Desde o começo dos anos 1990 é possível observar uma expansão contundente da estrutura internacional de ajuda humanitária. Por um lado, esta expansão resultou no crescimento histórico dos recursos financeiros, tecnológicos e humanos voltados para o provimento da ajuda, levando também ao aumento do tamanho e do número de organizações dedicadas a esta causa e do escopo de ação destas agências, principalmente em situações de pós-conflito. Por outro, este contexto também trouxe preocupações quanto a uma politização da ajuda, principalmente no cenário das \"novas guerras\" e das \"emergências complexas\" do pós-Guerra Fria, o que teria comprometido a independência e a neutralidade da prática humanitária nestas crises. A primeira década do século XXI acentuou estas percepções, com os Estados Unidos instrumentalizando tanto as agências quanto a prática humanitária em favor de seus interesses estratégicos na \"Guerra contra o Terror\". Esta dissertação procura analisar a politização da prática humanitária no pós-Guerra Fria, recuperando o desenvolvimento histórico do humanitarismo moderno e retomando alguns conceitos e discussões desenvolvidos durante a Guerra Fria, em especial o \"sem fronteirismo\" e o \"direito de ingerência humanitária\". Nossa proposta é observar como a politização foi percebida no nível das organizações humanitárias não-governamentais, como elas se alinharam ou se opuseram a uma leitura política de uma prática tradicionalmente vista como neutra, independente e imparcial. A hipótese deste trabalho é que houve uma convergência conceitual e prática entre boa parte destas agências e seus principais doadores, os governos, que resultou numa maior interação entre estes atores em situações de crise. No entanto, esta interação tem sido bastante problemática para as agências humanitárias: em cenários mais \"quentes\", como Afeganistão e Iraque, ela resultou numa associação entre interventores e humanitários, o que comprometeu a posição dos agentes humanitários nestas crises. Além disso, esta aproximação entre humanitarismo e política tem levantado uma discussão profunda sobre a natureza, os instrumentos e os objetivos da prática humanitária - que se desenvolve junto a outras crises, forçando os agentes a confrontar dilemas e desafios cada vez mais complexos, e com resultados humanitários cada vez mais imprevisíveis. / Since the early 1990s we can observe a striking expansion of the structure of international humanitarian aid. On the one hand, this expansion resulted in a historical growth of financial, technological and human resources toward the provision of aid, increasing the size and the number of organizations dedicated to this cause and the scope of action of these agencies, especially in post-conflict situations. On the other, this situation also brought concerns about the politicization of aid, especially in the scenario of \"new wars\" and \"complex emergencies\" in the post-Cold War, which would have compromised the independence and neutrality of humanitarian practice in these crises. The first decade of this century intensified these perceptions, with the United States using the practice and the agencies in favor of its strategic interests in the \"War on Terror.\" This dissertation analyzes the politicization of humanitarian practice in post-Cold War, recovering the historical development of modern humanitarianism and resuming some concepts and arguments developed during the Cold War, especially \"the without borderism\" and \"the right of humanitarian intervention.\" Our proposal is to observe how the politicization was perceived at the level of non-governmental humanitarian organizations, as they lined up or opposed to a political reading of a practice traditionally seen as neutral, independent and impartial. Our working hypothesis is that there was a conceptual and practical convergence between most of these agencies and their major donors, the governments, resulting in a greater interaction between these actors in crisis situations. However, this interaction has been very problematic for humanitarian agencies: in \"hot\" scenarios as Afghanistan and Iraq, it resulted in an association between humanitarians and interventionists, which undermined the position of aid workers in these crises. Moreover, this approach between humanitarianism and politics has raised a deep discussion about the nature, the objectives and the instruments of humanitarian practice - that develops along with other crises, forcing players to confront dilemmas and challenges increasingly complex, and results relief more unpredictable.

