The expansion of prison privatisation presents distinctive traits. One of them is its peculiar temporal expansion in a comparative point of view. This research focuses on the intrastate temporal expansion and more specifically in the case of England and Wales. What is researched is the reason behind the delay in the emergence of prison privatisation, in other words the asynchrony between the introduction of general and prison privatisation policies. This Thesis rejects explanatory frameworks based on historical analogies, pragmatic concerns or economic arguments and puts the explanation in a discourse of political interaction. In this framework, previous approaches related to the concept of globalisation, commodification of citizenry and political culture do not provide either suitable analytical tools in explaining the asynchrony in question. This research, instead, aims to bring forward the class struggle as catalytic agent in criminal justice system developments using a Structural Marxist concept of the State and its transformations. In the Capitalist Mode of Production the State acquires a unifying role among the contradicting classes by promoting the supposed general interest of the society, in order to allow the continuation of class domination and labour exploitation. This is feasible through the constantly unfolding hegemonic strategy which organizes the cohesion of the power bloc and disorganizes the dominated classes. Hegemonic strategy substantiates in the State Apparatuses which is not just a tool for policy making but rather a point where contradicting class powers condense; policy formation as such reflects the vector of class power in the apparatuses. Hegemonic strategy is set in motion by the State Personnel which is relatively independent knot in the transmission of domination between the power bloc and the dominated classes. State transformations are indications of this strategy since they inscribe in the structure of the State the vector of the class struggle. Hegemonic strategy took interesting contours after the mid-‘60s. The capital over-accumulation crisis on the one hand and on the other Authoritarian Statism promoted extensive State transformations as in the case of privatisations. Massive reactions, however, caused by the labour movement, required their containment and consequently a smoothly operating criminal justice system. The entrenchment of prison officers, therefore, from the wider changes in the labour status became crucial and a state transformation in itself, although by absence. This explains the delay of prison privatisation which appears indeed at the end of a long socially unstable period.

This work deals with the financing of the state budget deficit in the Czech Republic through the issue of government bonds. There is listed the characteristics of each type of government bonds, the allocation of government bonds according to the type of instrument, by type of holder, and according to maturity and development in the years 1997 - 2008. It is also monitoring the impact of financial crisis on the market of government bonds mainly in 2008. The last part of this work is focused on the government bond market in the Slovak Republic for the purpose of comparison with the Czech Republic.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-11-09T13:18:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Oswaldo Poll Costa_.pdf: 1784928 bytes, checksum: bdd33a17a8783e9574c65665763c7e78 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-09T13:18:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Oswaldo Poll Costa_.pdf: 1784928 bytes, checksum: bdd33a17a8783e9574c65665763c7e78 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-11 / Nenhuma / O presente estudo aborda, inicialmente, a íntima conexão entre fenômenos jurídicos com ampla repercussão em território nacional – o ativismo judicial e o garantismo penal – e o contexto mundial de crise do Estado Moderno. Entretanto, partindo de uma análise histórica, busca-se demonstrar que esses fenômenos seguem uma linha de teorias que foram importadas pelos pensadores nacionais, mas que aqui adquiriram um novo significado, colaborando – diferentemente do que vaticinam em tese – mais para a conservação das estruturas fundamentais de nossa sociedade do que para a sua transformação. Acabam, assim, por contribuir com a manutenção de uma sociedade autoritária e desigual. Conclui-se, portanto, que o ativismo judicial praticado no Brasil é uma contradição. Ao mesmo tempo em que busca inspiração na prática judiciária e na produção acadêmica de outros países, ele é essencialmente nacional pois assumiu aqui um sentido próprio, claramente ligado às características intrínsecas de nosso país. São abordadas algumas dessas características, visando a demonstrar sua íntima conexão com nossa tradição autoritária. Seguindo a mesma linha, pretende-se demonstrar que quando as garantias constitucionais não são uniformemente asseguradas a todos, elas perdem o seu caráter de garantias, funcionando como uma espécie de privilégios, dos quais só gozam com segurança aqueles indivíduos que tem condições financeiras para custear uma defesa consistente em uma eventual ação penal. Desse modo, o estigma social deixado pelo cárcere acaba recaindo majoritariamente naqueles indivíduos pertencentes às camadas mais pobres da população, diminuindo radicalmente qualquer chance de ascensão social destas pessoas, bem como do grupo social que os rodeia, colaborando, assim, para a manutenção da desigualdade social. Esses fatores, em conjunto, dificultam sobremaneira a efetiva concretização de direitos fundamentais/humanos em nossa sociedade. / The present study approaches, initially, the intimate connection between legal phenomena with wide repercussion in Brazil - judicial activism and penal garantism - and the global context of crisis of the modern State. Nevertheless, starting from a historical analysis, we seek to demonstrate these phenomena follow a tradition of theories imported by national authors, that here acquired a new meaning, collaborating - unlike what they predict in thesis - more for the maintenance of our society’s structures than for its transformation. Thus, they contribut to the maintenance of an authoritarian and unequal society. We concluded, therefore, that the judicial activism practiced in Brazil is a contradiction. Concomitantly, it seeks inspiration in judicial practice and in the academic production of other countries and it is essentially Brazilian, because it has taken on its own meaning, connected to the intrinsic characteristics of our country. Some of these characteristics are approached in order to demonstrate their close connection with our authoritarian tradition. Following the same reasoning, we try to demonstrate when the constitutional guarantees are not uniformly assured to all, they lose their essential character, functioning like privileges, of which only enjoy those individuals that can afford a consistent defense in a eventual criminal action. Thereby, the social stigma left by the jail ends up falling on those individuals belonging to the poorest strata of the population, radically reducing any chance of their social ascension, as well as of the social group that surrounds them, collaborating for the maintenance of inequality. These factors, together, hamper the effective realization of fundamental / human rights in our society.

