The following thesis will set out to argue that misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracies, in tandem with today’s advanced communication technology, pose a dire threat to the future of public health, biotechnological advancement, safe medical procedures, and ethical evidence-based legislation and policy. Each chapter will explore different points in public health and medicine that misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracies have already begun to shift or disrupt in ways that are eroding safe and effective care. Misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories should be seen more broadly outside of the spheres of Big Tech and First Amendment discourse, and instead understood as a public health concern of which there are ways to inoculate, treat, and mitigate public spread. Much as we have come to understand that gun violence requires more than a judicial approach, so too must we come to understand misinformation, disinformation, and conspiracy theories as an indicator of failing health in a population. / Urban Bioethics

This thesis addresses speech acts on the subject of disinformation as a threat at the United Nations Human Rights Council in its 47th, 49th and 50th sessions where the matter was discussed. By combining securitization theory and qualitative content analysis with a method of examining speech acts through specific variables, it is possible to examine if this was a case of securitization or politicization and if the process was a success or a failure. The findings suggest that there were two instances that could be regarded as securitizing acts. A part of the audience accepted disinformation as a threat. However, the lack of supranational power of the Council, failure to unilaterally depict disinformation as an existential security threat, lack of exceptional measures and disagreements between representatives caused obstacles for the process. Thus I argue that disinformation was not securitized but quasi-successfully politicized in the Human Rights Council and that the discussion revealed geopolitical tensions within the organization which can make decision-making difficult also in the future.

The introduction of social media platforms influenced the social dynamics by changing the way individuals are exposed to information. The straightforwardness of social media communication resulted in an overwhelming amount of information for users, and the variety of sources of the information is limiting users’ ability to assess what information is genuine and what is disinformation. Exploiting this shift in societal functioning, conspiracy theories have taken advantage of social media's reach to undermine the foundations of societies. One such theory, QAnon, which revolves around a fantastical narrative of a ruling satanic cabal exploiting children, has transitioned from the obscure corners of cyberspace to become a topic of mainstream media, courtesy of social media algorithms, journalistic interest, and opportunistic politicians. The impact of the QAnon discourse resulted in violent acts for some of the followers, culminating in the U.S. Capitol storming. This act provoked immense ban activity by major social media networks. With the passage of time, interest in QAnon has waned considerably. Thus, through a survey and thematic and content analysis, this research aims to assess and answer the following research questions: Where are QAnon conspiracy theory groups present in social media networks? and What are the main discussion themes and conspiracy theory targets? two years after the “storm“ incident. Gab, Telegram and Rumble are the social media platforms that have the most QAnon followers and discussions. An analysis confirmed that the discourse mainly concentrates around politics and conspiracy theories, with Donald Trump being the individual whose activities occupy the attention of most of the discussion topics. Calls for violence are rare, mostly in the form of predicting military coups or military courts, the QAnon followers’ narrative that has already been seen. In the case of QAnon, disinformation remains an attack vector in cyber warfare which underscores the need for further analysis into the development and influence the theory has towards upcoming major political events.

China is accused of conducting disinformation campaigns on Taiwan's social media. Existing studies on foreign interventions in democratic societies predict that such disinformation campaigns should lead to increasing partisan polarization within Taiwan. We argue that a backlash effect, making Taiwan's citizens more united against China, is equally plausible. We conduct a survey experiment exposing participants to a real-life rumour and rebuttal to test these competing hypotheses. We find, at best, mixed evidence for polarization. Although neither rumour nor rebuttal mention China, there is consistent evidence of backlash against China. Most notably, participants across the political spectrum are more inclined to support Taiwanese independence after viewing the rumour rebuttal. These findings indicate that citizens may put aside partisanship when confronted with false news that is plausibly linked to an external actor. We conclude by discussing the broader applicability of our theory and implications for cross-Strait relations.

The contemporary topic and fear of information attacks making their way and altering the course of democratic elections is a common one for many nations at current times. New technologies, cyberspace, and the increasing risk of hybrid warfare, as well as the little and vague regulation present to manage these, pose an intimidating threat to nations trying to uphold their liberal democratic values; and the nations taking advantage of this new-found form of influence are well aware of this. This thesis centres on the topic of disinformation campaigns by the Russian state in foreign elections, namely those of Spain, Brazil, and Mexico. Particularly, it analyses the response policies from these nations, along with coordinated institutions, as a means of addressing these threats. Taking inspiration from Constructivist theory, and making use of the tools of comparative research, this paper conducts a thorough but straightforward analysis, searching for answers to its research question, and ultimately arriving at logic-founded conclusions regarding the importance of context in policy analysis, and the study of global security, and more importantly how its role is explained on the cases at hand.

