Despite the developments in the international arena to ensure and protect human rights, evidence from around the world showcase examples of organized and systematic violations of human rights in the form of war crimes, genocides, and crimes against humanity. Turkey is one of the countries that has shown decline in the last ten years when it comes to respect for human rights. Aftermath of the Coup d’etat from 2016, involvement in Syrian civil war, and Kurdish question raised concern within the international community regarding human rights. Consequently, this research aims to provide a deeper understanding of how Turkish government treats the civilian population in these three cases in order to assess if there is a risk of Turkish government committing crimes against humanity. Furthermore, in order to get a more objective view of the happenings, this paper will also examine Turkish actions through the lenses of Realism. A qualitative research with an abductive approach with case study design was conducted. Analytical framework, that presents 10 risk factors for committing atrocities and crimes against humanity, developed by Dieng and Welsh was utilized to make sense of gathered data. Realism, with focus on national interest and security, was used to examine Turkish actions. Findings suggest that all 10 risk factors are presented in each case through different indicators. Journalists, lawyers, professors, refugees, and Kurds face systematic threat of mostly arbitrary detentions and imprisonments. Furthermore, findings show that Turkish actions can be explained through national interest expressed through security and unitary national identity.

No description available.

<p>This thesis assessed the effectiveness of the Special Court in relation to the impact is has made in cultivating the rudiments of a human rights culture, dispensing justice, ending a culture of impunity, effecting unity and national reconciliation in post war Sierra Leone.</p>

A presente dissertação de mestrado analisa a atuação do Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda, corte com sede na Tanzânia, criada sob os auspícios da ONU e encarregada de processar as pessoas responsáveis por sérias violações ao Direito Internacional Humanitário cometidas durante o genocídio da população tutsi organizado por membros do governo e do exército de Ruanda em 1994, e que vitimou mais de 800.000 civis. Estuda-se a evolução do Direito Internacional Penal ao longo do século XX até a criação do Tribunal e a história e a organização política de Ruanda até a eclosão da guerra civil e do genocídio. Apresenta-se a estrutura, a competência e a dinâmica dos julgamentos, promove-se o estudo de quatro casos paradigmáticos julgados, e verificam-se os resultados concretos alcançados pelo Tribunal para impedir a impunidade, apontando este órgão judicial como importante precursor do Tribunal Penal Internacional criado pelo Estatuto de Roma em 1998. O trabalho também ambiciona perpetuar a lembrança de um dos maiores massacres da história, comparável ao próprio Holocausto, e o tratamento dado pelo Direito e pela comunidade internacional ao episódio / This dissertation examines the performance of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Tanzania-based court, created under the auspices of the UN, in charge of prosecuting people responsible for serious violations of International Humanitarian Law committed during the genocide of the Tutsi population, organized by members of the government and the army of Rwanda in 1994, which killed over 800,000 civilians. It is studied the evolution of International Criminal Law over the twentieth century until the establishment of the Court, and also the history and the political organization in Rwanda until the outbreak of civil war and genocide. This dissertation presents the structure, competence and dynamics of the trials, promotes the study of four paradigmatic cases tried, and verifies the concrete results achieved by the Court to prevent impunity, pointing this judicial body as an important forerunner of the International Criminal Court created by the Rome Statute in 1998. The study also aspires to perpetuate the memory of one of the greatest massacres in history, comparable to the Holocaust itself, and treatment given by the law and by the international community to the episode

