Magister Legum - LLM / This thesis assessed the effectiveness of the Special Court in relation to the impact is has made in cultivating the rudiments of a human rights culture, dispensing justice, ending a culture of impunity, effecting unity and national reconciliation in post war Sierra Leone. / South Africa

O presente trabalho busca analisar criticamente a atual conformação da justiça penal internacional, identificando as principais dificuldades que enfrenta e propondo uma nova direção que possa servir a mitigar esses problemas e a atingir os fins que declara ter como objetivo. Segundo se pretendeu demonstrar nesta tese, a atual condição da justiça penal internacional, que evoluiu substancialmente no pós-Guerra Fria em conjunto com a proteção internacional dos direitos humanos, constitui-se sobre uma proposta unicamente repressiva. Esse modelo se manifesta no combate aos crimes universais pela priorização da atuação de tribunais penais internacionais e pela definição internacional de padrões obrigatórios a serem seguidos pelos Estados. Todavia, essa proposta padece de diversas dificuldades que podem ser resumidas em dois aspectos principais: tanto na sua incapacidade de se fazer executar, o que lhe retira a independência que se espera de um sistema judicial, quanto na sua indefinição quanto aos fins que persegue. Dessa forma, conclui-se que a aplicação da pena, no plano internacional, é um exercício político que demanda, portanto, limitação. Além disso, como resposta aos graves efeitos dos crimes universais, a justiça penal internacional precisa ser repensada segundo uma proposta também prospectiva que, aliada à repressão, possa servir à evitação de crimes universais e à garantia da paz e dos direitos humanos. Essa proposta é o que se denomina de política criminal universal. / This study aims to critically analyze the current conformation of international criminal justice, identifying the main difficulties that it faces and proposing a new direction that may serve to mitigate these problems and allow the achievement of the goals purposed by states in international arena. According to this thesis, the current status of the international criminal justice, which has evolved substantially in the post-Cold War together with the international protection of human rights, is based on a solely repressive proposal. This model manifests itself, regarding the combat of universal crimes, by priorizing the creation of international criminal courts and through the definition of international standards that are compulsory to States. However, this proposal suffers from several difficulties which can be summarized in two major points: its incapacity to enforce itself, which may endanger the essential independence required from a judicial system, and its inability in deciding its own goals. Thus, it is possible to conclude that the international imposition of a criminal sentence is a dangerous political exercise that demands limitation. Furthermore, in response to the serious effects of universal crimes, international criminal justice needs to be rethought according to a proposal that is also prospective, which, coupled with repression, can serve to the prevention of universal crimes and to ensure universal peace and human rights. This proposal is what is called a universal criminal policy.

Em diálogo com o contexto nacional e internacional de encarceramento em massa e de crise do sistema de justiça penal, os Juizados Especiais Criminais (Jecrims) surgem no Brasil com a dupla tarefa de em um contexto de redemocratização reduzir a complexidade no processamento de conflitos de pequena gravidade, sem deixar de puni-los ainda que levemente. Caracterizados por procedimentos de intervenção mais horizontalizados e flexíveis nos quais se estabelece, em tese, uma troca de interesses entre a justiça penal e as partes em conflito, em favor de uma resposta rápida para a vítima e menos dolorosa para o infrator, esse modo de fazer justiça tem sido chamado de justiça negocial. A partir da etnografia dos Juizados Especiais Criminais de São Bernardo do Campo, a pesquisa buscou compreender os sentidos de punição mobilizados nessas situações de negociação. Constatou-se que essas situações são influenciadas por processos de afirmação de identidades profissionais no campo da justiça, sobretudo a do promotor cujo protagonismo nessas cortes lhes confere uma dinâmica centrada na punição do infrator em detrimento da mediação do conflito. A abordagem etnográfica das audiências também permitiu verificar a predominância de um sistema de atribuição de sanções fortemente marcado por estratégias gestionárias, mas também por finalidades clássicas da pena. Nesse jogo de influências predominam sanções de cunho monetário e a tímida recorrência do trabalho comunitário como forma de punição. Com o intuito de melhor compreender as razões dessa timidez, a pesquisa teve um segundo momento etnográfico dedicado à Central de Penas e Medidas Alternativas de São Bernardo do Campo. Lá foi possível verificar que a reticência em relação a essa modalidade punitiva relaciona-se aos desafios de tornar o serviço comunitário obrigatório uma punição credível para promotores e juízes. Desse