L’internationalité est une notion envahissante. En modifiant le rapport à l’espace, la mondialisation l’a rendue omniprésente, elle l’a banalisée, mais dans le même temps elle annonce aussi peut-être son dépassement dans un monde globalisé. Saisir ce qui fait l’internationalité d’une situation est une opération délicate. Le droit de l’arbitrage la rend pourtant inéluctable en raison du régime propre qu’il dédie à l’arbitrage international. L’internationalité factuelle peut tenir à des considérations diverses. Mais l’internationalité en droit est une affaire de choix, de politique. Entre une approche formelle de l’internationalité, axée sur la procédure elle-même, et une approche matérielle centrée sur la matière du litige, les enjeux sont importants. C’est la place concédée à la volonté des parties qui est en cause, et, par-delà, la propension que peut avoir l’État à ne pas abandonner toute prérogative dans le fonctionnement ou les suites de cette justice qui entend se placer hors de son emprise… Mais l’internationalité ne peut-elle pas elle-même s’affranchir du regard de l’État ? / Internationality is an invasive concept. In changing our relationship with space, globalisation has rendered internationality omnipresent, it has trivialised it, and at the same time it has perhaps announced the overtaking of internationality in a globalised world as well. To grasp what makes the internationality of a situation is a delicate matter. However, arbitration law makes it unavoidable because of the specific regulations it applies to international arbitration. The fact of internationality can depend on a variety of considerations. But internationality in law is a matter of choice and politics. There are important issues at stake between a formal approach to internationality – based on the procedure itself, and a practical approach – based on the subject under litigation. It is the importance given to the free will of the parties that is in question, and beyond that, the propensity of the State not to abandon all prerogatives in the operation of this justice which extends beyond its sphere of influence… But can’t internationality itself be liberated from the control of the State ?

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:17:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo tem como objetivo evidenciar que as Ações Afirmativas caracterizam-se como um importante instrumento para a realização do princípio da igualdade material ou substancial, frente a um Estado que passa hoje por diversas crises em sua estrutura. Para tanto, a análise traz um estudo acerca destas crises presentes, trata do direito fundamental à dignidade da pessoa humana e principalmente à igualdade e detém-se, por último, nas Ações Afirmativas. Procura-se, assim, demonstrar que os direitos fundamentais podem vir expressos tanto em princípios como em regras constitucionais, e que a igualdade, direito fundamental de primeira dimensão, não pode ser compreendida sob uma ótica puramente formal-subjetiva, própria do liberalismo. Conclui-se, então, que é imprescindível que o Estado deixe sua posição de neutralidade, cuja insuficiência já foi cabalmente constatada, e passe a promover a igualdade material-objetiva, que pode ser realizada por intermédio de Ações Afirmativas / This research has, as a goal, to make evident that the affirmative action is an important instrument to the fulfillment of a material or substantial equality, in a state that is passing through many crisis in its structure. With the analysis comes a study about the current crisis, fundamental rights to human dignity, with a special focus in the fundamental right to equality, passing to a direct approach to the affirmative action. With this, hopes to demonstrate that the fundamental rights may come in the form of constitutional principles or rules, and that the equality, as a first dimension fundamental right, cannot be understood by a purely formal subjective logic, inherent to liberalism. The conclusion is that it’s necessary that the State abandons a position of neutrality, which has a well proved insufficiency, and start to promote an material-objective equality, that can be achieved with the use of affirmative actions

