulista oppositions eye and distant from the ex-president Washington Luis. This paper has as its aims: interpret the political relationships in history from ex-president Washington Luiss point of view; analyze the relationship between the Vargas State and the Perrepista opposition and the guarantee of human rights, especially, civil and political ones; understand if this ex-president, a paulista from Macaé, took part in organizing oppositional movements during his exile and discuss the collective memory of Washington Luis, based on documents and on the political actions of his coreligionists. Getulio Vargass political clashes, maneuvers and skills were responsible for most of the content presented on such letters, which were especially selected to be used on this paper. The analysis of the mail between Washington Luis and his coreligionists was carried out by comparing the historiography of the period and some newspapers written by the press from São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, mainly, OESP and Folha da Manhã. The introduction explains how this paper was thought and organized, describing a brief timeline of the human rights in Brazil and theorizing the role of a historian while using mail as historical sources. The first chapter works on the biography of one of these characters and describes the last months in which Washington Luis held office, besides the articulations of the liberal alliance to mount the 1930 coup détat. The Second chapter deals with the situation of the exiled, approaching this theme and portraying ex-president Washington Luis as an involuntary exiled, besides the intervention and the widespread occurrences of the Paulista Movement of 1932. The third chapter analyzes the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the political relationships between the chamber of deputies and the coreligionist Roberto Moreira, in addition to the conflicts between the National Liberty Alliance and the Integralists. As the political coercion became more intense due to the unsuccessful coup planned by communists such as Luis Carlos Prestes, the country started to go through an even harder period for human rights, above all, to civil and political ones. With the promulgation of the new constitution in 1937, the New State was established and strict censorship would become, at that time, official and institutionalized as the State policy. Actually, the end of oppositions and the imminence of the World War indicated that Brazil would have to take a side. The ex- president Washington Luis waited for the end of the World War in 1945 to return to Brazil, but that would only take place in 1947.The fourth chapter studies the absent memory of Washington Luis to make sure we could analyze his history as an exiled and his political legacy as well. He had been away from his country for seventeen years, living fairly well, though expatriated and impelled to use his citizen rights. While analyzing documents with the previously set aims, its noticeable that Washington Luiss role as opposition was as a mere news receiver, making projections and conjectures only based on the content of his mail. These documents fulfilled the need to identify, from another point view, characteristics of the backstage of political relationships in the federal capital and the Paulista opposition, mainly concerning the disrespect for human rights and the lacerating enticement for populism.

Denna studie syftar till att förklara de strukturella faktorerna till kuppförsöket den 15 juli 2016 i Turkiet. Syftet med studien är att få en förståelse samt förklaring till hur kuppförsöket kunde äga rum och som teoretiskt ramverk används Aron Belkin och Evan Schofers metaanalys av militärkupper samt Tore Wig och Espen Geelmuyden Röds teori om politiska val som faktor till militärkupper. Forskningsdesignen för arbetet har varit en förklarande enfallsstudie där delar av Belkins och Schofers teori applicerats på fallet med syfte att påvisa vilka faktorer som bidrag till kuppförsöket i Turkiet. De strukturella faktorer som använts i studiens analys är externa hot och delaktighet i väpnade konflikter, militärens nationella säkerhetsdoktrin, ekonomisk utveckling och välfärd, civilsamhällets styrka, regimens legitimitet, tidigare militärkupper samt politiska val. Slutsatsen som kan dras efter genomförd analys är att de strukturella faktorer som teorin erbjuder kan förklara kuppförsöket genom att det skett en ökning av våldsanvändning i landet, att militären har en stark ideologisk tro som påverkar deras åsikter och handlande, att inkomstklyftorna och korruptionen i landet ökat, att civilsamhället är försvagat, att tidigare elitgrupperingar anser den sittande regeringen som illegitim, förekomsten av tidigare militärkupper i landet samt förändringen av valresultaten i valen 2015 Även om alla presenterade faktorer i någon utsträckning varit närvarande i Turkiet kan det fastställas att militärens nationella säkerhetstradition och dess lojalitet till den kemalistiska traditionen ger den bästa förklaringen till kuppförsöket i Turkiet 2016. / This study explains the structural factors to the military coup July 15th, 2016 in Turkey. The aim is to get an understanding and explanation to how the coup could take place and as theoretical framework is Aron Belkin and Evan Schofer’s meta-analysis of military coups, together with Tore Wig and Espen Geelmuyden Röd’s theory about political elections as a factor for military coups used. The study is an interpretative case study where parts of Belkin’s and Schofer’s theory have been applied on the case in order to present relevant factors in the military coup. The structural factors that has been used in this study’s analysis are external threats and participation in armed conflicts, the military’s national security doctrine, economic development and welfare, the civil society’s strength, the regimes legitimacy, previous military coups and political elections. The result shows that the factors that the theory presents as general factors to military coups also can explain the coup attempt in Turkey because there has been an increase in the use of violence, that the military have a strong ideological belief that affects their opinions and actions, that the inequality and corruption in the country have increased, that the civil society is debilitated, that previous elite groups sees the current government as illegitimate, that Turkey have had military coups in the past and also the change of election results in the 2015 elections. Even if all the factors, that the theory present, to some extent have been present in Turkey it can be concluded that the military’s national security doctrine and its loyalty to the Kemalist tradition give the best explanation to the coup attempt in July 2016.

