Differential Object Marking (henceforth, DOM) in Spanish involves the use of the object marker a to overtly mark certain direct objects (Juan conoce a la mamá de Pedro.). The literature on this phenomenon is extensive. Previous typological/functionalist work (e.g. Aissen 2003, Croft 2003, von Heusinger and Kaiser 2007) has characterized the likelihood of DOM in terms of properties of the direct object including animacy, definiteness and specificity. According to recent grammatical variationist work on Mexican Spanish (Lizarraga Navarro and Mora-Bustos 2010), these two factors are the most highly correlated with overt DOM in Spanish. While some empirical studies corroborate portions of these findings (e.g. von Heusinger 2008), none have provided a complete quantified analysis of the entire set of features as discussed in terms of the Referentiality Scale (von Heusinger 2008) including specificity and non-argumentals for Modern European Spanish. This empirically-based corpus study investigates the distribution of DOM in the 20th and 21st Century European Spanish focusing on the features comprising the scales of animacy and referentiality. The results obtained in this study provide evidence that the referential features like specificity and definiteness are indeed significant factors that condition DOM along with verb type. This study also sheds light on the validity of the claim made in diachronic work for the systematic spread of DOM (e.g. Melis 1995, Laca 2006, von Heusinger and Kaiser 2010). / text

No description available.

In this dissertation, I investigate a number of interrelated developments affecting the morphosyntax of nouns in Cappadocian Greek. I specifically focus on the development of differential object marking, the loss of grammatical gender distinctions, and the neuterisation of noun inflection. My aim is to provide a diachronic account of the innovations that Cappadocian has undergone in the three domains mentioned above. !ll the innovations examined in this study have the effect of rendering the morphology and syntax of nouns in Cappadocian more like that of neuters. On account of the historical and sociolinguistic circumstances in which Cappadocian developed as well as of the superficial similarity of their outcomes to equivalent structures in Turkish, previous research has overwhelmingly treated the Cappadocian developments as instances of contact-induced change that resulted from the influence of Turkish. In this study, I examine the Cappadocian innovations from a language-internal point of view and in comparison with parallel developments attested in the other Modern Greek dialects of Asia Minor, namely Pontic, Rumeic, Pharasiot and Silliot. My comparative analysis of a wide range of dialect-internal, cross-dialectal and cross-linguistic typological evidence shows that language contact with Turkish can be identified as the main cause of change only in the case of differential object marking. On the other hand, with respect to the origins of the most pervasive innovations in gender and noun inflection, I argue that they go back to the common linguistic ancestor of the modern Asia Minor Greek dialects and do not owe their development to language contact with Turkish. I show in detail that the superficial similarity of these latter innovations’ outcomes to their Turkish equivalents in each case represents the final stage in a long series of typologically plausible, language-internal developments whose early manifestations predate the intensification of Cappadocian–Turkish linguistic and cultural exchange. These findings show that diachronic change in Cappadocian is best understood when examined within a larger Asia Minor Greek context. On the whole, they make a significant contribution to our knowledge of the history of Cappadocian and the Asia Minor Greek dialects as well as to Modern Greek dialectology more generally, and open a fresh round of discussion on the origin and development of other innovations attested in these dialects that are considered by historical linguists and Modern Greek dialectologists to be untypically Greek or contact-induced or both.

