While the de-politicization of public sector management was a core objective of past reform initiatives, more recent debates urge the state to act as a strong principal when it comes to public sector unity and policy coherence - and consequently make a case for reinvigorating links between the political and managerial sphere. Using data from Austrian public sector organizations, we test and confirm the causal relationship of political connectedness of board members and executive compensation. Differentiating between value-based and interest-based in-groups, we suggest that only value-based political connectedness has the potential to restore patronage as a control instrument and governance tool. Self-interested and reward-driven patronage, on the other hand, indicated by a strong association of political connectedness and executive pay, refers to the type of politicization that previous public sector reforms promised to abolish.

Esta pesquisa trata dos processos de formação e transmissão de valores, condutas e comportamentos relacionados ao mundo da política entre moradores do bairro Ferrazópolis, na cidade de São Bernardo do Campo (SP), bairro popular de tradição operária que tem passado por diversas alterações em sua configuração ao longo do tempo, parte delas em função das transformações ocorridas no mercado de trabalho da região do ABC Paulista. O objetivo central da pesquisa é, então, compreender os processos de socialização política, ou seja, processos de transmissão de valores, percepções, atitudes e comportamentos em relação à política entre duas gerações de moradores nesse bairro: a primeira geração, constituída por trabalhadores migrantes nascidos entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960; e a segunda, constituída por seus filhos, nascidos no ABC entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990. Para cumprir os objetivos da pesquisa, a metodologia mobilizada foi executada nas seguintes etapas: i) realização de observações no bairro; (ii) aplicação de questionário em uma amostra dos domicílios do bairro sobre a trajetória da família e de suas posições políticas; (iii) mapeamento e análise de tendências percebidas entre as famílias no que tange aos seus modos de se relacionar com a política, classificadas entre tendências de militância, engajamento pontual e desinteresse por política; (iv) realização de entrevistas em profundidade com famílias representantes das tendências encontradas na fase anterior, ferramenta por meio da qual pudemos observar a existência de diferentes tipos de transmissão intergeracional de política, que variam entre sólidas e porosas. / This research deals with the processes of formation and transmission of values, conducts and behaviors related to the world of politics among residents of the Ferrazópolis neighborhood,in the city of São Bernardo do Campo (SP), a popular neighborhood with a working tradition that has been passing through various changes in its configuration over the time, part of them due to the changes occurred in the labor market in the ABC Paulista region. The main goal of the research is to understand the processes of political socialization or processes of transmission of values, perceptions, attitudes and behaviors related to politcs, between two generations of residents. The first generation is mainly composed by migrant workers who were born between the 40s and the 60s, the second is composed by their children, who were born in the ABC region between the 70s and the 90s. In order to fulfill the objectives of the research, the methodology was executed in the following stages: i) observations in the neighborhood; (ii) the application of a questionnaire in a sample of the households in the neighborhood about the trajectory of the family and its political positions; (iii) mapping and analyzing perceived \"tendencies\" among families regarding their ways of relating to politics, classified among militancy tendencies, punctual engagement and disinterest in politics; (iv) interviews with families representing the \"trends\" found in the previous phase, a tool through which we could observe the existence of different types of intergenerational politics transmission, ranging from solid to porous.

Cette recherche a pour objectif de saisir les mobilisations plurielles et éclatées autour de la mise en récit publique du conflit armé dans un contexte de violence en Colombie. Inspirée par les travaux sur les sorties de conflit et la sociologie de la mémoire, elle prend comme terrain d’observation les lieux de mémoire (musées et maisons de la mémoire, monuments) qui se multiplient depuis la fin des années quatre-vingt-six. Elle envisage les lieux de mémoire comme des objets pertinents pour saisir les rapports de force politiques et sociaux qui se nouent dans un contexte de sortie de conflit très relatif. À partir d’entretiens et d’observations ethnographiques menées dans trois lieux de mémoire, ce travail questionne les effets des lieux de mémoire sur le politique. Il met en évidence les limites du pouvoir des lieux de mémoire à encadrer les mémoires et à participer à la fin du conflit. En revanche, ils pacifient le rapport historiquement conflictuel qu’entretient l’État avec certains groupes sociaux en reformulant des problèmes politiques et économiques sous l’angle du symbolique et en créant de nouvelles formes de luttes et d’engagement politique. Les lieux de mémoire reconfigurent les rapports entre gouvernants et gouvernés : à travers mise en récit du conflit armé, des revendications sociales et politiques en sortent pacifiées et re-politisées. / The aim of this research is to capture the plural and fragmented mobilisations around the elaboration of a public narrative of the armed conflict in a context of violence in Colombia. Inspired by works on conflict resolution and on the sociology of memory, it takes as its field of study the places of memory (museums and houses of memory, monuments) that have multiplied since the end of the eighties. It considers the places of memory as relevant objects to grasp the relationships that come into being between political and social forces in a context of a very relative conflict resolution. From interviews and ethnographic observations conducted in three places of memory, the thesis questions the effects of places of memory on politics. This work highlights the limits of the power of the influence that places of memory have on the framing of the memories and in participating in the conflict resolution. On the other hand, they pacify the historically conflictual relationship that the state maintains with certain social groups by reformulating political and economic problems, giving them a symbolic prism, and by creating new forms of struggle and political activism. Places of memory reconfigure relations between those that govern and the governed: through the elaboration of a narrative for the armed conflict, social and political demands come out pacified and re-politicized.