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodolfo Costa Machado.pdf: 11712226 bytes, checksum: fb00c09ad128842ef9d94d528414501e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-24 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation searches to understand the indissoluble connection between the historic activity of Alfredo Buzaid (1914-1991) and his specific bourgeois-autocratic ideology, understanding the formative period of Buzaid s thought outlined by Plínio Salgado s Brazilian Integralism and explaining the role of Buzaid (beside the Law School of University of São Paulo) in the conspiracy of Ipês complex (Institute for Research and Social Studies). His emphatic Christian anti-communism is closely examined beneath juridical basis, and the CCC (Command of Communist Hunting) agents, but mainly under the social function accomplished by Buzaid while Minister of Justice of the dictator Emílio Médici (1969-1974). Pursuing the so called ―internal enemies‖ of the self-named Brazilian Democratic Revolution of 1964, the State s autocratic ideologist managed the official denial about the crimes against humanity perpetrated by the last Brazilian Bonapartist dictatorship. In this context, Buzaid coordinated the production of the ‗Book of Truth (1970), although it has never been published. After the Ministry of Justice, during The Cold War international disputies, Alfredo Buzaid engaged his anti-communist militancy on the ―Brazilian Chapter‖ of the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), presided by the official brazilian banker of Condor Operation. With the statutory ontology of Karl Marx, this dissertation is based on the achievements of José Chasin about the Military Dictatorship of 1964-1985 as a particular way of Brazilian s bonapartism (this means the bourgeoisie s indirect dominance). We also apprehend the bonapartist Buzaid s world view in the larger context of ‗1964 Ideology , in fact, ‗the rulers of the ‗atrophic capital that, under Médici, established as tenets the ‗accelerated development based upon on official terrorism , according to Antonio Rago Filho. In accord with the historic-immanent critic, the Law s ideology of Buzaid and his conception of law ―science‖ were systematized as processual technique able to carry out the rational Administration of the State s Justice. The rationalization and technicalization of the Judiciary and the process, as well as the mutual implications between Democracy and Process, were outlined by Buzaid to build the Judiciary s autocracy into rationalizing standard for the political representation supported by the others suffraged State Powers, intending to ―save‖ de democracy from the common people. Therefore, the autocratic-technician reason as criterion for the highest state charges to repress the ―auspicious phenomenom of common people s rising‖. It is possible to grasp Buzaid s engagement at a social democracy type based on the Catholic Church s doctrine, the turning point when he contradictorily ―demonizes‖ the bourgeois technician and rationality that has made the world unsacred. Finally, we have examined the bonapartist ideology of Buzaid that supported the permanent bourgeois counter-revolution of 1964-1985. After the development of a spiritualist conception of human being, of history, State, Government, Law and its positive laws, Alfredo Buzaid has defended the establishment of a brazilian―real democracy‖, anti-communist and anti-liberal State of Justice, setting his ultra-reactionary class position at the conflict Christianity versus Marxism and atheism. Buzaid turns Camões into a medieval character and becomes an apologist of the Empire s demiurges of 1822, appearing as an anachronistic chronicler of State s greatest man. Buzaid has also ascribed the spiritualist conception of human being to the political philosophy of the 1964 counter-revolution s State of Justice, assigning with Christian ethic and morality institutionalized against the atheist communism. At last, the bourgeois counter-revolutionary constitutional law in Brazil is taken as particularity of bonapartist ideology and its accelerated economic development combined with maximum national security. Rationalization and technicalization appear, to Alfredo Buzaid, as technical-autocratic reason hostile and averse to political control exerted by the universal and direct suffrage, the bourgeois political domination kind wich is typical of classic European capitalist modernity. His processual judiciary reason represents one step behind concerning to the bourgeois classic parliamentary politic reason, expressing Buzaid s world view, in the