Denna uppsats undersöker sambandet mellan demokrati och militärkupper i Afrika efter avkoloniseringen, med särskilt fokus på Sahelregionen. Trots globala framsteg för demokrati är Afrika den region i världen som upplevt flest kupper de senaste sjuttio åren. Studiens syfte är att undersöka sambandet mellan militärkupper, demokratiska processer och stabilitet i Afrika och Sahelregionen genom en kombination av statistisk analys av demokrati och kupper samt tematisk analys av nyhetsartiklar. Fokus ligger på den växande trenden av militärkupper och hur reaktioner på dessa, både internationellt och inhemskt, kan påverka demokratiseringsprocessen. Studien visar att militärkupper är vanligare i auktoritära regimer än i demokratiska stater, vilket avviker från tidigare forskning. Faktorer som svag ekonomi, säkerhetskriser och bristande demokratiska institutioner spelar en roll. I Sahelregionen, där många auktoritära stater är instabila, är risken för demokratisk stabilitet negativt påverkad. Rapporteringen om militärkupper betonar ofta ledarnas misslyckanden med säkerhetsfrågor, vilket legitimerar militära övertaganden och underminerar demokratiseringsprocessen. Internationella reaktioner, särskilt från väst, präglas av sanktioner och biståndsindragningar, vilket kan ha blandade effekter. För att främja långsiktig demokratisk stabilitet krävs en djupare förståelse för orsakerna till kupper samt mer forskning om rollerna som internationella aktörer som Frankrike och Ryssland spelar och hur säkerhetsläget påverkar risken för kupper. / This essay examines the relationship between democracy and military coups in post-decolonisation Africa, with a particular focus on the Sahel region. Despite global advances in democracy, Africa is the region in the world that has experienced the most coups in the last seventy years. The purpose of the study is to examine the connection between military coups, democratic processes and stability in Africa and the Sahel region through a combination of statistical analyses of democracy and coups and thematic analysis of news articles. The focus is on the growing trend of military coups and how reactions to these, both international and domestic, can affect the democratization process. The study shows that military coups are more common in authoritarian regimes than in democratic states, which deviates from previous research. Factors such as a weak economy, security crises and a lack of democratic institutions play a role. In the Sahel region, where many authoritarian states are unstable, the risk of democratic stability is negatively affected. The coverage of military coups often emphasises the leaders' failures on security issues, legitimising military takeovers and undermining the democratisation process. International reactions, especially from the West, are characterised by sanctions and aid withdrawals, which can have mixed effects. To promote long-term democratic stability, a deeper understanding of the causes of coups is required, as well as more research on the roles played by international actors such as France and Russia and how the security situation affects the risk of coups.

Notre sujet de thèse porte sur la contribution des journalistes caribéens au processus démocratique à travers le traitement des événements socio-politiques majeurs entre 1989 et 2009. Il s’agit de la tentative du coup d’état de juillet 1990 à Trinidad-et-Tobago et du mouvement social de 2009 en Guadeloupe.Cette étude part d'un état des lieux des concepts de journaliste, de démocratie et de liberté de la presse. Cette thèse vise à interroger le terme « démocratie » et l'éthique des journalistes. Il existe des chartes déontologiques, édictées par la profession des journalistes, qui reprennent les principes démocratiques. Nous avançons donc l'hypothèse selon laquelle les journalistes sont de véritables acteurs du processus démocratique. Garants de la démocratie, ils ont aussi une responsabilité sociale envers les citoyens.Cette recherche vise à analyser les événements socio-politiques majeurs dans les deux territoires entre 1989 et 2009. A travers ces événements, il s'agit de montrer la manière dont les journalistes contribuent au processus démocratique. Notre méthodologie consiste à analyser les articles de presse et les entretiens semi-directifs avec les journalistes pour comprendre comment ils travaillent et comprendre leur concept de liberté de la presse. / The present research deals with the involvement of Caribbean journalists in the emergence of democracy through media coverage of the major socio-political events between 1989 and 2009. It is the attempted coup d’etat in Trinidad and Tobago in July 1990 and the social movement in Guadeloupe in 2009.This study starts by defining concepts such as journalists, democracy and freedom of the press. This thesis aims at examining the term “democracy” and journalists' ethics. There are democratic principles in the code of ethics written by journalists themselves. This leads me to think that journalists are indeed major actors in the democratic process. Indeed, they are the guarantors of democracy because they have a social responsibility towards citizens.This research aims at analyzing the major socio-political events in both territories between 1989 and 2009. Through these events, I would like to show the way journalists contribute to the democratic process. That is why I analyzed the articles of the newspapers and interviews with journalists were conducted, in order to know in detail the way they work and their concept of freedom of the press.

