Magistro darbe analizuojama pilietinio ugdymo/nepaklusnumo procesų ir formų raiška besiformuojančioje pilietinėje visuomenėje. Tyrimu siekiama pagrįsti pilietinio nepaklusnumo paradigmą valstybių kovų už nepriklausomybę kontekste, įvertinti jų sąsajas su socioedukaciniais ppilietinės visuomenėskūrimo procesais bei prognozuoti galimas pilietinio nepaklusnumo tendencijas naujų globalinių rizikų fone. Darbe teigiama, kad naujajame pasaulio ekonominės, politinės ir socialinės raidos etape vykstantys neprievartinio pobūdžio konfliktai yra strateginė demokratinės visuomenės bendrųjų vertybių ir interesų gynybos išraiška. Kartu daroma išvada, kad globalizacijos sąlygomis, pakituspasaulio politinei architektūrai visuotinis politinis nepaklusnumas, siejamas su pilietinių laisvių išsaugojimu yra ypatingai aktualus. Socialinės edukacijos požiūriu šiandieninė neprievartinio strateginio konflikto kaip tyrimo objekto analizė galima tik kaip bendra integralių vadybos, politikos ir ekonomikos, psichologijos ir socialinės komunikacijos kompetencijų raiška. / The aim of the study is the justification of civil disobedience in order to summarize a paradigm of unique historical and current experience of civil disobedience in the world; the struggle for independence in the context of the assessment of their linkages with civil society socioeducational processes and to predict possible trends in civil disobedience to the new global risks in the background. In the new world of economic, political and social development, the natures of nonviolent conflicts within a democratic society are the strategic values and common interests in terms of defense. On the other hand, on the Euro-Atlantic integration condition of the general civil disobedience is linked to the preservation of civil liberties is particularly relevant, and remains a universal response to any threats. In this context of state socioeducational priorities education/disobedience expands civil society and democratic formation opportunities, creates secure not only internal but also external risk management in emergency situations. The method of experts’ survey was used to analyze the problem approaches for comparison, to generate ideas and socioeducational dimension modeling. The expert questionnaire was used to clarify problem areas and practical recommendations. The structured summary of expert responses was created. In conclusion, a social communication helps to build civic networks, also helps citizen to access qualified information while at the same time promotes their... [to full text]

