Despite the developments in the international arena to ensure and protect human rights, evidence from around the world showcase examples of organized and systematic violations of human rights in the form of war crimes, genocides, and crimes against humanity. Turkey is one of the countries that has shown decline in the last ten years when it comes to respect for human rights. Aftermath of the Coup d’etat from 2016, involvement in Syrian civil war, and Kurdish question raised concern within the international community regarding human rights. Consequently, this research aims to provide a deeper understanding of how Turkish government treats the civilian population in these three cases in order to assess if there is a risk of Turkish government committing crimes against humanity. Furthermore, in order to get a more objective view of the happenings, this paper will also examine Turkish actions through the lenses of Realism. A qualitative research with an abductive approach with case study design was conducted. Analytical framework, that presents 10 risk factors for committing atrocities and crimes against humanity, developed by Dieng and Welsh was utilized to make sense of gathered data. Realism, with focus on national interest and security, was used to examine Turkish actions. Findings suggest that all 10 risk factors are presented in each case through different indicators. Journalists, lawyers, professors, refugees, and Kurds face systematic threat of mostly arbitrary detentions and imprisonments. Furthermore, findings show that Turkish actions can be explained through national interest expressed through security and unitary national identity.

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-09-20T13:54:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 bernardorochacarvalho.pdf: 796888 bytes, checksum: 259492db299d8a5d0075657e61d7a973 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-10-01T19:10:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 bernardorochacarvalho.pdf: 796888 bytes, checksum: 259492db299d8a5d0075657e61d7a973 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-10-01T19:10:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 bernardorochacarvalho.pdf: 796888 bytes, checksum: 259492db299d8a5d0075657e61d7a973 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-06-26 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Estudo que objetiva investigar a atuação de parlamentares da Assembleia de Minas nas ocasiões do golpe de Estado de 1964 e da extinção dos partidos políticos que teve efeito com o segundo Ato Institucional em 1965. Parte-se da constatação da escassez de estudos que abordem as consequências do golpe sobre os parlamentos estaduais e os partidos políticos em nível regional. A pesquisa situa-se no campo da histórica política e trata, especificamente, da 5ª Legislatura (1963-1967) da Assembleia de Minas, cuja cronologia compreende os acontecimentos mais críticos para a consolidação do regime no que tange ao seu domínio sobre a vida política nacional, ou seja, além do golpe, a promulgação do primeiro Ato Institucional, a eleição, pelo Congresso, do então general Castelo Branco para a presidência, a cassação do mandato de senador e dos direitos políticos do ex-presidente Juscelino Kubitscheck e a promulgação do Ato Institucional n° 2, que extinguiu os partidos existentes e encerrou o sistema político-partidário que vigorou durante a 4ª República (1945-1964). Pretendeu-se realizar um estudo em profundidade particularmente das atuações das bancadas dos três maiores partidos (PTB, UDN e PSD) em resposta a eventos chave daquela crise política, enfatizando-se o momento do golpe (abril de 1964 – Capítulos 1 e 2) e o da extinção dos partidos (outubro de 1965 – Capítulo 3). / The study aims to investigate the proceedings of parliamentarian representatives of the Minas Gerais State Assembly in the occasions of the 1964 coup d’Etat and of the dissolution of the political parties that took effect with the second Institutional Act of 1965. It is based on the acknowledgment of the scarcity of studies about the consequences of the coup over the state parliaments and the political parties at a regional level. The research is situated in the field of the political history and addresses specifically the 5th Legislature (1963-1967), whose chronology includes the most critical events to the consolidation of the military regime regarding its dominance over the nation’s political life, that is, besides the coup itself, the promulgation of the first Institutional Act, the election by the Congress of the general Castelo Branco to the presidency, the cassation of the former president Juscelino Kubitscheck’s political rights and mandate in the Senate and the promulgation of the second Institutional Act, that dissolved all the existing political parties and ended the political system that existed during the 4th Republic (1945-1964). It was intended to focus specifically at the proceedings of the three major party benches of the Minas Gerais Assembly (PTB, UDN and PSD) regarding the key events of that political crisis, emphasizing the moment of the coup itself (April 1964 – Chapter 1 and 2) and the dissolution of the parties (October 1965 – Chapter 3).

