Frans Hendrik Odendaal is in 1898 op Kimberley gebore. Hy het sy jeugjare op Boshof deurgebring en matrikuleer in 1916. Deur privaatstudie kwalifiseer hy in 1927 as prokureur. Hy is in 1919 met Magdalena Petronella du Plessis getroud. Uit hierdie huwelik is vier dogters gebore. Na h kart wewenaarskap tree hy in 1948 met Magdalena Jacoba Truter in die huwelik. Uit hierdie huwelik is twee dogters gebore, terwyl hy die dogters uit Magdalena Truter se vorige huwelik wettiglik aangeneem het. In 1928 vestig Odendaal horn as prokureur op Nylstroom w~ar hy by sy vennoot, adv J G Strijdom se politieke bedrywighede inskakel. In 1938 word hy lid van die Nasionale Party van Transvaal se Inligtingsburo. Gedurende die Tweede Wereldoorlog was hy vir h kort tydperk Kommandant van die OssewaBrandwag in die Waterberg. In 1948 is hy tot L P R vir Waterberg verkies en in 1952 tot L U K. In 1958 is hy as Administrateur van Transvaal benoem. Hy het geskiedenis in Transvaal gemaak deurdat hy die eerste Administrateur was wat uit die geledere van die Provinsiale Raad in die gesogte pas benoem is. Odendaal het bekendheid verwerf as eerste voorsitter van TRUK en vir sy aandeel in die bevordering en opbou van die kunste in Transvaal. Insgelyks het hy kuns in Suid-Afrika op h ordelike grondslag geplaas. Hy kan as een van die grondleggers van georganiseerde streekrade vir die kunste in Suid-Afrika beskou word. As Administrateur het hy horn verder onderskei as onderwysvernuwer en bevorderaar van snelboumetodes in die provinsiale geboue-program in Transvaal. Voorts het hy baie bygedra tot die groat ontwikkeling op nywerheids- en verkeersgebied in sy provinsie. Tussen 1952 en 1966 was hy ononderbroke voorsitter van die Nasionale Parkeraad. Hy was deels daarvoor verantwoordelik dat di~ organisasie tot h winsgewende en ordelike besigheidsonderneming uitgebou is. In die proses het hy natuurbewaring in die hele Suid-Afrika bevorder. Hy was oak voorsitter van die veelbesproke Kommissie van ondersoek na aangeleenthede in Suidwes-Afrika en kan beskou word as die vader van vernuwing en ontwikkeling in moderne Namibie. Hy is in 1966 na h hartaanval oorlede. / Frans Hendrik Odendaal was born at Kimberley -in 1898. He grew up in Boshof where he matriculated in 1916. Through private studies he quaiified as an attorney in 1927. He married Magdalena Petronella du PlessLs in 1919. Four daughters were born from this marriage. In 1948, after a short period as a widower, he married Magdalena Jacoba Truter. Two daughters were born from this marriage, while he legally adopted Magdalena Truter's two daughters from a previous marriage. In 1928 Odendaal settled at Nylstroom and practised as an attorney. He became involved with the political activities of his partner, adv J G Strijdom, and in 1938 he became a member of the National Party's Bureau of Information. During the Second World War he acted for a short period as Commandant of the Ossewa Brandwag in the Waterberg district. In 1948 he was elected M P C for Waterberg and in 1952 became M E C. In 1958 he was nominated as Administrator of Transvaal. He made history by becoming the first Transvaal Administrator to be selected from the ranks of the Provincial Council. Odendaal distinquished himself as the first Chairman of P A C T and for promoting the performing arts in Transvaal. At the same time he placed the performing arts on a sound footing in South Africa. He can be regarded as one of the founders of regional councils for the performing arts in South Africa. As Administrator he excelled as educational innovator in his province, and he also promoted quick building methods in the provincial building programme. He also contributed towards the development of industries and transport in his province. For the entire period between 1952 and 1966 he was chairman cf the National Parks Board. Due partially to his edeavours, the Board was developed into a profitable business organisation. In the process he played an important role in developing and promoting nature conservation throughout South Africa. He was also chairman of the commission of enquiry into the affairs of South West Africa and can be considered the father of development and renewal in modern Namibia. He- died of a heart attack in 1966. / History