This essay investigates whether Amartya Sen’s or Martha Nussbaum’s version of the capability approach is better suited to justify civil disobedience. The theoretical framework of my study is critical discourse analysis. This aims to establish the most significant conditions for the justification of civil disobedience. An interpretation of the conception of civil disobedience is presented. The investigation assumes that civil disobedience is justified when people advocate for a change in a policy or a law that limits the securing of basic capabilities. A major part of the essay is devoted to clarifying how the idea of basic capabilities relates to civil disobedience. I also emphasize the importance of human dignity as a universal value. I argue that this value is crucial to realizing why some capabilities are more basic than others. I show that Nussbaum is in a better position than Sen to explain when civil disobedience can be justified. This is because Sen lacks a framework of basic capabilities leaving it up to each nation to assess which capabilities ought to be secured.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:28:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2008-10-03Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:57:13Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 cruz_lr_me_mar.pdf: 1278685 bytes, checksum: 8afdc5f67f56b2ec7ff79b5b3f382e71 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / A Internet propiciou a formação de uma rede descentralizada de informações nunca antes encontrada em nossa sociedade. Baseando-se na digitalização dos produtos culturais, a arquitetura da rede permitiu uma ampla distribuição de informações de maneira fácil e relativamente barata, favorecendo uma distribuição cultural de novo tipo, baseada na facilidade de apropriação, de compartilhamento e de produção de réplicas idênticas ao original. Contudo, essa prática tão comum da cibercultura freqüentemente desconsidera as leis de proteção dos direitos autorais, pois estimula uma livre circulação de informações em detrimento da proteção dos interesses autorais e mercadológicos de distribuição. A Internet inaugura ainda novos movimentos sociais, pautados pela construção comum de licenças autorais atualizadas e de práticas políticas de Desobediência Civil nesse novo terreno de disputa. Portanto, objetivamos neste trabalho investigar as formas de distribuição de informação no arcabouço tecnoinformacional e as suas relações com as estruturas jurídicas das leis proteção autoral e com as velhas e novas formas de acumulação. / The Internet made possible the beginning of a unique decentralized network of information in our society. Relied on the digitalization of cultural products, the net’s framing allowed a biggest sharing of information in a easier and cheaper way, supporting a cultural distribution of a new kind, based on the facilities of appropriation, sharing and production of identical copies from the original one. However, this ciberculture common practice frequently disrespect the copyright laws, because it encourage a free circulation of information in detriment of the authors and merchandising interests protection. The Internet still made possible the emerging of new social movements, ruled by common construction of actualized author’s licenses and by political actions of Civil Disobedience within this new space of conflict. Thus, our objective in this work is investigate the new paths of information sharing ways in the techno-informational structure and its relations with the juridical framing of the copyright and with the new and old ways of accumulation.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-14T12:11:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ArquivoTotalMaisa.pdf: 670994 bytes, checksum: 77b2783954211a552e0d4343dbd68256 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-01-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This study aims to investigate the possibility of understanding civil disobedience as a political duty. For this, we analyze the works of the Italian political philosopher Alessandro Passerin d'Entrèves. From the author's conception of the State, we analyze the relations of command and obedience in the state s structure and establish another approach to the problem of obedience to the laws using d Entrèves concept of 'political obligation'. Analyzing studies from Passerin d'Entrèves, Norberto Bobbio and Hannah Arendt, specifically about the legitimacy of civil disobedience and resistance, we try to answer the question: Why should we disobey? To enable the approach described above, we explore some classic problems of political philosophy and law, such as the notion of authority, the conflict between the concepts of legality and legitimacy and the definition of the state as a monopoly of force. In this sense, this research addresses some conflicts between great streams of western thought, as positivism and natural law, political science and philosophy, among others. From d Entrèves notion of political obligation it is possible to understand civil desobedience as a duty, especially in the democratic experiences. / Esse trabalho se propõe a investigar a possibilidade de compreender a desobediência civil como um dever políticoa partir da análise das obras do filósofo do direito e da política italiano Alessandro Passerin d Entrèves. A partir da concepção de Estado do autor, analisamos as relações de comando e obediência na estrutura estatal e estabelecemos umaaproximação ao problema da obediência às leis através de seu conceito de obrigação política . Analisando especificamente estudos acerca da desobediência civil e da legitimidade da resistência de Passerin d Entrèves, Norberto Bobbio e Hannah Arendt, tentamos responder à pergunta: porquê desobedecer? Para possibilitar a abordagem acima descrita, exploramos alguns problemas clássicos da filosofia política e do direito, tais como a noção de autoridade, o conflito entre os conceitos de legalidade e legitimidade e a definição do Estado como monopólio da força legítima. Nesse sentido, essa pesquisa aborda alguns conflitos entre grandes correntes do pensamento ocidental, como jus naturalismo e jus positivismo, ciências políticas e filosofia, entre outros. A partir da noção de obrigação política de d Entrèves é possível interpretar a desobediência civil como dever, especialmente nas experiências democráticas.

Orientador: Alcides Hector Rodriguez Benoit / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humana / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T15:13:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jatoba_MariadoSocorrodaSilva_D.pdf: 5021879 bytes, checksum: eecae0dc01688b1efe35c1cd8570ef5a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Trata-se de examinar, nesta tese, o problema da desobediência civil a partir de um confronto entre a Apologia e o Criton. Isto porque nas duas obras encontramos diferentes e contrárias maneiras de apresentar a questão. Na primeira, não apenas considera-se a possibilidade da desobediência às ordens humanas quando estas ferirem determinações e preceitos divinos, como também uma afirmação de sua necessidade, isto é, de ser preciso, sob certas circunstàncias, desobedecer. Na Segunda, encontramos a questão sem qualquer possibilidade de admissão da desobediência, uma vez que se concentra sobre a obediência legal, isto é, sobre a necessidade incondicional de obediência às leis. Nosso trabalho parte de uma análise da Antigone de Sófocles e se detém, logo depois, sobre a Apologia e o Criton / Abstract: This is about the question of obedience and disobedience in Ancient Greece. We have investigated the question since Sofocles' Antigone and Plato's Apology to Plato's Criton. It is a very important question to know when and in which condition one is avaible to disobedience the law. We think this question is posed by Plato in his Criton. By the other side, the Apology seems to be completely certainly about the necessity to disobey sometimes. Firstly, when the human laws are in opposite with the divine laws. It is the theme of Sofocles' Antigone. She disobey the human laws to obey the divine laws / Doutorado / Doutor em Filosofia

