The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

Abstrakt Syftet med studien är att undersöka herrelitföreningarnas beroende av yttre partners. Samtidigt lyfta fram elitföreningarnas användning av kommersiell verksamhet och hur det påverkar deras ekonomi. Studien kommer också att diskutera fördelar och nackdelar som de undersökta föreningarna ser med införandet av idrottsaktiebolag, eftersom idrottsföreningens går mot ett mer företagsliknande förhållningssätt. Studien är förankrad i den osäkra miljön som bildas när kommersialisering och det ideella idealet ställs mot varandra inom svensk idrott. Forskning instämmer i att idrotten måste skapa en balans mellan kommersialisering och ideell idealet. Å andra sidan råder en viss oenighet om kommersiella intäkter handlar om vinstmaximering eller nyttomaximering. Resource Dependence Theory används för att förklara hur partners minskar deras beroende och osäkerheter i miljön de arbetar i förhållande till yttre partners. Metoden som används är en blandning av kvantitativ och kvalitativ forskning, genom ett frågeformulär som innehåller frågor i en blandning av enkätfrågor och semistrukturerade intervjufrågor. Sexton respondenter deltog i studien. Studien visar att herrelitföreningar tycker att samarbete med externa partners är något att sträva efter, men att det också skapar ett beroende av dessa externa partners. Det verkar också som om beroendet är oförändrat oavsett sammansättningsform. / Abstract The purpose of the study is to investigate the dependence of associations on external organizations. At the same time highlight the sports associations' use of commercial activities and how it affects their finances. The study will also discuss the advantages and disadvantages that the surveyed associations see with the incorporation of sports associations, as the sports associations world is moving towards a more corporate-like approach. The study is rooted in the uncertain environment that is formed when commercialization and the non-profit ideal are set against each other within Swedish sports. Research agrees that sport needs to strike a balance between commercialization and the non-profit ideal. On the other hand, there is disagreement as to whether commercial revenue is about profit maximization or utility maximization. Resource Dependence Theory is used to explain how organizations reduce their dependence and uncertainties in the environment they operate in relation to external partners. The method applied is a mixture of quantitative and qualitative research, through a questionnaire containing questions in a mixture of survey and semi-structured interview questions. Sixteen respondents participated in the study. The study shows that elite sports associations find that collaboration with external organizations is something to strive for, but that it also creates a dependency on these external organizations. It also appears that the dependency is unchanged regardless of the form of association.