Ce travail vise à proposer une hypothèse rendant compte de l’alternance entre les objets accusatifs précédés de la préposition a et les objets accusatifs sans préposition dans un texte espagnol du XIIIe siècle, la Primera crónica general, et à mettre au point une méthodologie permettant d’évaluer la validité de cette hypothèse et éventuellement de la faire évoluer. La première partie explique comment a été constitué le corpus, c’est-à-dire comment ont été sélectionnés et classés les cas à étudier. La deuxième partie évoque les principaux travaux de la bibliographie qui ont inspiré l’hypothèse de travail. La troisième partie présente cette dernière ainsi que la méthodologie d’analyse du corpus. L’hypothèse de travail repose sur les notions de topicalité et de thématisme. La topicalité d’un participant est définie ici comme l’aptitude de ce dernier à constituer aux yeux du locuteur un thème du discours. Elle dépend du degré auquel le locuteur peut s’identifier à ce participant, et on peut l’évaluer théoriquement en fonction de quatre hiérarchies : personne, animation, identification, agentivité. Des facteurs contextuels peuvent modifier la topicalité relative réelle du participant par rapport à sa topicalité relative théorique. Le thématisme est défini ici comme la propriété possédée par un participant qui est aux yeux du locuteur le thème d’un énoncé donné. L’hypothèse relie la présence de a à un objet dont le référent a une topicalité et un thématisme égaux ou supérieurs à ceux du sujet. La méthodologie d’analyse du corpus repose sur la constitution de groupes homogènes quant à la topicalité théorique relative du référent de l’objet, puis sur l’observation détaillée de la topicalité relative réelle et du thématisme relatif des référents des objets de chaque groupe. La quatrième partie décrit l’analyse du corpus selon cette méthodologie, analyse qui permet de valider l’hypothèse tout en l’enrichissant de plusieurs hypothèses complémentaires. / This research aims to formulate a theory accounting for the alternation between prepositional accusatives and non-prepositional accusatives in a Spanish text from the XIIIth century, the Primera crónica general, and also to propose a method assessing the validity of this theory and allowing for potential improvements. The first part describes the elaboration of the corpus, the selection and classification of occurrences. The second part gives an overview of the major research works amongst the bibliographical references which inspired the working theory. The third part presents this working theory and the method for corpus analysis. The theory rests upon the discourse functions of topicality and 'thematism'. Topicality of a participant can be defined as the aptitude of the participant in the eyes of the speaker to become a theme of discourse. It relies on the speaker's degree of identification with the participant, and one can theoretically evaluate this in terms of four criteria : person, animacy, identification, agency. Contextual factors can modify the actual topicality of a participant compared to its theoretical topicality. 'Thematism' is defined here as the property of a participant perceived by the speaker as the theme of an utterance. The theory associates a-marking with an object whose referent's topicality and 'thematism' is equal or superior to the referent of the subject. The method for corpus analysis relies upon the classification into groups of objects whose referents have the same relative theoretical topicality, followed by a detailed observation of the relative actual topicality and the relative 'thematism' of referents within each group. The fourth part is devoted to describing the results of the corpus analysis, allowing for the verification of the theory whilst enriching it with additional theoretical points.

No description available.

Argument coding splits such as differential (= split) object marking and split ergative marking have long been known to be universal tendencies, but the generalizations have not been formulated in their full generality before. In particular, ditransitive constructions have rarely been taken into account, and scenario splits have often been treated separately. Here I argue that all these patterns can be understood in terms of the usual association of role rank (highly ranked A and R, low-ranked P and T) and referential prominence (locuphoric person, animacy, definiteness, etc.). At the most general level, the role-reference association universal says that deviations from usual associations of role rank and referential prominence tend to be coded by longer grammatical forms. In other words, A and R tend to be referentially prominent in language use,while P and T are less prominent, and when less usual associations need to be expressed, languages often require special coding by means of additional flags (casemarkers and adpositions) or additional verbal voice coding (e.g., inverse or passive markers). I argue that role-reference associations are an instance of the even more general pattern of form-frequency correspondences, and that the resulting coding asymmetries can all be explained by frequency-based predictability and coding efficiency.