No description available.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Performing Arts Councils (PACs) have been the primary recipients of national public funding for the performing arts, accounting for nearly half of the arts and culture budget of the Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology (DACST). They had to be restructured in order to free public resources for allocation to other disciplines and areas in need of redress. The four PACs addressed in this study are The Playhouse Company (Durban), Artscape (Cape Town), PACOFS (Bloemfontein), and the Spoornet State Theatre (Pretoria). The purpose of the study was to determine whether or not the PACs had achieved the transformation goals as defined by DACST. The research was approached from a qualitative perspective to ensure that as much nuanced information as possible was collected within a limited timeframe and financial constraints. Where necessary, as in analysis of staff and expenditure, quantitative analyses were undertaken. The study found that the process of converting PACs to playhouses had been inconsistently implemented, although some of the PACs had come a long way in transforming themselves. Funding was obtained from government subsidies, NAC funding for specific projects, sponsorships, and other minor sources of income such as box office sales. Traditional forms of the performing arts, specifically opera and ballet, still accounted for a large portion of the total expenditure. PACs have had considerable difficulty in obtaining provincial and local government support, or adequate business sector support to make them viable as stand-alone entities. None of the PACs has been able to secure sustainable funding on a reliable basis to meet their requirements. DACST regards the implementation of a Community Arts Development (CAD) component and the establishment of the NAC as essential for an equitable arts dispensation in the country. CAD is meant to provide education and empowerment of people from previously disadvantaged communities, access to PAC venues and NAC funding, and awareness and outreach programmes. The CAD component varies substantially from PAC to PAC. The White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage recognises that the future of arts and cultural expression lies in the development of new audiences and markets. Audience development and facilitating access to venues has been left to the PACs, with little effect in some cases. The transformation of the staff profile of PACs to reflect the demographics of their provinces has been achieved. As the resultsof the study show each PAC took it upon itself to transform itself in its own way. As a result, transformation by the various PACs was found not always to be in line with the imperatives contained in the White Paper on Arts, Culture and Heritage (DACST, 1996). / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste (RUK) was tot op hede die vernaamste ontvangers van nasionale staatsbefondsing vir die uitvoerende kunste, en het bykans vyftig persent van die Departement van Kuns, Kultuur, Wetenskap en Tegnologie (DKKWT) se begroting vir kuns en kultuur verteenwoordig. Hierdie Rade moes herstruktureer word sodat staatshulpbronne wat vir ander dissiplines en gebiede wat regstelling nodig gehad het, aangewend kon word. In hierdie studie is die vier Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste "The Playhouse" (Durban), "Artseape" (Kaapstad), RUKOVS (Bloemfontein) en die Spoornet-staatsteater (Pretoria) bestudeer. Die doel van die studie was om te bepaal of die Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste 'n transformasie, soos gedefinieer deur die DKKWT, ondergaan het. Die navorsing is vanuit 'n kwalitatiewe perspektief benader om te verseker dat so veel moontlik genuanseerde inligting binne 'n beperkte tydsbestek en te midde van finansiele beperkinge ingesamel is. Waar nodig, soos in die analise van personeel en uitgawes, is 'n kwantitatiewe benadering gevolg. Daar is bevind dat daar deurgaans uitvoering gegee is aan die omskepping van die Uitvoerende Kunsterade in skouburgteaters, hoewel sommige Rade reeds 'n ver pad met betrekking tot selftransformasie geloop het. Befondsing was afkomstig van staatsubsidies, NUK-befondsing vir spesifieke projekte, borge en ander minder beduidende bronne, byvoorbeeld inkomste uit kaartjieverkope. Tradisionele vorms van die uitvoerende kunste, veralopera en ballet, het steeds 'n beduidende deel van totale uitgawes uitgemaak, en Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste het groot probleme ondervind om genoegsame steun van provinsiale regerings, plaaslike owerhede en die besigheidsektor te werf om hulle in staat te stelom as lewensvatbare en onafhanklike entiteite te funksioneer. Nie een van die Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste kon daarin slaag om befondsing van 'n standhoudende aard te bekom waarop hulle kon reken om aan hul vereistes te voldoen nie. Die DKKWT beskou die implementering van 'n Gemeenskapskunsontwikkelingkomponent (GKO) en die stigting van die NUK as onontbeerlik vir 'n regverdige kunste-bedeling in die land. GKO beoog om voorsiening te maak vir die opvoeding en bemagtiging van mense III die voorheen agtergeblewe gemeenskappe, toegang tot plekke waar GKO-optredes gehou word, NUKbefondsing, asook bewustheids- en uitreikprogramme. Die GKO-komponent wissel aansienlik van RUK tot RUK. Die Witskrif oor Kuns, Kultuur en Erfenis erken dat die toekoms van kuns- en kulturele uitdrukking in die ontwikkeling van nuwe gehore en markte opgesluit lê. Die ontwikkeling van gehore en makliker toegang tot plekke waar optredes aangebied word is in die hande van Kunsterade gelaat; in sommige gevalle met weinig effek. Die transformasie van die Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste se personeelprofiel ten einde die demografiese werklikheid van elke provinsie te weerspieel was suksesvol. Soos duidelik uit die studie blyk, het elke Raad vir Uitvoerende Kunste onderneem om die transformasie op sy eie manier te implementeer. Die gevolg is dat die transformasie in die verskillende Rade vir Uitvoerende Kunste nie altyd tred hou met die bindende opdragte wat in die Witskrif oor Kuns, Kultuur en Erfenis (DKKWT, 1996) vervat is nie.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the conceptions of aesthetic quality used in Swedish literature policy through a study of the discourse of the state support to new, Swedish fiction 1975-2009. This support scheme is a quality-based retrospective grant, introduced in 1975, aiming to guarantee the quality and versatility of book publishing. It is explored as an expression of cultural policy in a welfare policy setting, where the autonomy of the arts is a central concept. The quality of the book is the foremost criterion for the award of support and quality assessment is carried out by a work group consisting of authors, critics, librarians and researchers. The empirical part of the study analyses arguments concerning state support forwarded in the debate from political documents, articles in newspapers and trade press, debate books and also in six interviews with former members of the workgroups from the 1970s and the 2000s. A discourse policy analysis is used to examine the discourse of the support, how it is legitimized and the conceptions of aesthetic quality embedded in the discourse. The results show that for stakeholders state support is highly legitimate. The support is discursively connected to welfare politics and democracy, even though it is aimed at artifacts, not citizens. It is legitimized as being a support to book production, not for mediating literature. There has been a shift in the conception of quality, from being identified in a negative sense to a positive sense. A professional concept of quality as a driving force is used by the workgroup. The shift towards explicating quality can be seen as a way of protecting the concept of quality in a time where it is perceived as being under threat. The use of quality as the foremost criterion can be seen as resistance against shifts in cultural policy that are perceived as adaptations to market values or politicization. The results render visible the political aspects of the concept of quality in state support. / <p>Akademisk avhandling som med tillstånd av Forsknings- och utbildningsnämnden vid Högskolan i Borås framläggs till offentlig granskning klockan 09:30 fredagen den 15 november 2013 i sal E310, Högskolan i Borås, Allégatan 1, Borås.</p>

The thesis aims to describe the media image of the czech fine art during 1948-1953 in the cultural periodicals "Kulturní politika", "Tvorba", "Var" and "Lidové noviny". It focuses on two topics that occurred most frequently in these periodicals;That is the definition of art and socialist realism and shaping artists and society. Social realism is characterized not only by description, but also by inspiration sources like Czech fine art of 19th century and the tendency to oppose competitive or similar artistic styles and trends like formalism, naturalism, academicism and kitsch. Shaping the artists and society is understood in terms of upringing, education and enlightenment. In connection with these two areas this thesis focuses on history, cultural policy of the Communist Party, the organizational structure of artistic production, distribution of art, shaping artists, penetration of art into public and private space, socialist realism and an attitude of visual artists to new conditions of artistic production. Different features were also included to capture the uniqueness of each periodical. The starting point of the thesis is a historical and qualitative analysis.