modo, conclui-se que o sistema de sanções mobilizado na justiça negocial, uma justiça em princípio alternativa, guarda, mesmo que de maneira leve, uma tradicional semântica do sofrimento. / In dialogue with the national and international contexts of mass imprisonment and criminal justice systems crisis, the Juizados Especiais Criminais (Special Criminal Courts) emerge in Brazil with two scopes: reducing the complexity of minor crimes procedure without stop punishing minor crime even in a soft way. By using horizontal and flexible intervention procedures in which it creates, theoretically, an exchange of interests between criminal justice and conflict parts, favoring a quickly and less painful answer for both parts, this kind of doing justice has been called by bargaining justice. Through ethnography of the Special Criminal Courts of Sao Bernardo do Campo, the research aimed to understand the meanings of punishment mobilized on these bargaining situations. The research revealed that these situations are influenced by the process of affirmation of professional identities in the justice field, especially the prosecutor\'s identity which leadership in these special courts creates a particular dynamic centered on the criminal punishment and not on the conflict mediation. The ethnographic approach of the special courts hearings also made possible verifying the predominance of a system of sanctions attribution characterized substantially by management strategies and also by classical theories of punishment. In this influence play, the forms of punishment that prevail are mainly monetary sanctions and only barely community service. To understand the reasons for the lack of community service application, the research had a second ethnographic moment at the Center of Alternative Punishments and Measures of Sao Bernardo do Campo. Thus, it was possible to verify that the lack of confidence about this kind of punishment is related to the challenges of making the community service mandatory, a reliable punishment for prosecutors and judges. The dissertation concludes that the sanction system mobilized in the bargaining justice, theoretically an alternative justice, keeps a traditional semantic of suffering even in a soft way.

Orientador: Andrei Koener / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T18:32:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_MarrielleMaiaAlves_D.pdf: 2775647 bytes, checksum: b0cda201d9f8a77758515e61d56a312c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo estudar a política dos Estados Unidos para o Tribunal Penal Internacional do ponto de vista da estratégia da política externa norte-americana. O período de análise refere-se ao imediato pós Guerra Fria, quando o tema da criação de tribunais internacionais voltou para a agenda internacional, compreendido nos anos das administrações George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), Bill Clinton (1993-2000) e George W. Bush (2001-2008). Partiu-se da constatação das diferenças no tratamento dispensado pelas Presidências norte-americanas aos instrumentos de justiça internacional. Com vistas a apreciar o significado dessas diferenças o trabalho foi dividido em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo dedica-se a apresentar os antecedentes históricos da criação do Tribunal Penal Internacional e seus aspectos institucionais, com atenção especial para o papel dos Estados Unidos no processo de negociação do referido documento. Em seguida, o segundo capítulo apresenta como o tema se insere no tradicional debate da política internacional e da política externa norte-americana com repercussões para o estudo da grande estratégia dos Estados Unidos. No terceiro capítulo, são examinados os relatórios de estratégia de segurança nacional dos governos estudados com o propósito de contribuir para o estudo das variações da política externa dos Estados Unidos para os instrumentos de justiça internacional. Por fim, o quarto capítulo examina a política de oposição ao Tribunal Penal Internacional durante a administração George W. Bush. A conclusão do trabalho traz considerações sobre o consenso subjacente às posições dos Estados Unidos sobre o Tribunal Penal Internacional e, mais genericamente, os regimes internacionais de direitos humanos, e também as dimensões específicas do dissenso observado no discurso dos governos estudados. Esses dissensos dizem respeito aos valores norte-americanos e as distintas interpretações sobre o grau de comprometimento do Estado com uma instituição permanente de justiça internacional / Abstract: The present research has as its objective an examination of the policies of the United States with regard to the International Penal Court from the perspective of the American foreign policy strategy. For the analysis, the review begins with the end of the "cold war" period. As a time of interest in the creation of international courts, the presidencies of George H. W. Bush (1989-1992), William Jefferson "Bill" Clinton 1993-2000) and George W. Bush (2001-2008) are considered. With the beginning of differences in the treatment given by the different North American presidents, variation in the use of instruments of international