No description available.

<p>University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences</p><p>Course: PO 5363, Political Science, G3</p><p>Title: the Role of the USA’s and Great Britain in the Coup d'Etat, Iran 1953</p><p>Author: Ashkan Panahirad</p><p>Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt</p><p>The purpose of this study is to examine Great Britain’s and US’ motives and action alternatives in regards to the Coup d'état against the iranian regime under Mossadegh in 1953.</p><p>The method used is motive analysis (investigates the actors motives). The theories used are Rational actors model and Governmental politics. Rational actor model allows states to choose among a set of alternatives displayed in a particular situation in order to achieve their goals. Governmental politics explains what happens in states as a result of bargaining games between important actors in the government.</p><p>Analysis from the rational actor model shows that the motives behind the Coup d'état were oil, economical reasons, Iran and communism. Coup d'état was the most rational action for them to achieve their goals. Governmental politics reveal the shifting of policies from one administration to another. While Clement Attlee’s government and Harry Truman’s administration where more moderate, Winston Churchill’s and Eisenhower’s where more eager to replace Mossadegh, which finally lead to a Coup d'état</p>

How does the level of clientelistic distribution effect the risk of violent challenges towards the state in democracies? The relationship between democracy and violent conflict has been extensively tested, with diverging results. Utilizing time-series data from 162 independent democratic states ranging from 1946 to 2018, the relationship is here tested by separating the informal institutions of democracy from the formal. And running the level of clientelistic distribution, a conflicting informal institution, as the independent variable in a linear probability model. Which shows that an increase in the level of clientelism significantly increases the risk of violent challenges.

The dissertation focuses on the microhistorical analysis of the last years of the life of Hugo Vavrečka (1880-1952), technician, journalist, economist, diplomat and sales director of the Baťa company. The theoretical and methodological part elaborates on the epistemological differences between biographical and microhistorical research, after which attention is paid especially to the possibilities of microhistorical research in the field of contemporary history. The methodology of clues (Carlo Ginzburg) and the researcher's own positionality follow, while the sources used are presented. The interpretative part briefly summarizes the basic outlines of Hugo Vavrečka's life before 1944, after which the main research focus is put on his actions from autumn 1944 to his death in August 1952. Thesis analyses Vavrečka's post-war life, his own attitude to the personal and socio- political situation, to its changes, trying to name the approaches and individual motivations or beliefs with which he chose them. Last but not least, the work also focuses on the broader context of his family and friends, as well as on at least partially exposing the steps of his post-war opponents, who largely led him into this uneasy situation.

Africa is the continent having the most coups d'état. From 2020 to 2022, there were six coups and three coup attempts on the continent. This study aims to investigate the causes of these coups d'état in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea, four former French colonies in West Africa. A new theoretical framework has been developed to investigate this pattern. Indicators of political instability and economic factors are taken from earlier theories, but additional external impact and climate change factors have been incorporated. The method applied in this study is a comparative case study with few cases, combining theory testing, theory building, and theory consuming. The findings indicate that while GDP per capita has improved, it is still unequally distributed among the populace, with high unemployment among the young often leading to migration in search of opportunities. About a year prior to every coup, there has been an increase in political violence. In all four of the cases under investigation, climate change factors such as climate migration and violence resulting from scarcity are present along with disinformation campaigns by Russia, a strong anti-French sentiment, and public discontent with the way the government operates. Both economic factors and climate change factors are found to be closely connected to governance deficits.