historic praxis, the bourgeois-autocratic vocation of jurists and legal technicians able to regressively ―spiritualize‖ dictatorships and State s terrorisms, serving the great capital / Este trabalho busca compreender a articulação entre a atividade histórica de Alfredo Buzaid (1914-1991) e sua particular ideologia autocrático-burguesa, percorrendo seus anos formativos no integralismo pliniano e seu engajamento (ao lado da Faculdade de Direito da Universidade de São Paulo) na conspiração do complexo Ipês (Instituto de Pesquisas e Estudos Sociais). Seu acendrado anticomunismo cristão, aqui, é entrelido com as raízes jurídicas e os agentes do CCC (o Comando de Caça aos Comunistas) e, sobretudo, na função social cumprida historicamente como Ministro da Justiça do general-presidente Emílio Médici (1969-1974). Perseguindo os incriminados ―inimigos internos‖ da autodesignada Revolução Democrática Brasileira de 1964, o ideólogo autocrata de Estado cogestou, consequentemente, o desmentido oficial dos crimes de lesa-humanidade da última ditadura bonapartista brasileira, produzindo (sem publicá-lo) seu Livro da Verdade (1970). Após o ministério, nos embates internacionais da dita Guerra Fria, engajou sua militância anticomunista no ―Capítulo Brasileiro‖ da Liga Mundial Anticomunista (WACL, na sigla em inglês), presidida pelo banqueiro oficial da Operação Condor. Com base nos lineamentos ontológicos da filosofia de Karl Marx, amparamo-nos naquilo avançado por José Chasin na apreensão da ditadura militar de 1964-1985 como uma forma particular de bonapartismo brasileiro (isto é, domínio indireto da burguesia), bem como entrelemos a visão de mundo buzaidiana, propriamente bonapartista, no contexto maior da Ideologia 1964, conforme Antonio Rago Filho, chamada a cumprir a função histórico-social de gestores do capital atrófico, no medicismo, pela aliança de crescimento econômico acelerado com terrorismo oficial. Conforme crítica histórico-imanente, sistematizou-se a ideologia do direito de Buzaid e sua concepção de ―ciência‖ jurídica enquanto técnica processual apta a exercer a Administração racional da Justiça de Estado. A racionalização e tecnicização do Poder Judiciário e do processo, bem como as implicações recíprocas entre Democracia e Processo, foram delineadas por Buzaid de modo a erigir a autocracia do Judiciário em padrão racionalizador à representação política sufragada presente nos demais Poderes de Estado, propugnando, tecnicamente, a necesidade de ―salvar‖ a democracia burguesa das massas. A razão técnico-autocrática como critério e parâmetro às altas funções do Estado para conter e ―pacificar‖ o auspicioso fenômeno da ascensão das massas. Notou-se aí seu engajamento em espécie de democracia social ancorada na doutrina da Igreja Católica de Roma, momento em que contraditoriamente ―demoniza‖ a racionalidade técnica burguesa que dessacralizou o mundo ocidental. Finalmente, esquadrinhou-se a ideologia bonapartista de Buzaid entretecida em defesa da contrarrevolução burguesa permanente de 1964 e sua ideologia oficial de Desenvolvimento e Segurança Nacional. Nutrindo-se de uma concepção espiritualista do ser humano, da história, do Estado, da política, do direito e de suas leis positivas, salientou-se a pugna de Buzaid por uma Democracia real brasileira e por um Estado de Justiça antiliberal e anticomunista, bem como sua posição de classe arquiconservadora na luta entre Cristianismo versus Marxismo e ateísmo. ―Medievalizando‖ Camões, constituindo-se como apologeta dos ―demiurgos‖ do Império escravagista de 1822, despontando como anacrônico cronista dos grandes homens de Estado, Buzaid atribuiu uma concepção espiritualista do ser humano à filosofia política do Estado de Justiça ditatorial, em nome da permanência da contrarrevolução burguesa de 1964. Nutriu-a de ética e moral cristãs institucionalizadas contra o ateísmo comunista. Enfim, o contrarrevolucionário direito constitucional burguês, sumariado por Buzaid, é apreendido como particularidade integrante da ideologia bonapartista do Desenvolvimento Acelerado com Máxima Segurança Nacional. Racionalização e tecnicização pressupõem, pois, uma ratio técnico-autocrática hostil e alheia ao controle eleitoral exercido pelo sufrágio universal, modo clássico de dominação política burguesa da modernidade europeia capitalista. Sua razão judiciária processual é um passo atrás em relação à clássica razão política burguesa de outrora, expressando Buzaid, na práxis histórica, a vocação autocrático-burguesa de juristas e técnicos legistas capazes de ―espiritualizar‖, regressivamente, ditaduras e terrorismos de Estado, a serviço do grande capital

