The US-Cuba relations have been problematic for half a century; however, in December 2014, both countries announced the restoration of their bilateral ties. Over the decades, these relations have also had reciprocal effects on other countries like Russia, Canada and the Vatican. First of all, the thesis provides a brief historical background of the US-Cuba relations from 1898 to 1959 to understand their context before the Cuban Revolution. It then examines the main happenings of the US-Cuba relationship and its reciprocal effects on Moscow, Ottawa and the Holy See during three distinct time periods: the early sixties, the nineties and from 2008 to the present. In order to do this, the study is divided in three case studies, one for each interval, and analyses through the help of the realist, defensive realist and liberal theories the actions taken by these five countries to face the developments of the US-Cuba relations. It finds that Havana’s foreign policy has always been driven by the same wish for the survival of its revolution, the US still aims at changing the Cuban government although it is gradually reducing the sanctions against it, while Russia, Canada and the Vatican have basically kept unchanged their approach toward Cuba throughout the decades. Finally, the recent US-Cuba thaw is not completed yet because these two countries still have to tackle some crucial issues.

The great strategic distrust between the two world largest economic and military powers is one of the most debated topics in contemporary international relations. This thesis question if the current hegemon view its new competitor as an offensive or defensive realist state and which policies should consequently be taken. China’s policy of peaceful coexistence and the U.S attempt of global integration may not be fully compatible and the thesis illuminates the contradicting notions of China Confucius values and how they are visible in its foreign policy rhetoric. The thesis conclude by stating that the China’s ambitions in not seen as following the guidelines of a defensive realist state in the eye of the United States and that China’s so called unique characteristics and values are mere rhetoric that does not seem to shape its current foreign policy. The U.S response is so far a passive containment by increasing cooperation with other actors in the region as a balancing act while simultaneously cautiously engage and try to influence China to adopt policies fitting a global player and work for peaceful solutions to international problems. Thus China is not seen as either a friend or a foe but is currently viewed as being in a grey area of competitor and cooperator.

In the form of a theory testing case study based upon the seminal works of Kenneth Waltz and Stephen Walt, this thesis seeks to uncover whether defensive realism can be applied with focus on Israeli international conduct. This is defined by their wartime actions as well as their peacekeeping efforts. The paper analyses two major historical events; namely the six-day-war and the recent Israeli-Arab peace treaties. Thereafter it delves into the preexisting conditions of each combattant in the war, then reviews the events unfolding during the conflict in the first part of the analysis, followed by the second part examining the contents of the Abraham Accords, as well as the official statements of Bahrain and Sudan regarding peace with Israel.  Following this, the thesis examines the details and terms of the Abraham Accords and treaties between Israel, Bahrain and Sudan. A hypothesis is presented predicting that both tenets of defensive realism will be applicable to their respective parts of Israeli history. It is subsequently found that the first tenet of defensive realism has explanatory value with regards to the six-day-war, the second tenet of defensive realism that follows also proves to hold significant merit, and the thesis concludes that the given hypothesis therefore is correct. Both tenets of defensive realism are applicable to respective units of analysis on Israel, which therefore suggests that the theory of defensive realism offers a good framework for explaining the actions of the Israeli state.

本論文的中心命題是：冷戰後的中國是尋求向外擴張、還是自我防禦的國家？為了檢視此一命題，本論文從守勢現實主義（defensive realism）的理論中推論出維持現狀、嚇阻戰略與昂貴信號，以作為檢視冷戰後中共安全行為的指標。本論文分別檢視中共領導人的政策宣示、1995-96年台海危機以及冷戰後中共與南海爭議的個案，證明：第一、中共對國際環境的認知會符合守勢現實主義關於良性的國際結構與安全充足的觀點；第二、中共的外交政策旨在維持既有的國際秩序，所以其對外的行為以維持現狀為主，避免改變現狀的情形發生；第三、中共的國防政策屬於防禦性的，因此其戰略以嚇阻為主，避免使用武力直接與敵人衝突；第四、為了表示防禦性、維持現狀或者是合作的意圖，中共採取昂貴信號的作法，以避免被其他國家所誤解。所以，本論文論證出冷戰後的中國是一個追求自我防禦的國家，其安全政策是屬於防禦性的。 / The central question of this thesis is: Is China an expansionist or a self-preserving state in the Post-Cold War era? From defensive realism theory, I infer status quo policy, deterrence strategy, and costly signal to estimate Post-Cold War PRC security behavior. Empirically, I examine Chinese leaders’ statements, the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1995-96, and South China Sea disputes in the Post-Cold War era. I reach the conclusion that: First, PRC’s perception of international environment is consistent with defensive realism’s argument that international structure is benign and security is plentiful. Second, China engages status quo foreign policy to maintain the international order. Third, China’s defense policy emphasizes on deterrence strategy to avoid direct conflict with the enemy. Fourth, China adopted costly signals to unfold its defensive, status quo, or cooperative intention to prevent other countries’ misunderstanding. I argue that, therefore, Post-Cold War China is a self-protecting state with the defensive security policy.