Public services play an essential role in society, and every citizen uses them. They have traditionally been the principal means of implementing the political will, through policy development and implementation. Yet it is almost a national sport to criticise public servants. Their image is often poor, fed by television programmes such as Yes Minister. Common perceptions include that they have little real merit, do not work hard, are under little pressure to perform, are too powerful, are almost impossible to dismiss, and could benefit from some private sector experience. Such are the consequences of the career service model of employment that public servants enjoy. This thesis considers the much-maligned career service model of public sector employment relations, and asks how important it was, how it evolved, and why. First, it outlines the traditional understanding of public service employment, with its central tenets of merit, tenure, standardised conditions and political neutrality, all administered by an independent central personnel agency, and then explores the adoption, adaptation and reform of that model in three major western democracies - Britain, the United States and Australia. Then, it considers the implementation and evolution of that model in the Queensland public service from 1859 to 2000. The thesis argues that the traditional career service model was necessary to overcome problems of politicisation, corruption, insecurity and inefficiency that arose from the previous patronage model in the early 1800s. The model contained sound principles that were largely consistent with Westminster conventions, and were considered necessary for effective service in a political environment. Poor implementation of the model led to growing dissatisfaction by the late 20th century. However, rather than diagnose the problem as poor implementation and perhaps inadequate political leadership of the service, the career service model itself was found deficient, and was subjected to extensive reform through the weakening of its central tenets. The evolution of the career service demonstrates some circularity, as the problems of politicisation and insecurity that existed prior to the career service model begin to re-emerge.

European integration was for a long time perceived as an elite-driven project that received public acceptance through what was coined as the permissive consensus. With the expansion of the domain of community actions and capacities, and the turmoil in the ratification processes following changes of the treaties, an increased public contestation over European integration can be observed. European integration now covers policy areas that are more prone to political debate and polarization. The weak public support for the EU has not been matched by electoral support for Eurosceptic parties. Hence, this mismatch increases the political opportunity structures for political entrepreneurs wishing to profit from the public dissent regarding the integration process. This study focuses on the conditions under which European integration is politicized, where politicization refers more specifically to party-politicization. Political parties that oppose the EU and their electoral fortunes are used as a proxy for the politicization of European integration. It is a comparative study over time (1984-2009) and space (14 member states) which assesses the conditional power of a number of enabling and constraining institutional factors that influence the variation in number of Eurosceptic parties, success of those parties, and the success of single-issue Eurosceptic parties over time and space. The analysis demonstrates the importance of the party system features and the use of referendum over European integration for the emergence of party-based Euroscepticism. It also places special emphasis on the combination of factors and their impact on the outcome. The study relates the findings to the democratic credentials of the European Union, with special reference to the role of opposition and representation.

Violence is put in a specific context when the police are the perpetrator of violence rendering violence possibly legitimate through sovereignty. The possibility of legitimization of police violence raises important questions of how such violence is legitimized and how resistance is conceived of and defined. I have interviewed seven people in Sweden from different backgrounds, all of whom share the experience of having been subjugated to police violence, including threats, harassments and physical violence.This paper analyzes the performativity of police violence through the relations between police violence, power, sovereignty, subjectstatus and resistance, in order to understand how police violence is being legitimized and to understand its consequenses with respect to those subjugated to it. I’ve also analyzed if this violence is being politicized and, in that case, how politicization is made possible. Performativity implies an understanding where those relations aswell as understandings of it are framing which actions are made possible and rendered real while those very actions themselves also animates those understandings. Those framings are to be understood as neither unambiguous nor ever-lasting.In order to analyze power relations considerate of different backgrounds and experiences where the relationship between the police and those who are subjected to police violence aren’t formulated in political terms I’ve chosen to analyze power relations through subjectstatus and sovereignty. Subjectstatus signifies to which extent we are acknowledged as subjects and thus granted raison d’être through such status. Sovereignty is understood as the power structure giving meaning to the police actions of violence. Thus, I am not analyzing structures of power or identity such as class and gender. Instead I analyze to what extent we are acknowledged as subjects through the concept of subjectstatus where for instance gender and class may be included.The perception of yourself through others is of significance for the risk of being subjected to police violence where the very experience of being violated carry consequences for how we are perceived. Legitimized police violence in itself denies victimstatus to those being violated, thus explaining why the victims of police violence are seldom seen as subjugated to violence. The possibility of police violence being rendered legitimate are materialized through sovereignty where police violence can be understood as a way of outlining the boundaries through which sovereignty acknowledges some subjects the freedom from violence in ambiguous ways.A subject wielding resistance can be conceived of as being in a subject-position, rendering police violence legitimate. The very acts of police violence carry the power to define what is to be understood as resistance. Such subject-positions are advantageous to the police since they entail the possibility of rendering police violence legitimate when someone who is violated by the police can be construed as wielding resistance after the violations. Thus police violence and sovereignty entail their own prerequisites for being rendered real. When the framings of police violence are being materialized through that very violence they can be understood as hegemonic, making police violence hard to politicize. / <p>Masteruppsats i genusvetenskap</p>