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><strong>Essay in Political Science, D-level, spring 2010. “Do the American mass media serve foreign policy interests? – A scrutiny of two American newspapers’ coverage of the <em>coup d’état </em>in Honduras in the summer of 2009”, Author: David Scott. Tutor: Anders Broman</strong></p><p><strong> </strong></p><p>The bias of the American mass media has been widely discussed among scholars. Not only has this phenomenon caught the attention of political scientists, but also academics from other scientific fields. Two of the most known researchers of the American media are the linguist Noam Chomsky and the professor of Finance Edward Herman. They apply, on the American media, a so called “propaganda model” which claims that the media will serve the interests of the domestic power elites. One of the interests that the media try to satisfy is the foreign policy goals of the American state, which is to vilify enemy states and idealize client states. This thesis is applied on the American media coverage of the <em>coup d’état </em>that resulted in the ousting of leftist President Manuel Zelaya from the presidency in Honduras in 2009. In this case the model predicts that Zelaya will be vilified as an enemy and that the cause of the coup will be portrayed as legitimate. The essay studies, in the newspapers <em>New York Times </em>and <em>Wall Street Journal, </em>the portraiture of three aspects of the coup: the cause of the coup, the role of the military and the victims of violence and, finally, Zelaya as a president and the support to versus the resistance against his presidency. Through a textual analysis of the material, the essay concludes that there is a bias and that this means that the propaganda model can be verified. The bias consists of that the papers tend to legitimize the clients (the perpetrators of the coup) by portraying Zelaya as violator of the Honduran constitution and as a radical leftist aligned with Venezuela’s president Hugo Chávez. The legitimization goes further through the toning down of the military’s role in the use of violence against demonstrators. Although this is the bias, it must be stressed that it is subtle and has been detected through an extensive interpretation of the material.</p>

Si les grandes coalitions gouvernementales sont parvenues à stabiliser la trajectoire politique malienne, les interventions militaires au Niger (1996, 1999, 2010) ont en revanche marqué les hésitations politico-prétoriennes à l'œuvre et leurs conséquences sur le processus transitionnel global. Parce qu'elles répondent à plusieurs facteurs, les " formules " politiques et militaires de régulation des champs appellent par conséquent une réflexion plus générale sur : (i) le rôle de l'histoire, des ressources et des stratégies dans la fixation des choix (institutionnels) des possibles ; (ii) les contextes globaux qui ordonnent les " logiques et mythologiques " d'interaction et participent à une délimitation, objective (i.e. " spontanée ") et subjective (i.e. stratégique), des solutions adaptées de gestion politique. Ce travail visera plus spécifiquement à comprendre les "décloisonnements " stratégiques qui, dans des conjonctures non routinières, appellent la mobilisation de ressources objectivées et valorisées d'action, autorisent de larges regroupements (coalitions post-transitionnelles au Mali, collusions "transectorielles" ou politico-militaires au Niger) et permettent finalement de tranquilliser la trajectoire politique de ces États.