In this dissertation, I investigate various aspects of object marking and how these manifest themselves in the signed modality. The main focus is on Swedish Sign Language (SSL), the national sign language of Sweden, which is the topic of investigation in all five studies. Two of the studies adopt a comparative perspective, including other sign languages as well. The studies comprise a range of data, including corpus data, elicited production, and acceptability judgments, and combine quantitative and qualitative methods in the analyses. The dissertation begins with an overview of the topics of valency, argument structure, and object marking, primarily from a spoken language perspective. Here, the interactions between semantics and morphosyntax are presented from a typological perspective, introducing differential object marking as a key concept. With regard to signed language, object marking is discussed in terms of both verbal and nominal strategies. Verbal strategies of object marking among sign languages include directional verbs, object handshape classifiers, and embodied perspective in signing. The first study investigates the use of directionality and object handshapes as object marking strategies in Al-Sayyid Bedouin Sign Language (ABSL), Israeli Sign Language (ISL), and SSL. It is shown that the strategies generally display different alignments in terms of the types of objects targeted, which is uniform across languages, but that directionality is much more marginal in ABSL than in the other two languages. Also, we see that there is a connection between object marking strategies and the animacy of the object, and that the strategies, object animacy, and word order preferences interact. In the second and third studies, SSL is investigated with regard to the transitive–reflexive distinction. Here, we see that there are interactional effects between object handshapes and the perspective taken by the signer. This points to intricate iconic motivations of combining and structuring complex verb sequences, such as giving preference to agent focusing structures (e.g., agent perspective and handling handshapes). Furthermore, the use of space is identified as a crucial strategy for reference tracking, especially when expressing semantically transitive events. Nominal strategies include object pronouns and derivations of the sign PERSON. The fourth study provides a detailed account of the object pronoun OBJPRO in SSL, which is the first in-depth description of this sign. It is found that the sign is in widespread use in SSL, often corresponds closely to object pronouns of spoken Swedish, and is argued to be grammaticalized from the lexical sign PERSON. In the final study, the possible existence of object pronouns in other sign languages is investigated by using a sample of 24 languages. This analysis reveals that the feature is found mostly in the Nordic countries, suggesting areal contact phenomena. However, the study also shows that there are a number of derivations of PERSON, such as reflexive pronouns, agreement auxiliaries, and case markers. The use of PERSON as a source of grammaticalization for these functions is attributed to both semantic and phonological properties of the sign. This dissertation is unique in that it is dedicated to the topic of object marking in the signed modality. It brings a variety of perspectives and methods together in order to investigate the domain of object marking, cross-linguistically and cross-modally.

This licentiate thesis investigates the case and the syntactic position of the direct object in South Saami. The focus is on plural direct objects, which have Differential Object Marking, a phenomenon in which the case alternates between different types of direct objects. In South Saami, some direct objects carry the accusative case form in the plural, while others only carry the plural marker. This variation of suffix displayed on the direct object is contingent on definiteness; definite direct objects consistently display the accusative case form in the plural while indefinite direct objects, specific and nonspecific alike, lack accusative morphology. In addition to case marking, the study presents an analysis of the alternation of the syntactic position of some direct objects. Definite and indefinite specific direct objects can be realized in two positions: as the complement of the verb or in a position as specifier of the light verb projection. By contrast, indefinite nonspecific direct objects obligatorily surface in the complement position of the verb. This variability in syntactic position of some direct objects is analyzed by means of a Specificity Operator, adjoined to the DP-level of every specific NP, definite and indefinite. The operator moves as an instance of quantifier raising in order to take scope over Existential Closure (EC). EC binds NPs in its domain and give them an existential reading. Therefore, when the Specificity Operator raises, it anchors the DP it is adjoined to in a domain, which