This dissertation explores the British colonial government’s attempt to reconstruct women’s reproductive behaviors in colonial Ghana through the sites of maternal and infant welfare services and western midwifery education. In the early 1920s, the fear that the high maternal and infant mortality rates in the Gold Coast would have repercussive effects on economic productivity caused the colonial government to increasingly subject women’s reproduction to medical scrutiny and institutional care. I argue that female reproduction was selected as a site of intervention because the British colonial government conceived of it as a path of least resistance to social reconstruction, economic security, and political dominance. The five chapters have been designed to analyze colonial reproductive intervention as a socio-economic and political exigency of colonial rule. This dissertation speaks to the fact that cross-culturally, the female body has been politicized through narratives of power, culture, tradition, modernity, race, disempowerment, and empowerment. / text

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work was aimed to investigate the level of politicization of teachers and whether this affects the political commitment of these workers outside the educational context of public schools in Santa Maria, with reference to current educational policies that have the autonomy, a key democracy feature of school management. In this sense, the knowledge of how and why the politicization of teachers, taking into consideration the historical, social, political and economic factors, underlie the thinking and work of these workers becomes a possibility for discussion, understanding and building an effective and conscious commitment to education in its social sense. In this form, not only the teachers, but also all that are involved in the educational work of the school must reflect and be aware of who they are, where they stand and to whom and for whom they work and struggle, which corresponds to making a critical inventory, conscious of themselves and their work in a contextualized way. To this end, the research was based on a qualitative approach, in one critical perspective, being the participant observation and focus group techniques used to collect data and the information obtained analyzed by content analysis. It became evident that teachers' work is extremely fragmented along the lines of factory work and reinforcement for technical education much present in the school concepts and practices. In this arrangement, the work force is more than common sense that the practice, pointing to the political apathy in relation to the profession and social reality, but the possible withdrawal, resistance and political commitment in relation to education and society. These categories occurred for the fact that the teachers themselves have the conscience needed before seeing themselves as this category of workers in order to constitute their professional identity. To meet this, the continuing education in the school from their needs is shown as the greatest ally in this process of political and technical training of teachers and, therefore, the reconstruction of school work. As a result, this work sought to contribute to studies that address the construction of citizenship, based on the politicization of teachers with reference to the political commitment of the working class, as has become one of the prerogatives for a more equitable education and a truly democratic society. Based on this position, therefore, an urgent and necessary discussion of the historical-critical work of the teacher and the school is advocated in the capitalist context with a view to understanding and combating the social function of this educational institutions and concomitant to the responsibility and role of the teachers in this work. / A presente dissertação teve como intuito investigar o nível de politização dos professores e se este condiciona o comprometimento político destes trabalhadores frente ao contexto educacional da rede pública estadual de Santa Maria, tomando como referência as políticas educacionais atuais que têm na autonomia, na democracia as principais características da gestão escolar. Nesse sentido, saber como está e porquê está a politização dos professores levando-se em consideração os aspectos históricos, sociais, políticos e econômicos que perpassam o pensar e o fazer destes trabalhadores converte-se em possibilidade de discussão, compreensão e construção de um efetivo e consciente engajamento com a educação no seu sentido social. Dessa forma, não só os professores, mas todos os sujeitos envolvidos no trabalho pedagógico da escola precisam refletir e ter consciência sobre quem são, de que lado estão e para quem e por quem trabalham e lutam, o que corresponde fazer um inventário crítico e consciente de si mesmos e do próprio trabalho de modo contextualizado. Para tanto, o caminho metodológico da pesquisa esteve fundamentado na abordagem qualitativa, numa perspectiva crítica, sendo a observação participante e o grupo focal as técnicas elegidas para a coleta dos dados, cuja análise de tais informações ocorreu através de análise de conteúdo. Como resultado ficou evidenciado que o trabalho dos professores ainda está extremamente fragmentado aos moldes do trabalho fabril e reforçado pela formação tecnicista muito presente nas concepções e práticas escolares. Nessa organização de trabalho o que vigora é mais o senso comum que a práxis, o que aponta à apatia política em relação à profissão e à realidade social, mas à desistência, à resistência e o comprometimento político possível em relação à educação e à sociedade. Essas categorias ocorrem pelo fato de que os próprios professores têm consciência que precisam antes olhar para si mesmos como categoria de trabalhadores, com vistas a constituírem a respectiva identidade profissional. Ao encontro disso a formação continuada na escola a partir das suas necessidades mostra-se como a grande aliada nesse processo de formação técnica e política dos professores e, portanto, na reconstrução do trabalho da escola. Conforme os referidos resultados esta Dissertação de Mestrado buscou contribuir com estudos que se dirijam à construção da cidadania, tomando como base a politização dos professores com vistas ao comprometimento político como classe trabalhadora, tornando-se este, uma das prerrogativas para uma educação mais equitativa, cidadã, voltada para uma sociedade verdadeiramente democrática. Através deste posicionamento, portanto, defendo uma urgente e necessária reflexão histórico-crítica do trabalho do professor e da escola no contexto capitalista com vistas ao entendimento e à luta pela função social dessa instituição educativa e concomitantemente a responsabilidade e o papel do professor nesse trabalho.