A obrigação política é interpretada como um problema de cooperação. Inicialmente rejeita-se a idéia de que a cooperação sempre emerge do equilíbrio de ações autointeressadas. Discutindo alguns dos mais conhecidos princípios morais para a obrigação política são rejeitadas princípios verticais, como a gratidão e o consentimento, e alguns princípios horizontais, como dever natural e deveres associativos. Defende-se, por fim a equidade como um princípio moral capaz de dar sentido à obrigação política entendida como requisito de uma sociedade entendida como um empreendimento cooperativo. / Political obligation is treated as a cooperation problem. At first, an account that cooperation always emerges as equilibrium of self-interested actions is rejected. Discussing some of most popular moral principles of political obligations, we reject vertical principles, as gratitude and consent, and some horizontal principles, like associative and natural duty, that are not centered in the idea of society as cooperation. Finally, the principle of fairness is defended as the most adequate moral principle to make sense of political obligation as requisite of a society understood as a cooperative venture.

L'analyse des différents commentaires de "Was ist Aufklärung ?" par Michel Foucault permet de retracer l'émergence d'une conception d'un courage des gouvernés, entre désobéissance et désassujettissement. Un courage dénué de tout psychologisme, mais qui s'affirmerait comme une attitude, une reformulation du rapport que chacun entretient avec soi-même ; un courage qui ne serait plus pensé sur le mode d'une conquête de l'autonomie, confiné aux espaces aménagés de l'obéissance ; un courage enfin qui ne serait pas une vertu de l'occasion, mais une élaboration quotidienne et patiente de soi par soi. Notre premier pas sur la voie du courage consisterait alors en un travail de déprise de soi, et de refus de l'emprise du pouvoir sur la conduite de nos existences. Or, au cœur des problématiques de gouvernement, la vérité apparaît comme le vecteur essentiel du pouvoir. Les procès de Socrate et de Galilée, ainsi que les mythes qui les entourent, laissent entrevoir la manière dont le vrai s'est progressivement imposé comme source unique de l'autorité grâce au platonisme tout d'abord, puis par l'intermédiaire du christianisme. La vérité s'est ainsi vue augmentée d'une dimension nouvelle, « kratogénétique », qui désigne la capacité d'un énoncé à produire des effets de pouvoir dans une configuration stratégique donnée. L'étude des procès de Nuremberg et celui d'Eichmann mettent en lumière l'insuffisance des traditions héroïques, hoplitiques et chrétiennes du courage à produire un appareil conceptuel qui permettrait au sujet de s'affirmer face au pouvoir de sujétion de la vérité et à la démultiplication et la diversification des régimes d'obéissance. L'urgence de notre modernité est de s'extirper du cauchemar de la docilité. C'est pourquoi nous avons dans un dernier temps choisi de faire dialoguer Hannah Arendt et Michel Foucault, à partir de leur relecture critique des concepts machiavéliens tout d'abord, puis en comparant la manière dont ils ont l'un et l'autre ont opéré un retour à l'Antiquité, et à la figure tutélaire de Socrate en particulier : revenir au sujet préchrétien afin de penser un courage sans référence à aucune transcendance, comme fidélité à soi-même et à la manifestation en soi-même de la pluralité humaine, ou comme technique de soi et stylistique de l'existence. / Studying Michel Foucault's commentaries on Kant's "Was ist Aufklärung?" allows to witness the emerging conception of a courage specific to the governed, between disobedience and de-subjection. A courage barren of any psychology, but conceived as an attitude, i.e. a reflection of someone's relationship to its self ; a courage that can't be summed-up as a conquest of autonomy, confined to cautiously designed spaces of obedience ; a courage that isn't an occasional virtue, but a daily routine of exercises by yourself and on yourself. Thus, our first step on the path to courage would translate to an abandonment of our former self, and a refusal of the power's grip on our very existences. Then, at the heart of governing techniques, truth appears as power's essential conduit. Socrates' and Galileo's trials, as well as the myths surrounding them, unveil the way truth progressively became the unique source of authority ; thanks to Platonism at first, then through Christianity. Truth gained a new dimension in the process, which we call "kratogenetic" as it points to the capacity of any proposition to generate effects of power in any given strategic configuration. Our study of the Nuremberg and Eichmann's trials exposes the inability of the heroic, hoplitic and Christian traditions of courage to produce a set of concepts that could allow the subject to assert itself in the face of the subjecting power of truth, and the multiplication and diversification of obedience regimes. The emergency of our time is to extricate ourselves from the nightmare of docility. That is why we have decided at last to initiate a dialog between Hannah Arendt and Michel Foucault, from their critical reworking of Machiavelli's concepts at first, then comparing the way they each got back to the Antiquity in general, and to Socrates as a father-figure in particular : a way to get back to a pre-Christianity subject, in order to conceive a courage without any reference to any transcendence ; a courage conceived either as a loyalty to ourselves and to the manifestation within ourselves of mankind's plurality, or as a technique of the self and a stylization of our existence.