<p>The first part of this study evaluates the historical events that led to the referral of the DRC situation to the ICC. This includes the background of the conflict and the extent to which international crimes have been committed. Both regional and domestic attempts and initiatives to address the conflict are discussed, with specific reference to peace agreements and restorative justice mechanisms. The second part of the study deals with the prosecution of the perpetrators by the ICC. It examines the approach of the Pre- Trial Chamber to two legal issues, the principle of complementarity and modes of criminal participation as part of the ICC Statute. In this regard, the study makes a critical evaluation of two preliminary decisions confirming the charges against Lubanga, Katanga and Chui before the cases proceeded to the trial stage.</p>

<p>This research paper is an analysis of the case United States v Flick et al which took place in 1947 in Nuremberg, Germany. Friedrich Flick, a powerful German industrialist, and several high ranking officials of his firm were tried by a United States military tribunal for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the Third Reich. The&nbsp / proceedings and the decision itself are the subject of a critical examination, including an investigation of the factual and legal background. The trial will be regarded in the historical context of prosecutions against German industrialists after World War II. Seen from present-day perspective, the question will be raised whether any conclusions can be drawn from the Flick case in respect of the substance of present-day international criminal law. <br /> &nbsp / </p>

<p>Kenya&rsquo / s December 2007 Presidential elections sparked a wave of violent clashes over allegations of election rigging. The protests broke out along ethnic lines, causing greater civil unrest. There have been allegations that during these outbreaks of violence crimes against humanity were committed. This violence attracted world-wide concern and was universally condemned. Kenya is loathe to prosecute the perpetrators or those who bear the highest responsibility for the alleged commission of crimes against humanity. It has instead established a national investigatory mechanism, the Kenyan Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (hereafter TJRC). This approach adopted by Kenya has been criticized for the fact that it fosters a culture of impunity. However, the Prosecutor of International Criminal Court (hereafter ICC) has used his proprio motu powers to initiate an investigation of alleged commission of crimes that fall within the jurisdiction of the Court. This research paper has analysed the reasons for the proprio motu intervention of the ICC in Kenyan situation. It also examined whether Kenya was unwilling or genuinely unable to prosecute the perpetrators of the post-election violence of 2007. Furthermore, the paper&nbsp / evaluated the provisions of the Kenyan TJRC, the major shortcomings of the Commission and the challenges it is facing in fulfilling its mandate. In conclusion the paper analysed the relationship between TJRC and ICC and re-evaluate any role that the two bodies could play in dispensing justice in Kenya. But before that, the paper laid down the factual&nbsp / background that led to the proprio motu interevention of the ICC in Kenya where a truth commission had alreday been established.<br /> <br /> &nbsp / </p>

<p>This paper analyses head of state immunity, a traditional rule of international law, in relation to the indictments by the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2009 against the current Sudanese President Omar Hassan Ahmad Al Bashir. It can be agreed that the doctrine of immunity in international law attempts to overcome the tension between the protection of human rights and the demands of state sovereignty. The statutes and decisions of international criminal courts make it clear that no immunity for international crimes shall be attached to heads of states or to senior government officials. However, the case against the Sudanese President, where the jurisdiction of the ICC was triggered by the UN Security Council‟s referral of the situation in Darfur to the Court, represents the first case where a serving head of state has, in fact, been indicted before the ICC. From this case, a number of legal issues have arisen / such as the questions where the ICC‟s jurisdiction over an incumbent head of state, not party to the ICC Statute, is justified, and the obligations upon ICC state parties to surrender such a head of state to the requesting international criminal court. This paper gives an analysis of these questions.</p>

<p>The first part of this study evaluates the historical events that led to the referral of the DRC situation to the ICC. This includes the background of the conflict and the extent to which international crimes have been committed. Both regional and domestic attempts and initiatives to address the conflict are discussed, with specific reference to peace agreements and restorative justice mechanisms. The second part of the study deals with the prosecution of the perpetrators by the ICC. It examines the approach of the Pre- Trial Chamber to two legal issues, the principle of complementarity and modes of criminal participation as part of the ICC Statute. In this regard, the study makes a critical evaluation of two preliminary decisions confirming the charges against Lubanga, Katanga and Chui before the cases proceeded to the trial stage.</p>