justice can be perceived. In order to appreciate the meaning of these differences the present analysis has been divided in four chapters. The first chapter is devoted to the presentation of historical antecedents of the creation of the International Criminal Court and its institutional aspects. Special attention is given to the role of the United States in the process of negotiation of the document. Following this, in the second chapter the theme of international justice is inserted into the international political debate, as well as the American foreign policy debate, with implications for the U.S. grand strategy. The third chapter examines reports elaborated on strategies of national security of individual governments with the goal of contributing to the study of variations in North American foreign policy, in view of international justice. Finally, the fourth chapter examines the policy of opposition to the International Penal Court during the administration of George W. Bush. The conclusion of the analysis presents considerations as to the underlying consensus of the positions of the United States regarding the International Criminal Court. In general, the positions of the international regimes as to human rights and specific dimensions of opposition in the discourse of the governments involved are observed. These dimensions represent North American values and the distinct interpretations of the level of commitment of the US Government as a permanent institution of international justice / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-11-03T18:11:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_ailton_alfredo_souza.pdf: 1222716 bytes, checksum: 56cee53a913a725a123ee1ed3fbea1b6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-11-03T18:11:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_ailton_alfredo_souza.pdf: 1222716 bytes, checksum: 56cee53a913a725a123ee1ed3fbea1b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-12-14 / This dissertation investigates the legal institute of the penal transaction applied within the grounds of the Special Criminal Court and its relation with the constitutional principles that guarantee fundamental rights for the citizens in the legal process area. It will be studied the correlation between the concepts of process and procedure and the practice of each procedural act which culminates in the penal transaction: since the transcription of the Detailed Occurrence Term by the police authority to the Preliminary Hearing. The starting point of this investigation is the eventual tension between the legal process principles which is a way of guaranteeing the legal jurisdiction service and the search for efficiency of the penal jurisdiction service as a way of undermining the legal guarantees due to the imbalance of this equation in the current practice of the penal transaction. The investigation starts from a bibliographical revision about the subject and also the analysis of statistical data about the typology of the occurrences and the nature of the legal sentences handed down in the year of 2009 in the Special Criminal Court of the State of Pernambuco. Samples of real cases submitted to the criminal courts are analyzed in order to confront the praxis of the penal transaction with the legal process principles used as basis for that matter. This research demonstrate the existence of the imbalance between garantism and efficiency in the praxis of the Penal Transaction in Brazil and it proposes the basis to materialize this institute together with the constitutional process principles, specially the principle of the due process of law and its corollaries of the wide defense and contradictory. / Esta dissertação investiga o instituto jurídico da transação penal, aplicado no âmbito dos Juizados Criminais e a sua relação com os princípios constitucionais que garantem aos cidadãos direitos fundamentais de natureza processual, inclusive. São estudados a correlação entre os conceitos de processo e procedimento e a prática de cada ato procedimental que culminam com a transação penal: da lavratura do Termo Circunstanciado de Ocorrência pela autoridade policial à Audiência Preliminar. O ponto de partida da investigação é a eventual tensão entre os princípios processuais de viés garantista e a busca pela eficiência da prestação da tutela jurisdicional penal, como geradora de déficit de garantias por causa do desequilíbrio dessa equação na atual prática da transação penal. A investigação parte de uma revisão de bibliografia sobre o tema e também da análise de dados estatísticos a respeito da tipologia penal das ocorrências e sobre a natureza das sentenças prolatadas no ano de 2009, nos Juizados Criminais do Estado de Pernambuco. São analisadas amostras de casos reais submetidos a juízo para cotejar a prática da transação penal com os princípios processuais que a informam. A pesquisa demonstra a existência de desequilíbrio entre garantismo e eficiência na prática da Transação Penal no Brasil e propõe bases para concretização do instituto sob o pálio dos princípios processuais constitucionais, notadamente do devido processo legal e seus corolários da ampla defesa e do contraditório.