Desinformation har genom alla tider varit en del av samhället och har genom historien haft avgörandet betydelse för händelser som utspelat sig. Idag är desinformation ett ytterst aktuellt ämne som genom nyhetsflödets ökande tempo med digitaliseringen, samt AIs förmåga att producera manipulerade bilder är det ett område som är viktigt att studera. Syftet med undersökningen var att undersöka om det fanns någon korrelation mellan den svenska befolkningens känsla av inkludering kopplad till deras attityd mot desinformation. Vidare undersöktes det om det fanns något samband kopplade till intersektionella faktorer som kön och ålder. Undersökningen hade en kvantitativ ansats genom insamlandet av enkäter, som sedan sammanställdes. Resultatet visade att inget samband mellan känslan av inkludering och attityd till desinformation, samt mellan desinformation kopplat till kön eller ålder kunde fastställas. Slutsatsen som kan dras är att bristen på signifikanta resultat kan tillskrivas antingen en missad korrelation som inte fångades i denna studie eller det faktum att desinformation är en så genomgripande samhällsfråga att den ses negativt av de flesta individer, vilket gör det svårt att hitta signifikanta skillnader mellan olika grupper. En separat undersökning fann dock visst samband mellan konspiratoriska övertygelser och individer inom den politiska högern, vilket tyder på ett potentiellt samband mellan politiska ideologier och attityder till desinformation. Ytterligare forskning behövs för att utforska denna aspekt. / Disinformation has always been a part of society and throughout history has been decisive for events that unfolded. Today, disinformation is an extremely current topic that, through the increased pace of the news flow with digitization, and AI's ability to produce manipulated images is the most current area to study. The purpose of the survey was to investigate whether there was any correlation between the Swedish population's sense of inclusion linked to their attitude towards desinformation. Furthermore, the paper explored whether there was any relationship linked to intersectional factors such as gender and age. The survey was a quantitative survey through the collection of questionnaires, which were then compiled. The result showed that no relationship between the feeling of inclusion and attitude to disinformation, as well as between disinformation linked to gender or age could be established. The conclusion that can be drawn is that the lack of significant results can be attributed either to a missed correlation that was not captured in this study or to the fact that disinformation is such a pervasive societal issue that it is viewed negatively by most individuals, making it difficult to find significant differences between different groups. However, a separate survey found some association between conspiratorial beliefs and individuals on the political right, suggesting a potential link between political ideologies and attitudes toward disinformation. Further research is needed to explore this aspect.

Russia's renewed interest and involvement in the African continent is reminiscent of a time when the Soviet Union supported various ideologically aligned groups to win a geopolitical power struggle and assert its position as a global superpower. The motives seem to have changed, but the question is whether Russian warfare in Africa has changed as well. In this comparative study, the Soviet Union's support for the MPLA and their takeover in Angola in 1975 is compared with Russia's support for the military junta that seized power in Mali after a military coup in 2020, aiming to determine how Russian/Soviet warfare in Africa has evolved over time. Supported by Thomas Rid and Lars Ulfving's theoretical framework on so-called active measures, three operationalized variables are identified and analyzed as: white, gray, and black. Through qualitative text analysis, reports and literature from the cases are examined. The results of this study provide a deeper understanding of how hybrid warfare has been and is currently used as a means of Russian influence in Africa. The methods for this have rather been reinforced than changed historically by global development trends, especially the spread of information technology and the utilization of private companies and other actors. This study has confirmed that there is a historically rooted common Russian strategy to acquire and exert influence, a strategy based on the Soviet Union's traditional methods, active measures. A dual strategy consisting of both official policies and unofficial means where the unofficial means are driven by private actors, facilitating Russia's plausible deniability.

LVU-kampanjen beskrivs i media vara den största påverkanskampanj som någonsin träffat Sverige och uppges vara en av anledningarna till att landets terrorhotnivå höjdes från tre till fyra på den femgradiga skalan sommaren 2023. Vad handlar egentligen LVU-kampanjen om? Hur framställs den av media? I denna kvalitativa dokumentstudie är syftet att undersöka just detta samt hur regeringen och berörda myndigheter har bemött LVU-kampanjen. Studien ämnar även att undersöka vilka eventuella konsekvenser för Socialstyrelsen och socialtjänsten som media beskrivit förorsakats av LVU-kampanjen. För att undersöka detta utgår studien från nyhetsartiklar funna på internet. Det empiriska materialet utgörs således av 54 nyhetsartiklar och därtill har rapporter samt officiella dokument använts. Det empiriska materialet har analyserats genom kvalitativ innehållsanalys och studiens teori utgörs av gestaltningsteorin samt de teoretiska begreppen motstånd och social rörelse. LVU-kampanjen beskrivs handla om en form av ryktesspridning gällande att svensk socialtjänst omhändertar barn och i synnerhet muslimska barn utan några legitima grunder. Vidare beskrivs kampanjen ha fått stor nationell och internationell spridning med anledning av sociala medier, där personer enades kring frågan. Personer i andra länder, med miljontals följare på sociala medier spred denna så kallade desinformation, vilket nådde människor världen över. Studiens resultat visar att media har framställt en sammantagen bild av att porträttera och beskriva  LVU-kampanjen som en desinformationskampanj och bemötandet av kampanjen verkar, av de officiella dokumenten att läsa, till största del handla om hur desinformation ska motverkas. Avslutningsvis beskrivs LVU-kampanjen ha drabbat socialarbetare, vilka fått motta hot mot både sig själva och sina familjer. Dessutom beskrivs rädsla och minskad tillit till socialtjänsten vara en konsekvens av, men även orsak till, LVU-kampanjen, vilket drabbar barn som är i behov av stöd. Sammantaget är hot och våld gentemot socialarbetare samt en rädsla för socialtjänsten hos utsatta människor att betrakta som ytterst allvarliga konsekvenser för det sociala arbetets praktik.

