In my diploma thesis, I provide an analysis of the Munich Agreement and the Czechoslovak crisis from the perspective of the United States of America. My aim is to create comprehensive picture of bilateral relations between Czechoslovakia and the United States before and after the signing of the Munich Agreement. Thesis focuses on the diplomatic and economic relations between Czechoslovakia and United States in the period 1936 -- 1938/1939. The introductory part of the thesis is devoted to the phenomenon of isolationism and its influence in shaping the U.S. foreign policy. The main point of the analysis is the attitude of the American public to the Czechoslovak crisis and the Munich Agreement itself. The main hypothesis consists in the assertion that the United States played a major role in the Czechoslovak crisis that preceeded the signing of the Munich Agreement. I am seeking answers to these questions: How did the American public perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? What was the reaction of the U.S. government to the Czechoslovak crisis and the subsequent the Munich Agreement? How did president F. D. Roosevelt perceived the Czechoslovak crisis? In order to find answers to my questions I am using the issued and unissued sources, specialized literature and especially the contemporary press. The thesis has proved that the United States took part in the events that preceded the signing of the Munich Agreement.

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)

À la différence d’autres régions du tiers monde où l’influence de la France a été déterminante et ininterrompue (Moyen-Orient, Maghreb, les anciennes colonies françaises en Afrique centrale ou encore d'autres pays de l’Amérique latine), au Venezuela, il n’y a eu de véritable politique étrangère de coopération culturelle qu’à la fin des années 1950. L'avènement du boom pétrolier pendant l'entre deux guerres a fait décliner l'influence française. À la fin de la Seconde guerre, les diplomates français prennent conscience du potentiel énergétique du Venezuela, observant qu’il est possible de remédier la perte de l’influence économique en encourageant une véritable coopération culturelle. Cette coopération culturelle va utiliser les réseaux politiques intégrés par des élites francophiles, lesquelles revendiquent une histoire commune à la France et au Venezuela. L'étude sur la longue durée permet d'observer les permanences de l'histoire politique vénézuélienne, dans lesquelles s'insèrent les éléments qui ont servi à la construction du sentiment national vénézuélien et les influences des idées françaises sur le projet de modernisation de l’État. Notre étude soulève des questions telles que l'émigration, les échanges et les relations commerciales. Nous nous sommes particulièrement intéressés à l’étude des correspondances diplomatiques car la lecture minutieuse de celles-ci permet de soulever, en filigrane, bon nombre d’éléments liés aux représentations et à l’histoire politique des deux pays. De même, elle permet d’approcher ce que les élites considèrent comme identité et affinité culturelle. Nos sources se rapportent donc, pour la plupart aux correspondances diplomatiques conservées aux archives de La Courneuve et au Ministère des Relations Extérieures à Caracas. Nous les avons croisées avec d’autres sources documentaires, visuelles et littéraires ainsi qu’avec un certain nombre d’entretiens réalisés entre la fin de l’année 2010 et le début de 2011. Notre étude s’inspire des travaux de Pierre Renouvin et Jean Baptiste Duroselle en histoire des relations internationales, revisités par Robert Frank en 2011. Nous prenons en considération le poids des images, de la culture officielle et du rayonnement des modèles culturels, dans le but de tenter de mesurer « la puissance » des États (soft power). En ce sens, la valeur que les élites vénézuéliennes donnent au rayonnement culturel et scientifique français, au XIXe et au début du XXe siècle (1870-1935), permet d’expliquer en partie pourquoi la France a réussi à renforcer sa présence au Venezuela. En effet, le déclin de l'influence culturelle française, à une époque où les relations entre les deux pays s’étaient considérablement distendues (1936-1960), est concomitant à la perte de son influence économique et commerciale. Cette évolution a donné lieu à l'institutionnalisation progressive de la stratégie de la diplomatie culturelle (1961 à nos jours). Grâce à cette stratégie la France a récupérée le terrain qu'elle avait perdu devant la concurrence commerciale anglo-saxonne. Nous avons souhaité répondre à deux questions fondamentales : dans quelle mesure les élites vénézuéliennes, « influencées » par le modèle culturel français, ont réussi à opérer des appropriations/assimilations/adaptations de ce modèle au Venezuela ? Et, en contrepartie, dans quelle mesure la construction d’un « outil culturel » franco-vénézuélien a servi les intérêts de la politique étrangère française au Venezuela ? / Unlike other regions of the Third World, where the influence of France was decisive and uninterrupted (Middle East, Maghreb, former French colonies in Central Africa and other countries of Latin America), in Venezuela, there was only a real foreign cultural cooperation policy by the late 1950s. The advent of the oil boom during the interwar period caused the declining of French influence. By the end of the Second World War, French diplomats were aware of Venezuela’s energetic potential, remarking that it was possible to overcome the loss of economic influence by encouraging a genuine cultural cooperation.This cultural cooperation would use political networks joined by Francophile elites, who claimed a common history between France and Venezuela. The study on the long run allows observing the permanence of the Venezuelan political history, in which fits the elements used in the construction of the Venezuelan National sentiment and the influence of French ideas on the project of State modernization.Our study raises issues such as migration, trades and commercial relations. We are particularly interested in the study of diplomatic relationships, since a close up over these can highlight, watermark, many points related to their representations and the political history of both countries. Similarly, it allows approaching what the elite considered identity and cultural affinity. Our sources therefore relate mostly to diplomatic correspondence preserved in the files of La Courneuve and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Caracas. We cross checked with other documentaries, visual and literary sources as well as a certain number of interviews conducted by the end of 2010 and the beginning of 2011. Our study is based on the papers related to the history of international relations by Pierre Renouvin and Jean Baptiste Duroselle, revisited by Robert Frank in 2011. We take into consideration the contribution of images, official culture and the influence of cultural patterns, as an attempt to measure the "power" of States (soft power). On this matter, the value that the Venezuelan elites gave to the French cultural and scientific influence, in the XIX century and the beginning of XX (1870-1935), helps to explain to an extend the reason why France has managed to strengthen its presence in Venezuela. Indeed, the decline of the French cultural influence, at a time when relations between the two countries were considerably distended (1936-1960), is concomitant with the loss of its economic and commercial influence. This has resulted in the progressive institutionalization of the culturaldiplomacy strategy (from 1961 up to the present). Thanks to this strategy France has recovered part of the market share lost to the Anglo-Saxon competition.We wanted to answer two fundamental questions: To what extent the Venezuelan elites, "influenced" by the French cultural model, managed to operate appropriations / assimilation / adaptation of this model in Venezuela? And, in return, to what extent the construction of a "cultural tool" Franco-Venezuelan has served the interests of the French foreign policy in Venezuela?