Cette thèse porte sur la question de la migration irrégulière. Plus précisément, elle porte sur la protection des droits des migrants en situation irrégulière dans le contexte européen de sécurisation de la migration. Cette thèse vise à répondre à l'absence d'interrogation sur la protection des migrants vulnérables en situation irrégulière dans les disciplines sociales, notamment en Relations Internationales. L'argument est basé sur la littérature en sécurité critique traitant de la décriminalisation du migrant en situation irrégulière et visant le dévoilement de l’artificialité de toute exclusion politique. Cette thèse s’ancre aussi dans la littérature des mouvements sociaux se concentrant sur l’accès des migrants en situation irrégulière aux droits sociaux et politiques des pays occidentaux. Elle est aussi inspirée par le corpus de littérature traitant des questions de la citoyenneté, de l’identité politique et de l’inclusion politique. Au plan empirique, cette thèse repose sur une analyse systématique du discours de plusieurs ONG humanitaires françaises, italiennes et espagnoles. L'analyse entend distribuer plus de 200 documents sur un axe allant de la dépolitisation, comprise comme l’exclusion du corps politique des migrants en situation irrégulière, vers la répolitisation, comprise comme l’inclusion politique des migrants concernés. À l'aide de cette grille d'analyse, cette thèse tentera de mettre en lumière une nouvelle façon d’argumenter la protection. La protection des droits des migrants en situation irrégulière peut se réaliser non seulement à travers le processus traditionnel d'octroi et de reconnaissance des droits par l'État du haut vers le bas mais, de plus en plus souvent et avec une assez grande efficacité, du bas vers le haut, en ayant comme point de départ le migrant lui-même et la société civile qui l’appuie dans ses revendications par rapport à l'État. Cette thèse argumente ainsi l'importance de mettre l'accent sur la politique de la protection, les jeux de pouvoir, les négociations entre plusieurs acteurs qui font et défont la protection l’inclusion et l’exclusion politique du migrant en situation irrégulière, le tout étant conçu comme processus de politisation-dépolitisation. Cette thèse affirme que toute décision juridique est avant tout une négociation politique qui doit impliquer une multitude d'acteurs et non seulement les États. Une plus grande importance devrait être accordée aux acteurs de la société civile et à l'individu lui-même concerné par l'exclusion, une meilleure crédibilité et une meilleure place dans la politique de la protection. Cette recherche affirme aussi que, dans ce contexte, l'humanitaire voit son intervention réformée, il devient un humanitaire politisé, activement engagé dans la protection des droits et par conséquent, dans la politisation du migrant en situation irrégulière. De là, toute l'importance de mettre en évidence l'existence de ce mouvement de protection sur la place publique, orchestré par l'humanitaire, et de voir par quels discours, par quelles stratégies et vers quels buts cette mobilisation de l'humanitaire se réalise.

Submitted by Nadir Basilio (nadirsb@uninove.br) on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-12T18:04:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio De Sessa.pdf: 810108 bytes, checksum: 2e281d89d8c1f56a0ad7355d6ca0d13f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-03 / This research aims to investigate the epistemological arrays that organized the concept of constitutionalism and power in Brazil during the process of Independence that took place in 1822 as well as try to identify consequences of these matrices in contemporary jurisdictional service. However, it was necessary to understand a historical foray into the place of Latin America in the Constitution of Modernity, from the age of discovery, to understand the elements of Eurocentrism (Dussel) and modern thought Abyssal (Bonaventure) moving to the Brazilian colony with the Royal Family in 1808, phenomenon which was crucial to the breakup of the colonial pact with Porto Revolution and Independence of Brazil. For these philosophies and historical assumptions, it analyzes the characteristics of the organized constitutionalism and liberalism in Brazil, which had in Coimbra the intellectual matrix for the creation of a political elite for the nascent Empire. The legal basis was analyzed in two parts, the first one is the supported administrative jurisdiction in the State Council, which is auxiliary of the moderator power, responsible for legal cultural production and also the Supreme Court, empowered to review decisions to revoke and isolated from the "political" conflict between the powers. In addition it holds the analysis of the reorganization of power with the Republican Constitution of 1891, when the new institutional model empowered the review of decisions, the arbiter of conflicts between the powers and opened the jurisdictional control of constitutionality through the diffuse means and the Supreme Court assumed the power of last interpret of the Constitution. Finally, we identify the reflections of contemporary adjudication constitutional basis, organized state power and justice and which can propose hypotheses about the phenomena of the / Esta pesquisa pretende investigar as matrizes epistemológicas que organizaram o conceito de constitucionalismo e o poder no Estado brasileiro com o processo de Independência de 1822 para, ao final, identificar reflexos destas matrizes na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea. Contudo, fez-se necessária uma incursão histórica para compreender o lugar da América Latina na constituição da Modernidade, a partir da era dos descobrimentos, para compreender os elementos do eurocentrismo (Dussel) e do pensamento moderno abissal (Boaventura) que se instalam na colônia brasileira com a transferência da Família Real Portuguesa, em 1808, cujo fenômeno foi determinante para o rompimento do pacto colonial com a Revolução do Porto e a Independência do Brasil. Por estas premissas filosóficas e históricas, analisam-se as características do constitucionalismo e do liberalismo organizados no Brasil e que tiveram em Coimbra a matriz intelectual para a formação de uma elite política e ilustrada para o Império nascente. A matriz judiciária foi analisada em duas vertentes, a jurisdição administrativa amparada no Conselho de Estado, auxiliar do Poder Moderador, então responsável pela produção cultural jurídica e o Supremo Tribunal de Justiça, com poderes de revista para cassar decisões e isolado das “questões políticas” de conflito entre os poderes. Em seguida, detém-se a análise sobre a reorganização do poder com a Constituição republicana de 1891, quando o novo desenho institucional atribuiu poderes de revisão das decisões, de árbitro dos conflitos entre os poderes, bem como inaugurou o controle jurisdicional de constitucionalidade através do meio difuso e atribuiu o poder de interprete último da Constituição ao Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por fim, identificam-se na prestação jurisdicional contemporânea reflexos desta matriz constitucional que organizou o poder do Estado e da justiça e que pode lançar hipóteses sobre os fenômenos da judicialização da política, politização do judiciário e ativismo judicial.

