O período que vai da segunda metade do século XVIII ao primeiro quartel do século XIX foi marcado por grandes transformações políticas e econômicas na Europa e no mundo Ocidental. O aumento populacional, bem como as transformações tecnológicas que causaram a Revolução Industrial e que advieram dela e a crise do Antigo Regime e do Antigo Sistema Colonial foram fatores estruturais que causaram importantes mudanças. Além disso, houveram conflitos bélicos e reconfiguração de alianças e rotas comerciais. As relações entre Portugal, Brasil e Estados Unidos foram profundamente influenciadas por esse panorama. O estabelecimento das relações comerciais e diplomáticas entre Portugal e Estados Unidos, sua consolidação ao longo dos primeiros anos do século XIX e as mudanças advindas da transferência da corte para o Brasil são analisados através de cartas e ofícios diplomáticos e da composição e saldo do comércio externo dos três países. / The period from the second half of the eighteenth century to the first quarter of the nineteenth century was marked by great political and economic changes in Europe and the Occident. The population growth as well as the technological changes that caused the Industrial Revolution and result from it, and the crisis of the Ancien Régime and of the Old Colonial System were structural factors that have caused major changes. Furthermore, the period went through military conflicts and reconfiguration of alliances and trade routes. The Relations between Portugal, Brazil and the United States were deeply influenced by this scenario. The establishment of trade and diplomatic relations between Portugal and the United States, its consolidation during the early years of the nineteenth century and changes arising from the transfer of the court to Brazil are to be analyzed through diplomatic letters and official documents and the composition and balance of foreign trade of the three countries.

O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar as relações entre o governo brasileiro e a Guerra Civil Espanhola. A partir da sublevação militar de 17 de julho de 1936, o cenário interno do estado espanhol tornou-se o epicentro do embate entre as forças conservadoras e a diversidade de grupos políticos de esquerda. Desde os seus primeiros momentos, a guerra civil transbordou as fronteiras espanholas e europeias. Se por um lado houve o envolvimento direto e indireto de países europeus, por outro, também houve substancial importância nas Américas. Assim, esta tese pretende desenvolver uma abordagem dos papéis existentes entre os órgãos públicos e privados relacionados ao governo Vargas e os grupos envolvidos na Guerra Civil Espanhola, sobretudo aqueles pertencentes aos militares sob o controle de Francisco Franco. As ações de órgãos como o Ministério de Relações Exteriores e do Departamento Nacional do Café, tiveram papel preponderante em um apoio oficioso aos rebelados, enquanto que as representações diplomáticas da Segunda República foram paulatinamente relegadas a uma situação marginal. / The aim of this research is to analyze the relations between the Brazilian government and the Spanish Civil War. From the military uprising of 1936 July 17th, the domestic scenery of Spanish State became the epicenter of a struggle between conservative forces and the diversity of left political groups. Since its first moments, the civil war crossed the Spanish and European borders. If, on the one hand, there was a direct and indirect involvement of the European countries, on the other hand, there was also a substantial significance in the Americas. Thus, this thesis intends to develop an approach between the roles of public and private organizations of Vargas government and the related groups of the Spanish Civil War, mainly those ones under the General Francisco Francos control. The attitudes of public bodies as the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and National Coffee Department, it had a key role to an unofficial support to the insurgents, meanwhile, the diplomatic representations of Spanish Second Republic were gradually sent to a marginal condition.

The aim of presented dissertation is the analysis of diplomatic relations Acta Legationis Moscoviticae. These relations are reports, which were sented to Vienna by imperial envoy Stephan Wilhelm Kinsky during his activity on the tsarist court in Sankt-Peterburg and Moscow in 1721-1722. On the basis of this source, the main interest is concentrated on the course of Kinskys diplomatic mission and on tasks, which he should fulfil as the envoy. The dissertation, beside other things, puts the task to evaluate diplomatic relations as the source for history of diplomacy and history of international relations. In the dissertation is introduced life and career of Stephan Wilhelm Kinsky and his personality. The attention is also paid to the most importants measures of Peter I. in defined period, mainly the concluding of Treaty of Nystad, proclaiming Peter as Emperor of All Russia and issue of manifesto about successory. The dissertation also tries to depict the turning period in Russian Empire after the end of Great Northern War and focuses on the atmosphere of court society at that time. The dissertation puts the question, which of points of instructions from Vienna court were fulfilled or not fulfilled by bohemian nobleman. The Kinskys mission is approached as the part of process of negotiation about...