Le 28 juin 2009 eut lieu un coup d'État au Honduras. Lié à certains rapports de pouvoirs profondément ancrés dans la société hondurienne, la répression vécue par une grande partie de la société civile qui s'y opposa fut très forte. Face aux violations des droits humains ayant été commises dans ce contexte, ceux qui se considèrent comme des défenseurs des droits humains furent particulièrement actifs. Nous avons donc voulu savoir dans quelle mesure l'utilisation de ce discours axé sur la primauté des droits humains a porté fruit et constitue un véhicule approprié afin de porter les revendications de ces militants honduriens. Nos principales hypothèses sont que compte tenu des exactions commises par le nouveau gouvernement à l'endroit de nombreux acteurs de la société civile hondurienne, l'utilisation du discours des droits humains est considérée comme étant la meilleure option à portée de ces défenseurs afin de faire valoir leurs intérêts le plus efficacement possible, dans le cadre d'un répertoire de l'action collective historiquement limité par des relations sociales de propriété inégalitaires profondément enracinées dans la société hondurienne. En corolaire à celle-ci, notre deuxième hypothèse de recherche est que la compréhension de ce que sont les droits humains s'avère loin d'être la même pour tous les défenseurs des droits humains bien que les avantages liés à son utilisation soient semblables, chaque acteur ayant une conception différente de la chose en fonction de sa propre trajectoire. En nous basant sur des entrevues effectuées auprès d'Honduriens ayant assumé ce rôle de défenseurs des droits humains, les résultats indiquent qu'il existe effectivement d'assez grandes variations au niveau de la compréhension de ces droits en soi. Quelques-uns des principaux paramètres à avoir été pris en compte sont celui des devoirs et responsabilités, perçus ou réels, de l'État hondurien, de même que la portée de la notion de communauté internationale au cœur de ce discours. Si l'importance des institutions étatiques nationales au sein des différentes revendications semble claire, il reste que les limites des structures internationales aptes à recevoir ce type de doléances et à influer sur les politiques étatiques sont rapidement atteintes, ce qui complique l'articulation d'une opposition efficace contre les violations des droits humains au Honduras. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Droits humains, droits de la personne, droits de l'Homme, défense des droits, théories des relations sociales de propriété, théories des mouvements sociaux, coup d'État, 28 juin 2009, Honduras.

The overall purpose of this thesis is three folded; to analyze Turkey's constantly changing influence since the 1990s in the Western Balkans, consider the failed 2016 coup attempt in Turkey and the anti-Gülenist campaign by Erdogan in the region (with Kosovo as the focus), and to delve into the international and local media discourse surrounding the deportations of suspected Gülenist from Kosovo with the help of Turkish intelligence on March 29, 2018. Employing a mixed methodology approach, the author evaluated existing sources in an attempt to answer the research question; "In what ways has the 2016 Coup d'état attempt in Turkey resonated in the Western Balkans, and how did the local and international media discourse portray the 2018 Gülenists extraditions from Kosovo to Turkey?" The research holds that while the media discourse displayed Kosovo and Turkey's actions as being in violation of numerous international laws, the issue was quickly swept away from the spotlight. Since 2012 (the beginning of the Erdogan-Gülen rift) and especially following the 2016 failed coup attempt in Turkey, Erdogan has been emboldened by his growing personal relationships with key Balkan politicians. This has led to continued demands (thus far met with little success) that Western Balkan states arrest and deport...

La crise de 1929 a réduit les revenus de l’État argentin et la capacité du président démocratique Yrigoyen de maintenir son appareil partisan. La diminution des soutiens du président a permis à l’armée de renverser le pouvoir, en 1930, au nom du maintien de l’ordre et de l’indépendance des forces armées. La décennie qui suit est caractérisée par un prétorianisme de plus en plus aigu. À l’encontre des préceptes du professionnalisme qui régissait jusque-là les relations entre civils et militaires, l’armée s’est saisie de l’exécutif et se préoccupe de plus en plus de question politique au détriment de ses occupations martiales, c’est-à-dire la sécurité externe de l’État. Cette nouvelle réalité met fin à la séparation rigoureuse entre politique et science militaire. La neutralité argentine durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale va faire subir à Buenos Aires un embargo sur les armes et l’industrie lourde qui rend la réalisation de la mission sécuritaire des officiers de plus en plus ardue. Une fois ce choc encaissé, les officiers incorporent les réflexions politiques, traditionnellement du ressort des civils, dans la science militaire, mettant définitivement fin à la séparation entre militaires et civils. Science militaire et politique ne peuvent plus se penser séparément. Ce « nouveau professionnalisme » a été inspiré aux officiers argentins par l’analyse de la Guerre d’Espagne et des doctrines franquistes grâce à une compatibilité culturelle entre les deux sociétés. / The 1929 economic crisis diminished the Argentinian state’s revenue and undermined the president Yrigoyen’s ability to maintain his political machine. Lowering support allowed the army to seize power in 1930 in the name of order and the independence of the organization. The following decade is characterized by a pretorianism more and more acute. Against the professionalism that until then codified the relation between civilians and soldiers, the army took control of the executive. The corporation is, with the time, more dedicated to resolve political matters than purely martial ones, namely the State’s defence against external threat. This new reality incarnates the end of the firm separation between politics and military science. Argentine neutrality during World War II put Buenos Aires under embargo, prohibiting the entry of weapons and heavy machinery from the allied side, while restricting the emission of credits. Internalizing this shock, it becomes clear to the officers that they are no longer able to pursue their security obligations. In order to assure the defence of the State, they will argue that they have to include politics in their military reflection. Going against what the ancient professionalization required, politics and security can no longer be treated separately. Following the coup of 1943, they put in practice this new paradigm, this « new professionalization » in which politics has become a part of the wider field of military science. This new model came in place after a study conducted by Argentinian officers of the franquist doctrines formulated during the Spanish Civil War. This implementation is possible thanks to cultural match between the two societies, visible during the thirties.