Esta pesquisa trata dos processos de formação e transmissão de valores, condutas e comportamentos relacionados ao mundo da política entre moradores do bairro Ferrazópolis, na cidade de São Bernardo do Campo (SP), bairro popular de tradição operária que tem passado por diversas alterações em sua configuração ao longo do tempo, parte delas em função das transformações ocorridas no mercado de trabalho da região do ABC Paulista. O objetivo central da pesquisa é, então, compreender os processos de socialização política, ou seja, processos de transmissão de valores, percepções, atitudes e comportamentos em relação à política entre duas gerações de moradores nesse bairro: a primeira geração, constituída por trabalhadores migrantes nascidos entre as décadas de 1940 e 1960; e a segunda, constituída por seus filhos, nascidos no ABC entre as décadas de 1970 e 1990. Para cumprir os objetivos da pesquisa, a metodologia mobilizada foi executada nas seguintes etapas: i) realização de observações no bairro; (ii) aplicação de questionário em uma amostra dos domicílios do bairro sobre a trajetória da família e de suas posições políticas; (iii) mapeamento e análise de tendências percebidas entre as famílias no que tange aos seus modos de se relacionar com a política, classificadas entre tendências de militância, engajamento pontual e desinteresse por política; (iv) realização de entrevistas em profundidade com famílias representantes das tendências encontradas na fase anterior, ferramenta por meio da qual pudemos observar a existência de diferentes tipos de transmissão intergeracional de política, que variam entre sólidas e porosas. / This research deals with the processes of formation and transmission of values, conducts and behaviors related to the world of politics among residents of the Ferrazópolis neighborhood,in the city of São Bernardo do Campo (SP), a popular neighborhood with a working tradition that has been passing through various changes in its configuration over the time, part of them due to the changes occurred in the labor market in the ABC Paulista region. The main goal of the research is to understand the processes of political socialization or processes of transmission of values, perceptions, attitudes and behaviors related to politcs, between two generations of residents. The first generation is mainly composed by migrant workers who were born between the 40s and the 60s, the second is composed by their children, who were born in the ABC region between the 70s and the 90s. In order to fulfill the objectives of the research, the methodology was executed in the following stages: i) observations in the neighborhood; (ii) the application of a questionnaire in a sample of the households in the neighborhood about the trajectory of the family and its political positions; (iii) mapping and analyzing perceived \"tendencies\" among families regarding their ways of relating to politics, classified among militancy tendencies, punctual engagement and disinterest in politics; (iv) interviews with families representing the \"trends\" found in the previous phase, a tool through which we could observe the existence of different types of intergenerational politics transmission, ranging from solid to porous.

Using annual reports of Austrian listed corporations between 1990 and 2005, we analyze how corporations theorize their social and societal responsibilities. We empirically illustrate that these organizations not only evoke several distinct domains of corporate responsibility, but also assign themselves and others specific positions in the social matrix of relevancy and power - which in turn gives rise to a distinct pattern on the field level. We discuss various features and implications of what we describe as a politicization of individual corporations at the price of a relocation of politics away from recognized and firmly institutionalized arenas of collective interest representation (i.e., the polity) as well as a broad-scale de-politicization of society.