À l'occasion de l'élargissement de l'Union européenne à dix pays en 2004, il s'est avéré nécessaire d'approfondir le dialogue interculturel entre les pays membres. Les instituts culturels nationaux à l’étranger font partie des structures étatiques susceptibles de porter ce dialogue. En effet, présentant la culture de leur pays à l’extérieur de leurs frontières, ces institutions se prêtent – et c’est là leur spécificité et l’une de leur raison d’être – à la rencontre et l’échange direct entre des représentants de différentes cultures. Cependant les critiques à l’encontre de ces institutions ne manquent pas à l’aube du vingt et unième siècle. La Pologne, la Slovaquie, la République tchèque et la Hongrie ont fait le choix, après la remise en cause du principe même d'une politique culturelle étrangère au début des années 1990, de conserver les instituts culturels qu’ils avaient dans les capitales française et allemande et, le cas échéant, d’en créer. Dans quelle mesure les instituts culturels polonais, slovaques, tchèques et hongrois à Paris et à Berlin s’attachent-ils, dans les années précédant et suivant l’entrée de leur pays dans l’Union européenne, à se positionner comme lieu de dialogue interculturel – ce qui leur permettrait de jour un rôle moteur dans le processus d'intégration européenne ? L’analyse repose sur une étude empirique jusqu’alors non existante des objectifs, de la mise en œuvre et de la réception par le public de la programmation de ces institutions entre 2000 et 2008. À partir des résultats, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexion sur l'orientation future de ces institutions. / The enlargement of the European Union to include an additional ten countries in 2004 required a deepening of the intercultural dialogue among member states. National cultural institutes abroad are part of the public structures able to carry up this dialogue. Presenting abroad the culture of their country, these institutions are indeed well suited – it is their specificity and essential purpose – for encounter and direct exchange between representatives of various cultures. Nonetheless, these institutions face many critics in the early 21st century. After questioning the principle of a foreign cultural policy itself in the early 1990’s, Poland, Slovakia, Czech Republic and Hungary have chosen to keep the cultural institutes they had in the French and German capitals and, if needed, to create some more. To what extent did Polish, Slovak, Czech and Hungarian cultural institutes in Paris and Berlin, position themselves as a place of intercultural dialogue in the years preceding and following the accession of these countries to the European Union, thus allowing them to be a driving force in the European integration process? The analysis relies on a previously unavailable empirical study of objectives, implementation and reception by the audience of the program of these institutions between 2000 and 2008. Building on the results, this work suggests lines of enquiry regarding the future orientation of these institutions.

M.Tech. (Interior Design) / Commissioned public buildings in post-apartheid South Africa exhibit a synergy between local craft and contemporary design in their interiors. Tasked with the design of buildings representative of a democratic South Africa, architects looked to the surrounding communities, recognizing and incorporating local craft skills and products into their designs. The buildings selected as examples for this study are the Mpumalanga Provincial Legislature (2001) in Nelspruit, the Northern Cape Provincial Legislature (2003) in Kimberley, and the Constitutional Court (2004) in Johannesburg. These have been selected as they are the three buildings commissioned after 1994 by the democratically elected South African government. This research aims to determine how national identity has been communicated and represented in the interior design of these public buildings, through the inclusion of local craft. As key public buildinqs of this time there has been considerable research done based on these examples in the field of architecture, notably by the authors Freschi (2006,2007) and Noble (2011), however, no research has been done in the field of interior design. By taking an interpretivist approach, this qualitative study seeks to find meaning and deeper understanding. Data was collected in transcribed interviews, observations in the field as well as a literature review. Qualitative content analysis was used to initiate a comparison between the interior design of the buildings. Through the use of crystallization as a methodology it attempts to offer a thickly described interpretation of three public interiors undertaken in the development of a national design identity. This study could be of interest to interior design students, interior design and architectural professionals undertaking similar projects and government departments interested in this field.