This quantitative study investigates the public perception of media reporting on disinformation campaigns targeted at Sweden. Through a structured questionnaire survey administered to participants aged 18-65, the study examines the level of awareness regarding recent disinformation campaigns towards the nation, the primary sources of news consumption, and the perceived adequacy of media coverage regarding the campaigns. The collected data from 141 respondents, are analyzed based on demographic variables such as age, gender, and level of education. The findings reveal variations in awareness levels across different age groups and gender identities, with younger age groups demonstrating higher awareness levels compared to older participants in the survey. The study also examines the perceived trustworthiness of news sources, including whether news reporting on the disinformation campaigns is considered more credible when it comes from traditional media compared to social media. The results from the survey are discussed in relation to the study's theoretical framework with foundations in media science and social psychology. This study contributes to the understanding of how individuals perceive media reporting on contemporary disinformation campaigns towards Sweden.

Denna studies huvudsakliga syfte är att undersöka om och hur socialarbetare som arbetar inom ramen för socialtjänstens arbete med familjer, påverkas i praktiken av desinformationskampanjen och hur detta tar sig i uttryck. Utgångspunkten är vilka eventuella konsekvenser kampanjen haft för socialarbetarnas möjligheter till relationsskapande, att skapa allians och bygga tillit utifrån deras handlingsutrymme i mötet med barn, unga och deras familjer. I den tidigare forskningen inom områdena tillit, allians och socialt arbete inom socialtjänsten, framgår det att tilliten är låg bland vissa grupper, att allians kan bidra till förändring, men att det inom myndighetsutövning är svårt att upprätta allians med klienter. Slutligen framkommer det i den tidigare forskningen att yrkesverksamma inom socialtjänsten är högt arbetsbelastade och behöver förhålla sig till klienter, rädda barn från missförhållanden och leva upp till organisationens förväntningar, vilket inte alltid går i linje med deras ambitioner. Kunskapsluckan jag avser att fylla med uppsatsen är framförallt forskning om desinformationskampanjens eventuella konsekvenser för det sociala arbetet inom socialtjänstens arbete med familjer och hur detta manifesteras i praktiken mellan klienter och yrkesverksamma. Empirin för denna studie har samlats in genom fyra semistrukturerade intervjuer med yrkesverksamma socialsekreterare och familjebehandlare i olika stadsdelsförvaltningar i Stockholm. Resultatet för denna undersökning pekar på att det är svårt att bygga tillit, allians och relation till klienter som påverkats av ryktesspridningens budskap, inom ramen för socialtjänstens arbete med familjer. Konsekvenser blir att personer som potentiellt är i behov av stödinsatser, undviker socialtjänsten, där en ytterligare konsekvens är att barn i familjer med låg tillit, riskerar växa upp under sämre förhållanden än andra. Tillit och allians beskrivs som viktigt för att kunna samarbeta med familjer och bidra till förändring. I vissa ärenden har möjligheten att bygga tillitsfulla relationer och allians varit obefintligt, och ärenden avslutas på grund av låg tillit till socialtjänsten på grund av spridningen av desinformation. Samtidigt är handlingsutrymmet för socialsekreterare är begränsat, bland annat genom hög arbetsbelastning med många ärenden och brist på tid, vilket i sin tur försvårar möjligheten att bygga tillitsfulla relationer och allians. / The main purpose of this study is to investigate whether and how social workers who work within the swedish social service's work with families are affected in practice by the disinformation campaign and how this manifests itself. With a focus on its consequences on building relations based on trust and alliance and social workers' room for action when working with families. In the previous research on trust, alliance and social workers in social services, it appears that trust is low among certain groups, that alliance can contribute to change, but that in the exercise of authority it is difficult to establish alliance with clients. Finally, it appears in previous research that professionals in social services are burdened with high workload. Also, they need to live up to the client’s and the organization’s expectations, while also working to prevent children from growing up under bad living conditions. The social workers’ ambitions are not always in line with the organizations. The knowledge gap is primarily research into the possible consequences of the disinformation campaign on the social work within social services' work with families and how this is manifested in practice between client and professional. The empirical data for this study has been collected through four semi-structured interviews with professional social workers and family therapists in various district administrations in Stockholm. The results of this study indicate that it is difficult to build trust, alliance and relationship with clients who have been affected by the spread of rumors, within the social services' work with families. The consequences are that individuals, who potentially require support services, avoid social services, leading to another consequence: children in families with low trust risk growing up in worse conditions than others do. Trust and alliance are described as crucial for collaborating with families and facilitating change. In certain cases, the possibility of building trusting relationships and alliances has been non-existent, and cases are closed due to low trust in social services caused by the spread of misinformation. Simultaneously, the discretion for social workers, is limited, partly due to high workloads with numerous cases and a lack of time, which in turn hinders their ability to build trusting relationships and alliances.