This text is written as a masterexam within an important Art institution in Stockholm as Konstfack, where the researcher has been studying interior and furniture design for the last five years. Therefore, it is the result of the knowledge accumulated during that period of time, in combination with the socio-cultural baggage that characterizes her identity and positioning towards the world. There are many ways of defining architecture and design. Also, within the concept of architecture, there are plenty of branches. This study is, as said before, a sum of the interpretation of how to use the education in order to socially contribute to a sustainable and more egalitarian world. As the writers' background profoundly influences her point of view, it seems essential to exhibit it for the reader.  Her parents came to Sweden as political refugees from Chile and Argentina during the military dictatorships that had taken over the democratic governments in those countries during the '70s. They, as well as the researcher, are by definition, either Swedish or "white". Even as born in Sweden and having Swedish citizenship, the law does not define the writer as Swedish. This fact has featured the formation of her identity as "not white," and in that way excluded from the dominating "ethnicity". Initially, the aim of the study contextualises by the description of the experiences and knowledge that have guided the author through her education at Konstfack. As a result,  there arise perspectives that criticize excluding power structures and how they reproduce through architecture and spatial design. Experiences, reflections, and knowledge that emerged through the described education at Konstfack led further into the exploration of the concepts inclusive-excluding design, activism, social and political architecture, postcolonial perspectives, and decolonizing processes. The study's theoretical part presents various practitioners that have inspired and empowered this project. Further, a more in-depth analysis of the institution responsible for the writer's education for the last five years results in unfolding problems and issues to give the reader an understanding of the chosen strategies to follow, starting with "manipulating manipulation". The fifth chapter consists of the study's method part, where the researcher describes the methods and strategies used. The results are presented based on spatial interventions, used as a tool to activate dialogues about shared spaces, here called common spaces. The reactions caused by the interventions are also a ground for analysis. Keywords: white supremacy, subversive interventions, disruptive aesthetics, activism, civil disobedience, architecture

The main objective of this study is to analyse the concept of civil disobedience by providing an overview of its historical development; its objectives and strategies, and how this was applied in South Africa by the United Democratic Front in the 1980s. The sub-objectives were to determine if civil disobedience as a concept is going through, or has gone through any notable changes since its inception; to assess the extent to which United Democratic Front policies and strategies were in accordance with civil disobedience; and to briefly compare manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa in the pre-1994 period, with some manifestations in the post-1994 period. The study included an assessment of the Defiance Campaign, analysing its impact and demise. It focused on the ANC strategy of mass action and assessed the role of the Pan African Congress. It outlined the formation of the UDF, assessing its vision, broad principles, organisation and objectives. Certain assumptions were assessed in the concluding chapters, namely that civil disobedience has developed into a broader concept than the original concept of passive resistance; that the policies and strategies of the United Democratic Front initially resembled some aspects of civil disobedience but eventually deviated from this due to a change in strategy; and that some contemporary manifestations of civil disobedience in South Africa resemble certain methods used in the 1980s, but the objectives differ. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / lk2014 / Political Sciences / MA / Unrestricted

The following essay argues that Transnational Civil Disobedience may be justified when it is applied to questions relating to global climate change. Civil Disobedience as a politically motivated form of lawbreaking posits questions regarding political obligation and citizenship and such questions are amplified when applied to the transnational level.Furthermore, this essay focuses on the influential account of Civil Disobedience as it has been formulated by John Rawls. The writer argues that there are potential issues with this formulation when it is applied outside of the greater scope of Rawls’s work. Instead, the essay argues for a formulation of Civil Disobedience that includes a politicizing feature, and to view it as an extra institutional form of political discourse that is detached from notions of state belonging.Finally, it is argued that the All Affected Principle may be used as a necessary condition for justifying acts of Transnational Civil Disobedience. The nature of Global Climate change as an event that affects the human race as a whole, gives rise to the potential for non-citizens to claim a level of political agency in matters that affect them despite lacking formal representation.