本論文以守勢現實主義的論點，觀察中共建構「中美新型大國關係」的相關作為，證明中共自冷戰後期以來，是以尋求防禦為主的國家。同時，近年中共領導人提出中美新型大國關係的倡議，符合以「溝通合作」和「維持現況」為主的守勢現實主義論述，以應對美國重返亞太政策，並藉此消除「中國威脅論」與「修昔底德陷阱」的疑慮，為中共創造出安全的國家發展空間。 針對守勢現實主義的論述，本論文設訂「溝通合作」、「維持現況」與「威脅平衡」三個項目，作為驗證中共對美外交政策的指標。同時，分別針對「中美軍事交流」、「南海問題」與「臺灣問題」三個熱點案例予以探討，以中共具體的作為加以驗證。最終發現依據守勢現實主義的觀點，可由先前設定的三個指標，來解釋中共現行推動「中美新型大國關係」的相關作為，符合守勢現實主義的論點。 最後，本文得到的結論是：一、中共推動中美新型大國關係可避免安全困境的發生。二、中共建構中美新型大國關係訴求維持現況的局面。三、中美新型大國關係下的臺灣問題易邊緣化。四、中美新型大國關係下的兩軍關係是未來發展重點。 / This dissertation, based on the arguments of defensive realism, observes China's efforts to construct "a new type of great power relations between China and the United States," and proves that China has been seeking a defense-oriented country since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, the Chinese leaders proposed the new type of great power relations between China and the United States, defensive realism based on "communication and cooperation" and "maintaining the status quo" in response to the United States policy of returning to the Asia-Pacific region and thereby eliminating the "China threat theory" and " Thucydides trap "suspicions for China to create a safe space for national development. In view of defensive realism, this article sets three items of "communication and cooperation", "maintaining the status quo" and "threat balance" as the indicators to verify China's foreign policy toward the United States. Three cases of "Sino-US military exchange", "South China Sea issue" and "Taiwan issue" were explored. Finally, according to the viewpoint of defensive realism, the three indicators set beforehand can be used to explain the relevant current China's efforts to promote the " new type of great power relations ," and to conform to defensive realism. Finally, the conclusion of this article is: First, China's promotion of the relations between the new type of great powers can avoid the security dilemma. Second, the new-type relations between China and the United States appeal to maintain the status quo. Third, the Taiwan issue under the relations between the new big powers of China and the United States is easily marginalized. Fourth, the relations between the two armies under the relations between the new great powers of China and the United States are the focus of future development.

In recent years, Japan has shifted its security policy towards something we could call an "active pacifism". It can be noted for an increasing engagement of Japan Self-Defense Forces in multilateral operations and an effort to assume a position of a responsible member of the international community and an ally of the USA regarding the keeping of peace and security not only in the region, but also in a global scope. If Japan is, however, an actor whose goal is the maximisation of its own security, the exacerbation of its Self-Defense Forces could be perceived negatively by its neighbour states and its impacts could thus be counterproductive. The thesis applies the theoretical movement of defensive realism on this issue and on its basis, it evaluates the rationality of Japanese security policy, especially of active pacifism.

In this theory testing case study the aim is to test which of the two competing theories, defensive and offensive realism, possess the greater explanatory power in regards to the Israeli action against Iran between 2007-2020, while subsequently assessing if either theory is applicable. Two competing analytical models, based around the seminal works of Kenneth Waltz, Stephen Walt, and John J. Mearsheimer, will be applied upon the Israeli actions against the Iranian nuclear program and the Israeli actions against Iran in Syria. The essay utilizes a wide array of sources, from news articles to academic papers, in order to provide a correct description of the events of study. This aim was conceptualized by posing a research question, followed by four competing hypotheses. These will, in conjunction with the analytical models, enable a comparison of the explanatory power the theories possess when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran. It is concluded in this paper that defensive realism possesses greater explanatory power when applied upon the Israeli conduct against Iran, compared with offensive realism.

The South China Sea has been already for several centuries the root of a dispute among states neighbouring along its borders, namely the People's Republic of China (China), Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia. Since the Sea is very geopolitically and geostrategically important, China attempts to claim itself to be a sovereign. However, its activities face the demands of other states, especially Vietnam and the Philippines, which are also interested in gaining control over the islands in the South China Sea. For that reason, the dispute still persists, and the continuous activities of all concerned countries have created an endless spiral of events in which it is difficult to distinguish between the action and the reaction of individual actors in the dispute. My diploma thesis therefore focuses on the analysis of actions of the three selected countries, China, Vietnam, and the Philippines, from the perspective of structural realism that is split into two contradictory streams, defensive and offensive. Their different views on the world help me to clarify whether the behaviour of the chosen actors is defensive of offensive. For the analysis, the period from 2011 to 2018 was chosen. During that time, several major incidents have appeared between selected countries, especially...

This thesis analyzes Russia’s geopolitical objectives in Southeast Europe by focusing on natural gas pipelines and energy security. Natural gas is a crucial soft power asset that Russia utilizes to maintain its sphere of influence in the region. When defining Southeast Europe, this thesis focuses on the following countries of the region: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, North Macedonia, and Serbia. The empirically driven research explores Russia’s role as the main natural gas supplier in Southeast Europe and the geostrategic implications of the region’s potential to become a vital entry point into Europe for Russian natural gas. This thesis applies the theory of defensive realism to the study of gas-infrastructure developments and to the impact of new pipelines on Russia’s dominant energy role within the region. Further on, Russia faces various challenges to its control of the regional gas market, including European Union’s energy policies, LNG from the United States, natural gas from Azerbaijan, and other complex factors that play into the regional geopolitical and energy arena.   With the analysis of the empirical data, this thesis assesses how each of the Southeast European countries respond to new gas-infrastructure projects and to Russia’s effort to leverage its gas assets. These developments, including Russia’s gas projects, could provide opportunities for positive, regional cooperation, while creating commercial value by transforming this region into an important natural gas hub.

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