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This thesis examines the politicization of juvenile delinquency and juvenile justice in Sweden since 1989, and explores problem representations of prevalence within the recently proposed penal reforms to reduce the minimum age of criminal responsibility, implement stricter regulations for young offenders, and establish youth prisons. Specifically, this thesis aimed to investigate whether efforts to address the issue of juvenile delinquency are an effect of crisis-based politicization, and if the recently proposed penal reforms reflect the identified global trend of defending old and retaliatory principles of juvenile justice.  The research was conducted by applying a comprehensive theoretical framework, including politicization theory and the perspectives of humane neoclassicism, hegemonic neoliberalism and cultures of control, combined with a single case study design, including process tracing and the WPR approach to policy analysis.  The research reveals that juvenile delinquency and juvenile justice is currently being politicized in terms of crisis and that such politicization has been historically present, although it did not lead to drastic changes of the penal system. Additionally, it reveals that the problem representations are heavily influenced by the ideology of hegemonic neoliberalism and cultures of control. Altogether, the findings attest to a departure from previous traditions and a shift towards a culture of control.

In the wake of the misbegotten US invasion of Iraq in 2003, we have to acknowledge that there are critical flaws in how our intelligence community (the CIA and its “sister-agencies”) produces knowledge. Instead of arguing that the intelligence community acted in bad faith, or that the mistaken pre-war intelligence was a “perfect storm” of bad luck, as others have, this dissertation argues that the intelligence community’s rhetorical culture led it into fatally flawed epistemological practices, demonstrated most dramatically in the mistaken pre-invasion allegations of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction programs. Chapter one explains the problematic assumptions behind the question of whether or not the intelligence community overtly politicized its pre-war intelligence estimates. In chapter two, the intelligence community’s theories of language are explored. Chapter three addresses how the intelligence community teaches and practices writing. The intelligence community’s inflexible commitment to writing in a “clear” prose style proves problematic when that clarity belies the uncertainty of its estimates. The fourth and final chapter addresses issues of disciplinarity in the intelligence community, explores the possibility of a rhetorical theory of intelligence, and offers conclusions. / text