is unbound by EC and therefore facilitates a specific interpretation. The operator, void of phonological content, can raise alone to the specifier of vP as an instance of covert movement. The operator can also Pied-pipe the DP it is adjoined to, which results in overt movement of the DP. Indefinite nonspecific direct objects lack the Specificity Operator and therefore they remain in-situ in the VP, where they are bound by EC. In addition to its theoretical value, the thesis will be of use for teachers, students and others with an interest in a better understanding of the case form and the position of the direct object in South Saami. / Daennie licentiaatetjaalegisnie gïehtjedem guktie Åarjelsamien direkte objeekth gelliengiertesne kaasushgïetjieh åadtjoeh. Manne gelliengiertem veeljeme juktie åarjelaemien gïele Differential Object Marking åtna. Naakenh direkte objeekth dam giehtjiem -idie guedtieh, mij ackusatijvem gelliengïertesne muana. Jeatjah direkte objeekth barre låhkoegiehtjiem -h guedtieh, mij ajve gelliengïertem muana, menh ij kaasusem. Dan åvteste direkte objeekti kaasushaamoeh molsedieh. Mov gïehtjidimmie vuesehte ahte definijte direkteobjeekth gelliengiertesne dam ackusatijvegïehtjiem. Eah indefinijte direkte objeekth dam gïethjiem utnieh, valla barre gelliengierehaamoem utnieh. Manne vielie gïehtjedem gusnie, dennie raaje- sisnie, leah dej direkte objeekti sijjieh. Gaavneme ahte joekehtsh leah aaj ovmessie direkte objeekti gaskoeh. Definijte jïh indefinijte specifijke direkte objeekth utnieh göökte sijjieh gusnie maehtieh jïjhtedh, valla indefinite ovspecifijke direkte objeekth utnieh ajve aktem sijjiem gusnie maehtieh årrodh. Gaajhkh dah golme ovmessie direkte objeekth maehtieh maadthsijjesne årrodh goh verben komplemeente, valla definijte jïh indefinijte specifijke direkte objeekth maehtieh aaj aktene vP:n specificeerijisnie jïjhtedh. Manne daam joekehtehtem jïh vuesehtem mannasinie naemhtie jis. Mov innovasjovne lea akte specifijkeoperatovre. Dïhte lea adjungeradamme fïerhten DP:se mij lea definijte jallh indefinijte specifijke. Dïhte operatovre iktesth bæjjene DP:n sistie vP specificeerijen sïjse, men dïhte maahta aaj dam DP:m buektedh Pied-pipingen tjïrrh. Dïhte specifijkeoperatovre bæjjene juktie edtja baataridh Existential Closuren (EC) jaksoste. Gosse operatovre bæjjene, dïhte dan sov DP:m dïbrehte akten domeenese, gusnie specifijke guarkoe daerpies sjædta. Dah direkte objeekt mah eah specifijkeoperatovrem utnieh tjoerieh baetsedh VP:n sijse, jïh dannasinie EC dejtie veadta. Dannasinie existentielle guarkoem åadtjoeh. Daate tjaalege vihkeles lingvistihke teorijese, valla aaj lohkehtæjjide, learoehkidie jïh jeatjide guhth sïjhth buerebe guarkedh mij kaasusidie lea direkte objeekten jïh gusnie, dennie raajesisnie, dïhte objeekte jæjhta. / I den här licentiatavhandling undersöks kasusformen hos de direkta objekten och deras syntaktiska position i sydsamiskan. Fokus ligger på direkta objekt i pluralis, vilka uppvisar fenomenet differentiell objektsmarkering, som innebär att vissa direkta objekt bär ackusativsuffixet i plural medan andra endast bär pluralsuffixet. Denna variation i objektsmarkering är känslig för definithet. Definita direkta objekt har accusativändelsen medan indefinita, både specifika och icke-specifika direkta objekt, saknar den. Utöver själva realiseringen av kasussuffix undersöks också de direkta objektens syntaktiska position. En analys presenteras som definierar olika typer av nominalfraser och skiljer definita och specifika direkta objekt från icke-specifika direkta objekt. Den första typen uppvisar variation i sin syntaktiska placering och har möjligheten att dyka upp både i komplementställning till verbet och i en den lilla verbfrasens specificerare, det vill säga vid gränsen för den lexikala fasen. Indefinita icke-specifika direkta objekt, som utgör den andra typen, kan bara uppträda i en position som komplement till verbet. På basis av den analys som inkluderar min innovation Specifikhetsoperatorn, vilken är adjungerad till alla definita och specifika direkta objekts DP-nivå, kan de två positionerna förklaras. Specifikhetsoperatorn flyttar alltid till vP:s specifierare som en kvantifierarinteraktion, där Specifikhetstoperatorn får räckvidd över Existential Closure (EC) och förankrar sin DP i en domän där en specifik tolkning blir nödvändig. Detta är en typ av osynlig flytt. Flytten kan också vara synlig. I det fallet sker medfraktning (Pied-piping) när Specifikhetsoperatorn tar med sig den DP den är adjungerad till när den flyttar till vPs specifierare. Direkta object som saknar Specifikhetsoperatorn stannar i positionen som komplement till verbet och binds därför av EC, vilket leder till att de får en existentiell tolkning. Bortom sitt värde för lingvistisk teoribildning kommer avhandlingen också att bli viktig för lärare, studenter och elever såväl som för andra med ett intresse av att bättre förstå vilket kasus som uppträder på sydsamiska direkta objekt och dessa objekts position i satsen.