This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa. It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca. The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship. Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government, it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May 1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides. The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations. Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship to its greatest strains. In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s. / D. Litt et Phil. (History)

This thesis analyzes the development of Czechoslovak-Cuban relations in the eighties of the 20th century. In the first part the author is shortly showing development of mutual relations after the Cuban revolution in 1959 and the role of Czechoslovakia in the process of consolidation of the regime of Fidel Castro. Later the author is concentrating on the core of the paper, which is divided into four chapters. These chapters are analyzing in detail particular areas of mutual relations - political, economic, scientific and technical cooperation and cultural. In the political area author is investigating the changes in international relations in connection with advent of Ronald W. Reagan and Mikhail S. Gorbachev and its influences on the relations between Czechoslovakia and Cuba. In the eighties the core of relations had been shifted into the economic sphere and trade, loans and investment units which were often discussed and also were sources of disputes. Scientific and technical cooperation and culture were traditional forms of mutual relations and also during the eighties the cooperation was intense. In the end the author states that the relations in the reporting period are best described by the word "stability" because in the comparison with the years after the Cuban revolution lost it is own dynamic.

My diploma thesis focuses on evolution of bilateral diplomatic relationship between the People's Republic of China and the United States of America. Both historical development and differences in political and cultural sphere are outlined for complex understanding of sino-us relations. The goal of my diploma thesis is to point out how the historical and cultural differences formed the development of bilateral sino-us relationship, how the development itself affected both states and the rest of the world and to refer to the possible future development. My thesis stresses the time period after the disintegration of the Soviet Bloc because in this period many questions and problems arose in mutual relations which are important even today. How did the mutual relations change after the Soviet threat disappeared? Which issues did become pivotal and how did both sides approach them? What can be expected from the future development of the relations? How have the U.S. reacted to the rise of China? Is there a possible conflict coming? With the progressive movement of the centre of international relations to the Pacific area there are many similar questions emerging. My thesis is divided into 6 chapters which are chronologically ordered. The main focus is on the relations after Tiananmen incident, the role of Taiwan, North Korea and rising China in mutual relations, and last but not least on economic and political questions.

Este estudo analisa as relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e a Espanha sob a ótica da política externa brasileira entre 1936 a 1960, tendo como referências para reflexão: as tensões político-ideológicas geradas pela Guerra Civil Espanhola e pelo alinhamento brasileiro aos Aliados durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial; o anticomunismo como fator de aproximação entre os dois países; a intensificação das ações de intercâmbio cultural e comercial verificada a partir da década de 1950; o fluxo imigratório de espanhóis para o Brasil como um elemento central das relações hispano-brasileiras. Tendo como principal fonte os documentos do Ministério das Relações Exteriores do Brasil, sob a guarda do Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty/RJ e da Coordenação de Documentação Diplomática em Brasília, procuramos avaliar a posição da diplomacia brasileira frente à Espanha e os interesses que permearam a configuração das relações históricas construídas com esse país. Considerando os momentos de ruptura e permanência, demonstramos que os compromissos firmados no cenário internacional pautaram as atitudes do governo brasileiro frente à Espanha, especialmente entre 1936-1939 e na década de 1940. / This study analyses the diplomatic relationships between Brazil and Spain from the point of view of the Brazilian foreign policy between 1930 and 1960, using as references for the analysis: the political-ideological tensions generated by the Spanish Civil War and by the Brazilian alignment with the Allies during to Second World War; the anticommunism as an approaching factor between the two countries; the intensification of the cultural and commercial exchanges verified in 1950\'s; the emigration current of Spaniards to Brazil as a central element of the Spanish-Brazilian relationship. Using, as the main source for this study, the documents of Foreign Relations State Department of Brazil, under the guard of the Itamaraty Historical File/RJ and of the Coordination of Diplomatic Documentation in Brasilia, we tried to evaluate the position of the configuration of the historical relationships built with that country. Taking into account the moments of rupture and permanence, we demonstrated that the commitments in the international scenery ruled the attitudes of the Brazilian government concerning Spain, especially between 1936-1939 and in the 1940\'s.