教廷與中華民國之外交關係 （一九四二年至二○一二年）: 歷史、挑戰與前景 / Diplomatic relations between the Republic of China (ROC) and the Holy See were established in 1942. However, after a devastating civil war, the Chinese Communists gained control of Mainland China in 1949 and established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing. As a consequence, the Nationalist government of the ROC was forced to move from Nanking to Taipei, Taiwan. The Papal representative continued to remain at his post but the Communist government expelled him in 1951. In the following year, the Holy See decided to relocate its Apostolic Nunciature to Taipei and maintain its ties with the ROC. The tensions in the Strait between the two Chinese governments have put the Sino-Vatican relations to several tests. Indeed, the Vatican desires to normalize its relations with the PRC but is also confronted with two major issues imposed by Beijing which requests the direction of the Catholic Church in China and the end of the Holy See’s recognition of Taipei. It would strike a serious blow to Taipei if the Supreme government of the Catholic Church decides to break off diplomatic relations. It will also create a fragile position for Taiwan on the international diplomatic stage since the Holy See, at present, is the only European ally to officially recognize the ROC government. The relations of the Holy See with Taiwan are characterized by a mutually productive and cooperative partnership, especially in the promotion of human rights, culture, world peace and advocacy of religious freedom and alleviation of global poverty. This thesis aims to clarify the triangular situation between the Vatican, the ROC and the PRC and to show the challenges as well as the dilemmas the Holy See is confronted with in order to normalize its relations with China. First, this study explains the international status of the Holy See and its specific mission. Then, through a diachronic analysis, this thesis traces the evolution of Sino-Vatican relations to later on identify the difficulties the Holy See has to face across the Taiwan Strait. Then, it will analyze the efforts of Pope Benedict XVI to initiate a rapprochement with China and all the issues that have to be solved before negotiating any diplomatic ties. Based on this analysis, this thesis will show that the PRC and the Holy See are still at a stalemate and that the Vatican won’t move its Nunciature from Taipei in the foreseeable future.

This work covering the period 1795 to 1948 has four main features. It firstly examines the role of international and domestic factors in determining regional interaction and cooperation between South Africa and Chile. Secondly, it documents the whims of the international community, and more particularly the world powers which was a motivating factor in Chilean and South African politics, economy, society and their bilateral relations. Thirdly it covers the period when Britain rose to world power status. Eventually, this gave way to her displacement by Germany and then ultimately the United States. This study's fourth feature is that it marks the first documented account of direct contact between the inhabitants at the Cape of Good Hope and Latin America. The period ends with a cornerstone in the history of South African-Chilean bilateral relations when direct diplomatic and consular relations were established by both South Africa and Chile in May 1948. / M.A. (History)