On 18 November 2010, the Court of Justice of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) held that legal reforms adopted by Senegal in 2007 to incorporate international crimes into the national Penal Code to enable its domestic courts to prosecute Hissene Habre for, among others, crimes against humanity committed in Chad twenty years before, violated the principle of legality, specifically the principle against non-retroactivity of criminal law. The court held that such crimes could be prosecuted only by a hybrid tribunal with the jurisdiction to try Habre for the international crimes based on general principles of law common to the community of nations. Some scholars opined that the ECOWAS decision was wrong, stating that the crimes in question were criminalised already under international law and that Senegal‟s legal reforms simply served jurisdictional purposes. Given that, as a core component of the principle of legality, the role of non-retroactivity is to prohibit the creation of new crimes and their application to past conduct, the opinions of such scholars may hold true. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / nf2012 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Le Canada a connu des changements importants pendant la pandémie de COVID-19. Les tribunaux criminels n’ont pas fait exception puisqu’ils ont dû fermer leurs portes et reprendre leur travail au compte-goutte. Il s’agissait d’un changement opérationnel sans précédent qui a nécessité plusieurs ajustements. Compte tenu de la nouveauté de cette pandémie au Canada, on trouve peu de recherches empiriques sur ses impacts sur les tribunaux. Pour combler cette lacune, j’ai cherché à répondre à la question suivante : Comment les tribunaux criminels de l’Ontario ont-ils adapté leurs pratiques judiciaires pour faire face à la pandémie COVID-19 ? Cette thèse a utilisé des sources de données à la fois qualitatives et quantitatives. Plus précisément, des observations et des entretiens approfondis avec des avocats et des juges, couplés aux données administratives des tribunaux criminels, ont été utilisés pour explorer la manière dont les pratiques judiciaires ont changé pendant la pandémie. Cette thèse s’intéresse à plusieurs changements tels que la transition vers les comparutions à distance, les modifications dans la prise en charge des dossiers et l'évolution des usages de l'incarcération. Elle s’intéresse aux facteurs qui font que certains changements ont plus de probabilité de perdurer après la pandémie. J’en conclus que des changements dans le système de justice sont possibles, mais qu’ils se heurtent bien souvent à des résistances importantes. Ainsi, un élément clé pour soutenir le changement à long terme dans le système de justice consiste à collaborer et avoir l’appui du personnel de première ligne qui est responsable d’appliquer les changements. Cette thèse permet de mieux comprendre comment le système de justice réagit sous pression, mais elle permet une réflexion plus générale sur les transformations possibles dans le système de justice. / Canada underwent significant shifts during the COVID-19 pandemic. Its criminal courts were no exception as they were forced to shutter their doors and slow their work to a trickle. This was an unprecedented operational change for courts in this country that required a response. Given the novelty of this pandemic in Canada, it is understandable that relatively little empirical research has been conducted on its impacts in the courts. To address this gap, I sought to detail and analyze the changes that Ontario’s criminal justice system underwent following the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, asking How did the criminal courts in Ontario adapt in-court practices to navigate the COVID-19 pandemic? This thesis made use of both qualitative and quantitative data sources. Specifically, court observations and in-depth interviews with justice actors coupled with administrative court data were used to explore how court practices changed during the pandemic. This thesis detailed how several changes in the court system occurred, such as the transition to remote appearances, changing case processing patterns, and changing uses of incarceration. It also discussed how some of these changes may have different likelihoods of outlasting the pandemic. I conclude that change in the system is possible, but it can face significant resistance. Thus, a key element to supporting change in the criminal justice system is by engaging with frontline staff who will be responsible for implementing any changes. This thesis provides a greater understanding of how the system reacts under pressure and how it may be able to adapt in the future. Though undertaken in an emergency context, conclusions may still inform others of what changes may be possible moving forward.