Depuis plusieurs années, un nombre non négligeable d’Etats africains, sont confrontés à la problématique de la remise en cause des acquis démocratiques. Aussi, en 2008, l’actualité politique de la Mauritanie et la Guinée est-elle secouée par les coups d’Etat qui ont lieu respectivement en août et décembre. Au fil des jours qui s’égrènent, ces deux Etats entrent dans une crise politique avec un air de guerre larvé. La communauté internationale porte une attention particulière à l’évolution de ces derniers, d’autant plus qu’ils font partie, pour la Mauritanie, de la zone sahélosaharienne, et pour la Guinée, de la sous-région ouest-africaine, deux espaces géographiques en proie à l’instabilité. Ainsi, conformément aux dispositions prévues par le droit international, la communauté internationale au nom desquelles l’Union Africaine, la CÉDÉAO, la France et les Etats-Unis, s’implique afin de conduire le processus de sortie de crise dans chaque pays. La présente thèse investit de ce fait les contours de cet interventionnisme étranger, tout en mettant en lumière les facteurs déclencheurs sousjacent de ces deux crises politiques. Ce faisant, nous examinons les principes et enjeux fondamentaux régissant cette ingérence. Une dynamique qui, dans sa globalité, permet d’apprécier les postures contrastées adoptées par les acteurs étrangers face à chaque putschiste / Over many years, numerous African States are facing serious issues due to the reappraisal or challenges of their so called democratic political system. Also, in the year 2008, the existing political conditions in both Mauritania and Guinea were destroyed by a coup d'état known as coup (e.g., putsch, or an overthrow), respectively in August and December of the same year; And over the days, these two states entered into political crisis considered as implying actions to be taken or steps toward civil war. The international community is highly considering these above mentions two states, for they are respectively parts the very geographical spaces threatened by constant instability such as the Sahel-Saharan zone (e.g., Mauritania) and the west-African sub-region (e.g., Guinea). In accordance with regulations and provisions by international law, we could acknowledge the involvement of the international community amongst the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), France and the United States, in order to lead the post-crisis process in each country. This thesis endeavors to investigate all the aspects with respect of these foreign interventionists, while highlighting the factors that trigger off these two political crises. Meanwhile, this thesis contributes to examine the principles and fundamental stakeholders of this external interference from these countries. Hence, the overall system, allows understanding the versatility of external forces or foreign actors standing out each coup d'état or "stroke of state"

République du Congo, l’armée, en tant qu’ensemble de structures et de moyens militaires institutionnellement affectés à la mise en œuvre de la politique décidée par les autorités politiques pour assurer et garantir la défense nationale, est loin d’être l’auteur exclusif des coups d’Etat, même si, systématiquement, elle profite des conséquences politiques attachées à ceux-ci. En réalité, les coups d’Etat y sont la résultante d’une lutte entre plusieurs champs. Dans cette lutte, les acteurs des coups d’Etat, en fonction de leurs corpus idéologiques respectifs, mettent en place des stratégies dont la particularité n’est pas de se limiter au champ bureaucratique mais d’engager également la société appréhendée au regard de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux d’appartenance. Ainsi, mobilisent-ils, non seulement leurs propres capitaux (diplômes, profession), mais aussi les ressources de leurs groupes ethniques ou régionaux en vue de réaliser la conquête ou la conservation du pouvoir. Par le jeu complexe des solidarités idéologiques, ethniques ou corporatistes, les acteurs politiques tissent des alliances et, selon le cas, participent ou s’opposent à l’exécution des coups d’Etat. Sous ce rapport, les coups d’Etat, qui supposent une importante mobilisation stratégique, politique et matérielle de la part de ceux qui en forment le projet, se confondent à un mode de conquête du pouvoir assimilable formellement à l’élection, et s’inscrivent dans ce que Marcel