Trata-se da relação das políticas públicas de cultura com um modelo de intervenção urbana, denominado planejamento estratégico de cidades globais, a partir de análise comparativa entre as políticas culturais de duas gestões do Partido dos Trabalhadores na cidade de Santo André-SP (1989-1992/1997-2000). Enquanto na primeira gestão a política cultural possibilitava a apropriação da informação através de uma rede de fluxos formada a partir dos programas implantados em toda a cidade, a prática da segunda gestão foi marcada nos bairros pela difusão de eventos que reproduziam manifestações já em circulação nos meios massivos de comunicação, e na área central pela difusão de manifestações alternativas. Ao mesmo tempo, a segunda gestão do PT em Santo André aderiu ao planejamento estratégico de cidades globais que faz uso de ações culturais para promover a cidade interna e externamente. A análise foi realizada a partir de documentos, legislação, materiais publicitários, matérias de jornais e revistas, entrevistas, depoimentos, programas, projetos e ações, considerando a heterogeneidade e a fragmentação das cidades e foi permeada por fatores relevantes para a teoria Multiple Streams de formação de agenda governamental e pelas dimensões de abrangência das políticas culturais. / This research is about the relationship between the public culture policies and a model of urban intervention (which is nominated strategic planning for global cities) from the comparative analysis of the cultural policies of two government of the Labors Party in Santo Andre city Sao Paulo Brazil (1989-1992/1997-2000). While the political culture in the first government made possible the knowledge appropriation through a network built in cultural programs settled at all corners of the city, in the second government the adopted practice focused the periferic areas through the diffusion of mass culture events and the central areas by the presentations of alternative manifestations. At the same time, the second government of the Labors Party in Santo Andre joined to the strategic planning of the global cities that makes use of cultural actions to city promotion, internal and externally. The analysis was made considering documents, legislation, publicity, newspaper and magazines articles, interviews, testimonies, programs, projects and actions, taking into consideration the heterogeneity and the fragmentation of the cities. The analysis also was crossed by relevant items for the theory of Multiple Streams (agenda-setting) and by the dimensions of the approach of cultural policies.

Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts begann sich der Tanzmusik-Markt zu internationalisieren und die europäischen Staaten orientierten sich zunehmend an Trends, die von den USA ausgingen. Die Übernahme afroamerikanischer Charakteristika in die Interpretation, Instrumentation und Kompositionen europäischer Tanz- und Unterhaltungsmusik (TUM) wurde ab den 1930er Jahren, in der Hochzeit swingender Bigbands, zur Regel. Ich möchte in der vorliegenden kulturwissenschaftlichen Arbeit der Frage nachgehen, inwieweit diese Internationalisierung der TUM im Osten Deutschlands nach 1945 weiterhin Bestand hatte. Dort galt ja die USA und der Westen nun als »Klassenfeind«. Gelang es der staatlichen Kulturpolitik, das sozialistische Musik-Feld in ihrem Sinne zu dominieren? Wurde also in der sowjetischen Besatzungszone (SBZ) und frühen DDR eine andere, »nationalere« und sozialistischere Tanzmusik produziert und rezipiert als in Westdeutschland? Mittels einer hermeneutischen Untersuchung relevanter Musikdiskurse und einer möglichst umfassenden Einbeziehung aller im Musik-Feld tätigen Akteure und ihrer Strategien gelang es mir, ein differenziertes Bild zu zeichnen. Ein Ergebnis ist die Diagnose zweier getrennter Welten: einer Kulturpolitik, welche die öffentliche zensierte Meinung in der DDR bestimmte und westlich beeinflusste Tanzmusik ablehnte. Und andererseits das Musikgeschäft in alltäglichen Tanzabenden, Radioprogrammen und Schallplattenproduktionen, welches gezwungen war, sich an internationalen Trends zu orientieren, wollte es nicht Tänzer brüskieren oder Hörer an die »Westsender« verlieren. Diese Kluft zwischen Intention und Wirklichkeit, unter der vor allem die ausübenden Tanzmusiker zu leiden hatten, konnte zumindest bis zum Mauerbau 1961 nicht überwunden werden. Das lag unter anderem auch an der Uneinigkeit unter den staatlichen Musikexperten, wie genau die Kriterien einer vom Westen unabhängigen Tanzmusik auszusehen haben. Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht eingehend das Tanzmusikgeschäft in Dresden, hat aber den Anspruch, auch für andere Städte der DDR in diesem Zeitraum zu gelten. / In the beginning of the 20th century, the market for dance music began to become more international, and also the european states imported more and more trends like the new jazz idiomes from the USA. In the 1930`s, when swing was to become the first worldwide pop music, lots of dance bands also in germany integrated the new stilistics in their everyday music work. In this cultural study i would like to ask, if this internationalism in dance music was lasting through the years of early cold war until 1961. In the eastern part of germany under soviet government structures, the USA was the military and cultural enemy. Western dance music like swing and R`n`B had to be replaced by somewhat socialist and nationalist dance music, so the governmental culture politics. Became their wishes reality? Does exist such genre in popular music? With the help of hermeneutics, analysis of relevant discourses and the strategies of musicians, politicians and writers, it is possible to state two worlds of music life in the young GDR. On the one hand, the censored public opinion, in which all western trends in dance music were damned. On the other side, the socialist music business with live music, radio broadcasting and music production, in which music influenced from afroamerican, latin american, jazz and country genres represented a big part. Because radio listeners for example could easily switch to western stations and so be distant from political propaganda. Or the dance halls, which had to consider the wishes of the mostly young dancers for new genres like rock`n`roll because of financial issues. The gap between this two worlds couldn`t be closed until 1961, and especially the dance musicians had to be creative in this regard. The situation became more complex because of the cluelessness of the music experts, how a genuine socialist dance music had to sound like. This study explores the dance music business and cultural politics in dresden, but it claims to be representative also for other cities in the young GDR.

Cette recherche étudie la mise en œuvre de la politique de cohésion communautaire en Région Sicile en analysant particulièrement son volet culturel. En adoptant une approche à l’échelle microscopique basée sur de nombreux entretiens, nous mettons à jour un cadre d’intervention inopérant. Caractérisée par son extrême complexité, la politique de cohésion, élaborée dans le cadre d’une gouvernance multiniveaux, s’articule difficilement avec la politique de développement des régions et pays concernés. Sa mise à l’épreuve du terrain révèle des failles remettant lourdement en cause son efficacité. La culture y est reconnue pour sa contribution au développement du tourisme fondé sur la valorisation du patrimoine, envisagé comme l’une des principales ressources locales. Pourtant, l’évolution divergente du référentiel culturel à Bruxelles, en Italie et en Sicile a précarisé sa place et reflète une vision réductrice qui s’intéresse uniquement à son impact économique. Par ailleurs, cette politique promeut le principe du partenariat, qui suppose l’implication de l’ensemble des parties prenantes d’un territoire. En Sicile, la Région se réserve pourtant la grande majorité des financements disponibles, forte de son pouvoir et de sa compétence culturelle, au détriment d’un secteur culturel faiblement structuré qui reste globalement exclu. Enfin, la politique de cohésion apparaît comme un révélateur des crises politiques sicilienne et européenne : certains acteurs institutionnels insulaires privilégient volontairement l’inertie, tandis que le manque de réaction des institutions communautaires pourrait traduire l’absence de volonté de promouvoir une réelle cohésion européenne. / This research explores the implementation of the communitarian Cohesion policy in the Sicily Region, focusing on its cultural component. An approach at the microscopic scale based on numerous interviews discloses an ineffective operating framework. The extreme complexity of the Cohesion policy, which is the produce of a multilevel governance system, presents difficulties when it comes to its articulation with the national or regional Development policies. Its implementation at the grass root level shows flaws that heavily hinder its effectiveness. Culture is acknowledged for its contribution to the development of a heritage-based tourism, which is considered to be a major local asset. And yet, the increasingly divergent interpretation of the cultural referential in Brussels, Italy or Sicily has weakened its role, reflecting a simplistic vision focussing only on its economic impact. In addition, Cohesion policy promotes the principle of partnership, implying the involvement of all the stakeholders in a region. However, in Sicily the powerful regional government is still by far the main beneficiary of these structural funds at the expense of the cultural field, which is poorly organised and remains largely excluded. Finally, the Cohesion policy reveals a political crisis at the European and Sicilian levels: some institutional players on the island opt for inertia, while the lack of response from the communitarian institutions could reflect the unwillingness to promote true European cohesion