During the 1960's Guatemalan stability began to falter due to a political and social breakdown; guerilla violence and government repression emerged from this decade as common occurrences. In response to the instability within Guatemala, the US focused on providing significant financial aid to bolster a weak economy, while simultaneously working with the Guatemalan police and military to create more efficient and modern internal security forces capable of combating Communist subversion. Despite US attempts to foster stability, in 1963 President Miguel Ydigoras Fuentes was removed from office by a military coup organized by his opponents within Guatemala. The Lyndon B. Johnson administration continued to support the Guatemalan government and continued to provide economic and military assistance. Despite US assistance, the internal social and political divisions in Guatemala continued to result in violence. In the midst of the escalating violence, elections were held in 1966 and the center left candidate Julio Cesar Mendez Montenegro was elected as the new president of Guatemala. The election of a politically left president further radicalized the Guatemalan right, which resulted in attempted coups and acts of terror. The violence from the leftist guerillas and the radical rightist elements forced Mendez Montenegro to allow the military to use harsh counter-terror strategies to bring the country under control. Despite negative developments, the US consistently tried to help build Guatemalan stability. Unfortunately, its policies ignored the socio-economic inequalities, and internal division which was the biggest problem facing the nation. The internal political division that created the violence and instability made it impossible for any US assistance to have a meaningful impact. During the 1960's these developments in Guatemala paved the way for the violence and genocide of the 1980's and solidified a policy of US involvement that was inadequate and ineffective.

This is the first study of official relations between South Africa and Australia as conducted through resident High Commissions or Embassies. It reaches the conclusion that, though neither country loomed large on the other's scale of priorities, the relationship was at the outset perceived to be of greater value to Australia than to South Africa. It was initiated by the Australian government in 1945 as was the airlink which connected the two countries in 1952. Then flown by propeller-driven aircraft, the air route led to the expansion of Australian territory when the United Kingdom transferred to Australia sovereignty over the Cocos (Keeling) Islands in the Indian Ocean, eight hours flying time from Perth and an essential refuelling stop en route to Southern Afnca. The first Australian High Commissioner, Sir George Knowles, arrived in South Africa in August 1946. The Smuts government did not attach much value to the relationship. Pleading shortage of staff, and to the embarrassment of the Australian government, it had not reciprocated with its own appointment by the time of its fall in May 1948. On assuming office the following month the new Prime Minister, Dr Malan responded positively to an Australian reminder about the lack of a South African High Commissioner. Dr P.R. Viljoen was appointed to the position and arrived in Canberra in June 1949. The relationship lacked substance and for relatively lengthy periods in the 1950s the High Commissioner's post was left vacant on both sides. The Australian government had proposed the establishment of relations on grounds inter alia that members of the British Commonwealth should be informed about each other's attitudes, policies and problems in the work of the United Nations. Yet it was the United Nations, particularly its composition, which subjected the relationship to its greatest strains. In focusing on the role and functions of individual diplomats the study throws light on what the profession or occupation of diplomacy encompassed at the time. Also canvassed is the development of the South African and Australian Departments of External Affairs from their beginnings to the early 1960s. / D. Litt et Phil. (History)

Orientador: José Luiz Bendicho Beired / Banca: Carlos Alberto Sampaio Barbosa / Banca: Dario Horacio Gutiérrez Gallardo / Resumo: A presente dissertação visa a analisar as relações diplomáticas do Império do Brasil em meio à Guerra do Pacífico (1879-1883). Essa guerra foi motivada pela disputa de recursos minerais no deserto do Atacama e envolveu o Chile contra a Aliança de Peru e Bolívia. No caso do Brasil, sua participação restringiu-se ao campo diplomático, ainda que o Chile tenha buscado firmar uma aliança estratégica junto ao Império. Através dos Ofícios da Legação Imperial do Brasil no Chile, analisamos o posicionamento da diplomacia brasileira em meio à guerra e sua implicação no cenário sul-americano. Além disso, consultamos dois periódicos brasileiros, o Província de São Paulo e o Jornal do Comércio, com o objetivo de compreender a repercussão do conflito na imprensa do país, bem como o posicionamento de cada periódico na questão do Pacífico / Abstract: The present dissertation aims to analyze the diplomatic relations of the Empire of Brazil in the midst of the War of the Pacific (1879-1883). This war was motivated by the dispute of mineral resources in the Atacama Desert and it has involved Chile against the Alliance of Peru and Bolivia. In the case of Brazil, its participation has restricted to the diplomatic area, even though Chile has tried to establish a strategic alliance with the Empire. Through the Trades of Imperial Legation of Brazil in Chile, we have analyzed the positioning of the Brazilian diplomacy in the midst of the war and its implication in the South-American scene. Besides this, we have consulted two Brazilian newspapers, Província de São Paulo ("The Province of São Paulo") and Jornal do Comércio ("Journal of Commerce"), with the objective of comprehending the repercussion of the conflict in the press of the country, and also the positioning of each newspaper in the question of the Pacific / Mestre