Cette thèse propose une étude quantitative de la variation de l'ordre des constituants en persan avec un intérêt particulier pour l'ordre relatif entre le COD et le COI étant donné son rôle crucial dans les analyses de la structure du SV. Afin de remédier à une lacune empirique dont souffre l’étude de la syntaxe du persan, notre premier objectif est d’évaluer, à partir de données empiriques robustes, l’hypothèse largement admise selon laquelle il existe un ordre relatif canonique dichotomique entre les compléments verbaux, dépendant du marquage différentiel de l'objet (MDO). Notre second objectif, relatif à la linguistique générale et à la typologie, est de contribuer aux débats controversés sur les préférences translinguistiques de l'ordre des mots en étudiant, dans une langue SOV à structure mixte, les effets des facteurs tels que le poids (ou la longueur relative). Les résultats de nos études de corpus et de nos expériences montrent l’inadéquation du critère MDO pour expliquer l’ordre relatif entre le COD et le COI. Cette conclusion nous conduit à réfuter également l’hypothèse de la position syntaxique double de l’objet au profit d’une structure plate pour le SV. De plus, nos données révèlent une préférence « long-avant-court » subordonnée aux facteurs contribuant à la saillance, tels que la définitude, l'animéité et le rôle grammatical. Nous arguons que cette préférence échappe, en partie ou totalement, aux modèles du traitement se fondant sur la distance entre la tête et ses dépendants, alors qu’elle est compatible avec l'hypothèse selon laquelle dans les langues SOV l'accessibilité conceptuelle des constituants longs favorise leur production plus en amont dans la phrase. / This thesis proposes a quantitative study of word order variations in Persian, focusing on the relative order between the direct object (DO) and the indirect object (IO). The latter plays a crucial role in the theoretical analyses of the VP, which in the absence of quantitative studies lack solid empirical underpinning. My first goal is to contribute to the study of Persian syntax by providing reliable data in order to evaluate the prevailing hypothesis according to which there exists a dual canonical relative order between the two objects triggered by the Differential Object marking (DOM). My second goal is to contribute to the ongoing debates on word order preferences in general linguistics and typology by bringing in data on an SOV language with mixed head-direction. To this end, I study the effect of factors such as grammatical weight (or relative length), which are claimed to influence the linear order across languages. First, the results of our corpus and experimental studies show that the DOM account of the relative order between the DO and the IO is flawed. Based on this conclusion, I also reject the two object positions hypothesis and plead for a flat structure view of the VP. Second, our data reveal a “long-before-short” preference, which is shown to depend on the effect of salience-enhancing factors such as definiteness, animacy and the grammatical role. I argue that while this preference is, either totally or partially, incompatible with the predictions of processing-oriented dependency-based models, it can be accounted for by production models assuming that the greater conceptual accessibility of longer constituents favors their early position in SOV languages.