Mauss nomme les faits sociaux totaux. Les leaders politiques appartenant aux ethnies minoritaires, ne pouvant accéder au pouvoir par voie démocratique, élaborent une stratégie de conquête de pouvoir prenant appui sur l’armée. Ainsi, détournée de sa mission traditionnelle de protection du territoire national face aux agressions extérieures, l’armée voit sa valeur opérationnelle diminuée. / In Republic of Congo, the army, as a whole of structures and average soldiers institutionally assigned to the implementation of the policy decided by the political authorities to ensure and guarantee national defense, is far from being the exclusive author of the coups d'etat, even if, systematically, it benefits from the political consequences attached to those. Actually, the coups d'etat are there the resultant of a fight between several fields. In this fight, the actors of the coups d'etat, according to their respective ideological corpora, set up strategies whose characteristic is not to limit themselves to the bureaucratic field but to also engage the company apprehended taking into consideration their ethnic or regional group of membership. Thus, they mobilize, not only their own capital (diplomas, profession), but also resources of their ethnic or regional groups in order to carry out the conquest or the conservation of the power. By the complex play of ideological solidarity, ethnic or corporatists, the political actors weave alliances and, according to the case, take part or are opposed to the execution of the coups d'etat. Under this report, the coups d'etat, which suppose an important strategic mobilization, political and material on behalf of those which form the project of it, merge with a mode of conquest of the power comparable formally to the election, and fit in what Marcel Mauss names the total social facts. The political leaders belonging to the minority ethnic groups, not being able to reach the power by democratic way, work out a strategy of conquest of fascinating power support on the army. Thus, diverted its traditional mission of protection of the national territory vis-a-vis the external aggressions, the army sees its decreased operational value.

Si les grandes coalitions gouvernementales sont parvenues à stabiliser la trajectoire politiquemalienne, les interventions militaires au Niger (1996, 1999, 2010) ont en revanche marqué leshésitations politico-prétoriennes à l’oeuvre et leurs conséquences sur le processus transitionnelglobal. Parce qu’elles répondent à plusieurs facteurs, les « formules » politiques et militaires derégulation des champs appellent par conséquent une réflexion plus générale sur : (i) le rôle del’histoire, des ressources et des stratégies dans la fixation des choix (institutionnels) despossibles ; (ii) les contextes globaux qui ordonnent les « logiques et mythologiques »d’interaction et participent à une délimitation, objective (i.e. « spontanée ») et subjective (i.e.stratégique), des solutions adaptées de gestion politique. Ce travail visera plus spécifiquement àcomprendre les « décloisonnements » stratégiques qui, dans des conjonctures non routinières,appellent la mobilisation de ressources objectivées et valorisées d’action, autorisent de largesregroupements (coalitions post-transitionnelles au Mali, collusions « transectorielles » oupolitico-militaires au Niger) et permettent finalement de tranquilliser la trajectoire politique deces Etats. / Whereas oversized coalitions successfully stabilized the Malian political path, the recurrentmilitary Coups in Niger (1996, 1999 and 2010) focused more on the politico-praetorianwonderings and their consequences for the transitional process. Then, the political and militarymodes of administration in Mali and Niger question: (i) the role of history, strategic resources andpolitical strategies in defining the institutional means of regulation; (ii) the general contextsshaping the “logics and mythologies” of interaction and defining the well-suited models ofpolitical control. This work will more specifically aim at understanding the strategic“decompartmentalization” which, first, orders the mobilization of objectivised and valorisedresources, then allows oversized groupings (post-transitional coalitions in Mali, “transectorial” orpolitico-military collusions in Niger) and finally reassure the political trajectories of those Stateswithin uncertain conjunctures.