Alors que César et ses écrits ont fait l’objet d’une étude approfondie au cours des deux derniers siècles, comment étudier ses commentaires de manière différente? En utilisant une nouvelle approche mise au point par Arthur M. Eckstein dans son oeuvre Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome qui soutient que Rome a conquis de manière opportuniste l'Italie et la Méditerranée orientale à travers une série de guerres défensives ou « d’invitations ». La nouveauté de cette approche est son utilisation des paradigmes de la science politique misant surtout sur le concept de l'anarchie réaliste. En tant que telle, cette thèse utilisera le cadre d'Eckstein et l'appliquera au Bellum Gallicum de César pour montrer que, contrairement à l'historiographie traditionnelle, César n'a pas conquis la Gaule par bellicosité et ambition personnelle, mais plutôt à la suite d'invitation directe de ses alliés gaulois le poussant à intervenir défensivement au nom du bellum iustum. Pour ce faire, un état d’anarchie en Gaule doit être démontré en adhérant au système méditerranéen d’Eckstein. Après quoi, une analyse détaillée du De Bello Gallico de César décrira les cas spécifiques durant lesquels il utilisa de manière opportuniste l'anarchie préexistante à son avantage, avant de finalement se plonger dans les spécificités des «invitations» ainsi que de son utilisation de la diplomatie agressive. Pour y parvenir, nous avons utilisé les commentaires de César comme sources principales, tandis que les travaux susmentionnés d’Eckstein nous ont donné les concepts interprétatifs et la base théorique dont nous avions besoin ; en outre, nous nous sommes appuyés sur plusieurs sources primaires supplémentaires ainsi que sur des études historiques pertinentes. La Gaule ayant été démontrée comme un système anarchique, le modèle d'Eckstein fut appliqué avec succès, et ses résultats mettent en évidence que la bellicosité des Gaulois les uns envers les autres les aveugla du danger romain, chose que César utilisa pour systématiquement intervenir militairement, tout en remplissant les vides de pouvoir qu’il laissa derrière lui. Ce modèle fait preuve d’importance car il nous fournit une explication alternative à la conquête romaine de la Gaule, en se penchant sur la science politique, ouvrant la porte à de vastes autres études, en suivant ce modèle qui reste encore largement inexploré. / While Caesar and his writings have been thoroughly studied for the past two centuries, it is time to make use of a new approach pioneered by Arthur M. Eckstein to study him. In his Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome Eckstein argues that Rome opportunistically conquered Italy and the Eastern Mediterranean through a series of defensive wars or “invitations”. What is novel about this approach is its use of political science paradigms, with a heavy emphasis on the concept of the realist anarchy. As such, using Eckstein’s framework and applying it to Caesar’s Bellum Gallicum this thesis shows that Caesar, contrarily to traditional historiography, did not conquer Gaul out of sheer bellicosity and personal ambition, but rather, as a result of a direct invitation from Rome’s Gallic allies to defensively interfere on their behalf in an act of bellum iustum. To do so, we will demonstrate that a state of anarchy exists in Gaul in accordance to Eckstein’s wider Mediterranean system. After which, a detailed analysis of Caesar’s De Bello Gallico will outline the specific instances in which Caesar opportunistically used this pre-existing anarchy to his advantage, before finally delving into the specificities of the “invitations” along with an analysis of Caesar’s use of aggressive diplomacy. To achieve this, we used first and foremost, Caesar’s commentaries as the primary sources, while Eckstein’s aforementioned work gave us the interpretative concepts and theoretical basis we needed; additionally, we drew on multiple supplementary primary sources and the surrounding relevant scholarship. After we demonstrated that Gaul was an anarchic system, we successfully applied Eckstein’s model, and its results clearly showed that the Gauls’ bellicosity against each other blinded them to the Roman danger, which Caesar used to systematically intervene, filling the power vacua left behind in his wake. This model is important because it provides us with an alternate explanation to the Roman conquest of Gaul, using one of history’s sister disciplines, political science. With this approach’s viability proven, it opens the door for vast other studies, in this as of yet, unexplored direction.

The Fourth Republic fell sort of expectations of French nation. The institutional system based on predominance of political parties could guarantee neither inner stability nor the return of France to the world political power. Weaknesses of French governments and their inability to cope with the serious political and economic issues resulted in collapse of the Fourth Republic in spring 1958. Some months later a new political system was established. It enabled to give France back its grandeur and independence. The first decade of the Fifth Republic, closely connected with the personality of President Charles de Gaulle, was greatly affected by the Algerian War of Independence in consequence of which all social and political spheres of the country were impacted. The Evian Agreements of March 1962 established an independent Algeria and enabled Charles de Gaulle to carry out his own political conception, including greater openness to the Soviet Union and its satellites. Czechoslovak-French diplomatic and cultural relations in the years 1948-1968 correspond to large extent extent to the evolution of international policy with its alternation of easing and tightening of the geopolitical tension and they also reflect the changes in domectic political situation in both countries. Since 1948 the Czechoslovak...