Critical infrastructure (CI) is one of the most important branches in crisis man-agement. In recent years, CI demonstrated its importance on many occasions. My work is focused on the analysis of risks which can be a possible threat to CI. This is because the most important part of securing CI is the prevention of, and prepara-tion for, interruptions or damage. The risks in this part were specified using a FRAP analysis. I also identify the main reciprocal dependencies of all CI sectors to demonstrate which sector is the most important one. Finally, I specify the process of recovering or restoring these CI sectors. A new method was intentionally used for analytical-synthetic models. This method, in conjunction with the use of a FRAP analysis, is new to the branch of crisis management and was used for first time. The main aim of my work is to improve knowledge about CI at a regional level {--} city of České Budějovice. I submit new ways of identifying risks and resolv-ing problems during the recovery phase {--} specialized in CI.

Depuis les années 2000, la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité fait partie des politiques publiques internationales préconisées par la Communauté internationale pour permettre la gestion de crise de l’Etat et la transition de la guerre à la paix. Faisant suite à l’échec de l’aide au développement, qui a insisté sur l’absence d’appropriation locale comme la cause fondamentale, la communauté internationale fait appel à une véritable appropriation locale de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’étude se propose d’analyser l’opérationnalisation de cette notion d’appropriation locale dans le contexte de la Réforme du secteur de la sécurité au Burundi. Cette thèse se pose la question de savoir pourquoi les acteurs internationaux en sont arrivés à poser l’appropriation locale comme une condition de la réforme du secteur de la sécurité. L’analyse est basée sur trois indicateurs :la conviction des acteurs locaux, la formulation et la mise en œuvre des réformes, et la coordination des acteurs et des activités de réforme ;et se focalise sur les données empiriques recueillies au sujet du processus de la réforme de la police nationale du Burundi. L’étude montre que l’appropriation locale est une stratégie mobilisée par les acteurs internationaux pour banaliser leurs interventions et transférer leurs modèles de réforme en s’appuyant sur les intentionnalités de responsabilité et de souveraineté des acteurs locaux que véhicule cette notion. Cette étude conclut que dans le contexte de la crise de l’Etat, la notion d’appropriation locale est un discours qui affermit l’interventionnisme international en donnant l’illusion d’accorder plus de place aux acteurs locaux dans la conduite des réformes. <p>//<p>Since the 2000s, Security Sector Reform is one of the international public policies advocated by the International community in order to deal with the state crisis and the transition from war to peace. Due to the failure of development aid which emphasized the lack of local ownership as its root cause, the International community calls for a genuine local ownership of the Security Sector Reform. This study analyses the operationalization of the concept of local ownership in the context of the Security sector reform in Burundi. This thesis raises the question of why international actors have come to consider local ownership as a condition of Security sector reform. The analysis is based on three indicators: the conviction of local actors, the formulation and implementation of reforms, and the coordination of actors and reform activities, and is focused on empirical data about the Burundi National police reform process. The study shows that local ownership is a strategy mobilized by international actors to both trivialize their interventions and transfer their reform models while the genuine intentionality of the notion is one of responsibility and sovereignty of local actors. This study concludes that in the context of the crisis of the state, local ownership notion is a discourse that strengthens the international interventionism in giving the illusion of more space given to local actors in the implementation of reforms.<p> / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The subject of this dissertation thesis is investigating the issue of the German ethnic group status in inter-war Czechoslovakia shown in the example of the Nejdek political district with the emphasis on the major and crucial aspects of social life - politics, economic and social issues while the assistance and support elements include: demographics, border issues, the presence of the Czech ethnic group, a preview of own (German) history and the development of churches and religion. The Nejdek political district is set within a framework of regional history with regard to the historical context of the development of Czechoslovakia, or even of the world in some cases. The regional history presented here in the form of a probe from the perspective of great historical events and partly through micro-history aim to build on the broad source base and capture the impacts and effects of national policies on shaping of the Nejdek region and its inhabitants. In some ways, when possible of course, research methods are applied. Overall, the work is to fill the so-called white gaps in the regional historiography, since the books or studies published so far have been focusing only on partial, closely regionally defined topics and only comprehensive work, which the author of this paper attempts, could therefore...