The principle of complementarity is a tool used to punish the commission of core international crimes. A concerted approach is required to combat war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and aggression. The Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court needs to fully appreciate the express and implied discretionary powers of states to ensure all possible accountability mechanisms are explored. Failure by the Prosecutor to do so results in missed opportunities to capitalise on various options related to the proper application of complementarity. Therefore, there is a need for consultations to establish that the International Criminal Court and prosecutions can no longer exist without competing alternatives preferred by states. The current misunderstandings on the application of complementarity are rooted in unresolved state and prosecutorial discretions. The endangering of state discretion threatens the integrity and credibility of the International Criminal Court. The unaddressed question of state discretion is also at the centre of disputes between the African Union and the International Criminal Court. Grey areas in the application of complementarity are clearly visible through the inconsistency and diversity of the International Criminal Court decisions and frequent prosecutorial policy proclamations. As a result, prosecutorial discretion needs to be checked. Prosecutorial discretion is checked at the United Nations, International Criminal Court and state levels. The checks at regional level and by non-prosecutorial options need to be explored. The call is for the International Criminal Court not to neglect the legal-political environment which the Court operates in. The environment is essential in demarcating the exercise of discretions. The Kenyatta case is illustrative of the need to invent an interpretation that reflects the evolving theory to practice reality. The development or amendment of a prosecutorial policy is desirable to give guidance on the value, circumstances and priority accorded to justice. The policy should be comprehensive enough to accommodate mechanisms which advocate for strengthened state discretion. For instance, African Union instruments and treaties reveal that the respect of state discretion is one of the core principles of the African Union system. / Public, Constitutional, and International Law / LL.D.

During the 1990s Yugoslavia and Rwanda were swept by wars accompanied by serious violations of international humanitarian law. Grave and severe crimes wiped away lives and destroyed properties. The United Nations Security Council determined that the violations committed constituted threats to international peace and security, declaring itself empowered to take action. It established international ad hoc criminal tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda with the mandate of prosecuting individuals responsible for those crimes as an enforcement measure under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Investigating the tribunals’ effectiveness enables one to assess whether they achieved the anticipated outcomes based on the tribunals’ mission, goals, and objectives without creating other problems. The research relies on naturalism and positivism to put the tribunals in a moral and ethical perspective. By examining how the tribunals were established, their objectives, the investigation and prosecution processes, the reliance on guilty plea and judicial notice and the imputation of criminal responsibility by applying joint criminal enterprise and command responsibility doctrines; the study argues that prosecution has not been an effective tool as contemplated by the Security Council. An analytical and comparative review of various domestic and international legal resources helped to provide an insightful approach for an effective prosecution of international crimes. Credible, legitimate and legal judicial institutions in which professional judges and prosecutors discharge their function independently, impartially and are accountable may achieve justice for the victims of international crimes. Ad hoc tribunals failed to thoroughly investigate and assume the dual role of prosecution. They conveniently used legal procedural tools that fit petty domestic crimes; unfortunately demeaning the magnitude of international crimes of concern. Criminal responsibility was mostly imputed without properly scrutinising the legality, extent, actual participation and guilty mind of the alleged perpetrators. Effectiveness should be a value assessment. Imposed and overburdened ad hoc tribunals are inappropriate and should be abandoned. / Public, Constitutional, & International / LLD

D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics) / This study is an exploration of transitional justice mechanisms available to post conflict communities. It is a context sensitive and sustained interrogation of the effectiveness of endogenous transitional justice mechanisms in post-colonial Zimbabwe. The study utilised Ruti Teitel’s (1997: 2009-2080) realist/idealist theory as its theoretical framework. Using the case of Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular, it analyses the application of imported idealist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly International Criminal Court (ICC) trials. It also debates the efficacy of realist transitional justice mechanisms, mainly the South African model of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).The study explores the application of what it terms broad realist transitional justice mechanisms used mostly in rural areas of Zimbabwe to achieve peace building and reconciliation. These modes of everyday healing and reconciliation include the traditional institutions of ngozi (avenging spirit), botso (self-shaming), chenura (cleansing ceremonies), nhimbe (community working groups) and nyaradzo (memorials). The key finding of this exploration is that local realist transitional justice mechanisms are more efficacious in fostering peace building and reconciliation than imported idealist mechanisms such as the ICC trials and imported realist mechanisms such as the TRC. More value can be realised when imported realist mechanisms and local realist transitional justice mechanisms complement each other. The study contributes to the literature on transitional justice in general and bottom-up, victim-centred reconciliation in particular. It offers a different approach to the study of transitional justice in post conflict Zimbabwe by recasting the debate away from the liberal peace paradigm which critiques state centric top-down approaches such as trials, clemencies, amnesties and institutional reform. The study considers the agency of ‘ordinary’ people in resolving the after effects of politically motivated harm. It also lays the foundation for further research into other traditional transitional justice mechanisms used for peace building and reconciliation elsewhere in Africa / Political Sciences