Abstract Essay in Political Science, D-level, spring 2010. “Do the American mass media serve foreign policy interests? – A scrutiny of two American newspapers’ coverage of the coup d’état in Honduras in the summer of 2009”, Author: David Scott. Tutor: Anders Broman   The bias of the American mass media has been widely discussed among scholars. Not only has this phenomenon caught the attention of political scientists, but also academics from other scientific fields. Two of the most known researchers of the American media are the linguist Noam Chomsky and the professor of Finance Edward Herman. They apply, on the American media, a so called “propaganda model” which claims that the media will serve the interests of the domestic power elites. One of the interests that the media try to satisfy is the foreign policy goals of the American state, which is to vilify enemy states and idealize client states. This thesis is applied on the American media coverage of the coup d’état that resulted in the ousting of leftist President Manuel Zelaya from the presidency in Honduras in 2009. In this case the model predicts that Zelaya will be vilified as an enemy and that the cause of the coup will be portrayed as legitimate. The essay studies, in the newspapers New York Times and Wall Street Journal, the portraiture of three aspects of the coup: the cause of the coup, the role of the military and the victims of violence and, finally, Zelaya as a president and the support to versus the resistance against his presidency. Through a textual analysis of the material, the essay concludes that there is a bias and that this means that the propaganda model can be verified. The bias consists of that the papers tend to legitimize the clients (the perpetrators of the coup) by portraying Zelaya as violator of the Honduran constitution and as a radical leftist aligned with Venezuela’s president Hugo Chávez. The legitimization goes further through the toning down of the military’s role in the use of violence against demonstrators. Although this is the bias, it must be stressed that it is subtle and has been detected through an extensive interpretation of the material.

University of Växjö, School of Social Sciences Course: PO 5363, Political Science, G3 Title: the Role of the USA’s and Great Britain in the Coup d'Etat, Iran 1953 Author: Ashkan Panahirad Supervisor: Lennart Bergfeldt The purpose of this study is to examine Great Britain’s and US’ motives and action alternatives in regards to the Coup d'état against the iranian regime under Mossadegh in 1953. The method used is motive analysis (investigates the actors motives). The theories used are Rational actors model and Governmental politics. Rational actor model allows states to choose among a set of alternatives displayed in a particular situation in order to achieve their goals. Governmental politics explains what happens in states as a result of bargaining games between important actors in the government. Analysis from the rational actor model shows that the motives behind the Coup d'état were oil, economical reasons, Iran and communism. Coup d'état was the most rational action for them to achieve their goals. Governmental politics reveal the shifting of policies from one administration to another. While Clement Attlee’s government and Harry Truman’s administration where more moderate, Winston Churchill’s and Eisenhower’s where more eager to replace Mossadegh, which finally lead to a Coup d'état

The diploma thesis Svobodné slovo 1945-1948: Central Organ of the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party deals with a development of the party newspaper Svobodné slovo in the aforementioned period. The author describes all the aspects of the edition of this newspaper as well as related circumstances on the basis of archive sources, press of that time and specialized literature. The thesis focuses on the restoration of Svobodné slovo after the end of the World War II, its subsequent evolution within newly established condition and provides coherent survey not only of the internal functioning of Prague editorial office of Svobodné slovo, but also of the general content orientation of the newspaper in the given period. With reference to the party character of Svobodné slovo, the author writes also on its interconnection and narrow relation with the Czechoslovak National Socialist Party. The thesis is completed with a historical context of Czechoslovakia of the second part of 1940's. In this connection, the emphasis is laid namely on parliamentary elections realized in May 1946 and the communist coup d'état occurred in February 1948. Both these events are presented especially from the point of view, which was published in Svobodné slovo including the consequences caused to this newspaper by them. For...