Most studies of emerging Swedish parties and politics have mainly focused on the Swedish Social Democrats and their struggle for democracy and political power, most as a prelude  to the so called ”Swedish Model”. Competing parties have received attention from historians on the national level, but their local origin remains to large extent an open field. The aim of this study is to investigate how local political factors shaped the emerging liberal party organizations in two small Swedish towns. By a case-oriented comparison two towns are contrasted, Skövde in Skaraborg county and Filipstad in Värmland. This thesis suggests that the distinction between national politics and municipal government, based on the interests of economic elites, was transformed during the period 1880-1920. During this period local elections and local government became increasingly sites for political struggle between different parties, with new agendas. With a framework that considered parties in light of their functions rather than organizational types and theoretical concepts borrowed from the sociology of social movements, the thesis main results suggest that political mobilization and liberal party-formation was depending on the local political traditions. The theoretical framework made it possible to pinpoint both similarities and differences between the cases. The results of the study indicate that the historical tradition is central to parties to emerge and flourish. This suggests that it is more meaningful to focus attention on local and regional processes to understand the historical development than has previously been done. / De svenska partiernas historia är relativt väl känd på nationell nivå, men deras lokala ursprung är mindre utforskat och inte minst gäller det borgerliga partier. I den här avhandlingen undersöks hur lokalpolitiska faktorer formade de framväxande frisinnade, eller liberala, lokalorganisationerna i Filipstad och Skövde. Avhandlingen visar att politisk mobilisering och politisk organisering i städerna i hög grad formades av lokala och regionala politiska traditioner. Den visar också att kommunerna var politiserade långt före att de nationella partierna tog hand om valen och kommunala frågor.   Studien visar att det fanns en kontinuitet mellan äldre lokala partier och de lokalavdelningar av nationella partier som etablerades efter sekelskiftet 1900. Det var en kontinuitet som återspeglades såväl ideologiskt som organisatoriskt.     Avhandlingens resultat pekar på att det är mer meningsfullt att fokusera uppmärksamheten mot lokala och regionala politiseringsprocesser för att förstå den generella politiska utvecklingen i Sveriges historia än vad som tidigare har gjorts. Anders Forsell är doktorand i historia inom Forskarskolan i regionalt samhällsbyggande. Det här är hans doktorsavhandling.

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Pourquoi les individus s‟informent et comment en arrivent-ils à consommer certains types d‟actualités et de médias au cours de leur vie ? À partir de ces questionnements nous avons interrogé quarante-six personnes aux profils contrastés pour mettre en parallèle les trajectoires biographiques et les parcours de pratiques informationnelles médiatiques. La première partie traite de la socialisation aux médias en pointant l‟influence de la classe sociale, de la famille,du sexe et du rapport à l‟école et à la lecture. Sont également mis en avant le rôle des études supérieures (durée et filière) et le niveau de politisation. Dans la deuxième partie nous interrogeons la compétence politique, les contextes de consommation et les capacités techniques. Un développement est spécialement consacré à l‟incidence d‟une « culture informationnelle médiatique » dans le processus individuel d‟appropriation des actualités. Ce travail contribue également aux réflexions méthodologiques qui concernent l‟étude des publics des médias, de la politisation et des usages des technologies de l‟information et de la communication (TIC). Les résultats invitent à appréhender le niveau d‟instruction et la position sociale comme les principaux facteurs explicatifs des comportements informationnels. / How do people get informed and are brought to pay attention to news and how do they go about consuming different types of news and media during their lives? With these questionsin mind we interviewed forty six individuals with various and diverse profiles so as to try tocompare their media practice itineraries. The first part focuses on socialization and media,particularly on what influences news consumption: social class, gender, family structure, and personal experience of schooling and reading. We also try to focus on the role of superior studies (field and duration) and the level of political awareness. In the second part we willfurther develop the various aspects of political sophistication, context of consumption(situation), and knowledge of technologies. One section is specifically dedicated to theconcept of "media information culture" in the individual process of appropriation of the news.This work also contributes to the methodological reflection regarding the study of media audiences, politics and use of information and communication technologies (ICT). The results invite to consider the level of education and social situation as primary factors explaining information and news consumption related behaviors.

The purpose of this bachelor thesis is to examine how the Swedish parliamentary left viewed Brexit and its expected consequences. The standpoints concerning Brexit that were presented by the Social Democrats (S; SAP), the Left Party (V) and the Greens (MP) during the foreign policy debates of 2016 and 2017, and during eight of the consultations with the Committee on EU Affairs, from December 2015 to September 2016, are analysed. The actions of the three parties are explained with the help of the concepts politicization, programme realization, vote maximization and maximization of parliamentary influence. The standpoints are categorized using a qualitative text analysis. The conclusion is that the Social Democrats and the Greens had a negative attitude towards the United Kingdom leaving the EU, and they argued that the result of the referendum was a matter of regret. According to the Social Democrats and the Greens, Brexit meant that the EU had to start fulfilling the wishes of the citizens; otherwise the legitimacy of the union would be damaged even further. The Left Party neither approved nor disapproved of Brexit, but it did consider the event a historic opportunity to reform the EU. The analysis of the standpoints showed that Brexit couldn’t be classified as a politicized (contentious) question for the Swedish left. The actions of the Social Democrats are seen as an attempt to achieve all the strategic goals: programme realization, vote maximization and maximization of parliamentary influence. The Left Party prioritized vote maximization over the other goals, while the Greens prioritized maximization of parliamentary influence at the expense of programme realization.