A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo reconstruir os acontecimentos em torno da Operação Integrada Centro Legal (mais conhecida como Operação Sufoco), deflagrada na região central de São Paulo conhecida como cracolândia, em janeiro de 2012. Trata-se de uma intervenção policial que parece evidenciar o que todo um campo de pesquisas vem flagrando em outras cidades do Brasil e do mundo como uma lógica securitária nas formas de gestão e produção do espaço urbano. Além disso, dentro do contexto da cracolândia, essa operação pode ser tida como um ponto de virada na forma como o Estado intervém atualmente nesse território, que passou a ser foco de políticas das três esferas de governo nos últimos três anos. A hipótese que orienta a análise da operação, seus efeitos e a configuração atual da região da cracolândia é a de que as inovações nas formas de gerir esse território observadas recentemente podem ser entendidas tendo como referência as limitações e resistências geradas pelos campos de disputa que surgiram em torno desta ação policial. A partir da análise da atuação judicial de defensores e promotores públicos com vistas a fazer cessar a operação na região, são apresentados neste trabalho alguns dos conflitos e disputas que se processaram em torno da \"cracolândia\" e das formas de gerir esse espaço, por exemplo, sobre qual o papel que as forças repressivas deveriam ter (ou não) no trato da questão do crack, o embate entre o direito de ir, vir e permanecer dos usuários de cracke o direito à segurança, e as disputas entre diferentes saberes médicos sobre as formas de tratamento de usuários e dependentes químicos. Nesse sentido, a cracolândia, a Operação Sufoco e toda a reconfiguração que ela engendrou nesse território foram escolhidos como cenas privilegiadas para observar as conflituosidades que esse tipo de intervenção securitária engendra e como tais disputas influenciam na dinâmica reconfiguração dos dispositivos de controle que visam garantir a ordem nesse espaço urbano. / This research aims to reconstruct the events around the \"Operação Integrada Centro Legal\" (known as Operation Suffocation), deflagrated in the central region of São Paulocityknown as \"crackland\" in January 2012. This is a policeintervention thatseems to evidencewhatawhole field of research is capturingin other cities in Brazil and in the world as a security-logic in the forms of managing and producing urban space. In addition, within the context of \"crackland\", this operation can be seen as a turning point in the way the state currently intervenes in that territory, which became the focus of policies of the three levels of government in the last three years. The hypothesis that guides the analysis of this intervention, its effects and the current setting of \"crackland\" region is that innovations in ways of managing this territory recently observed can be understood with reference to the limitations and resistance generated by the fields of dispute that emerged around this police operation. From the analysis of the judicial action of public defenders and prosecutors in order to end the operation in the region, some of the conflicts and disputes about \"crackland\" and ways to manage this spaceare presented in this work, e.g on what role the repressive forces should (or should not) have at the crackissue, the battlebetween thecrackusers\'right to go, come and stay versusthe right to security, and disputes between different medical knowledge on ways to treat users and addicts. In this sense, \"crackland\", \"Operation Suffocation\" and all reconfiguration itengendered in that territory were chosen as privileged scenes to observe the conflictsthat this type of security-intervention engenders and how these disputes influencein the dynamic reconfiguration of control devices that aim to ensure order in this urban space.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-05-08T16:50:46Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Müller Fiedler_.pdf: 22598610 bytes, checksum: 11acf1db9e40cbe9e9ee1f83f9d058bc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-08T16:50:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arthur Müller Fiedler_.pdf: 22598610 bytes, checksum: 11acf1db9e40cbe9e9ee1f83f9d058bc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-04-18 / Nenhuma / A convenção de cláusulas arbitrais escalonadas permite arranjar contratualmente os diferentes métodos adequados de solução de conflitos (ADR) com o objetivo de resolver os mais diversos tipos de disputas empresariais no âmbito nacional e internacional. Este estudo tem por objetivo identificar se a convenção de cláusulas arbitrais escalonadas em instrumentos contratuais é eficiente para a solução de conflitos empresariais no Brasil. Para tanto, recorreu-se a revisão bibliográfica e identificou-se que o tema permite um estudo de caráter exploratório, a fim de investigar a percepção de eficiência do instituto no âmbito das câmaras de mediação e arbitragem brasileiras. Dessa forma, foram aplicados questionários com presidentes, diretores e gerentes jurídicos de 18 (dezoito) câmaras de mediação e arbitragem, dentre às quais, 8 (oito) das câmaras mais relevantes do Brasil, o que possibilitou a coleta de dados e a análise do conteúdo. A pesquisa contribui com diversos elementos de análise da eficiência das cláusulas arbitrais escalonadas, contudo, para o presente trabalho, foram definidos alguns critérios, como frequência e volume, vantagens, desvantagens, motivos e razões de utilização ou não pelas empresas, aplicações práticas por tipo de conflito e, por fim, eficiência para a solução de disputas. Os resultados da pesquisa oferecem elementos conclusivos de que a convenção de cláusulas arbitrais escalonadas em instrumentos contratuais trata-se de uma ferramenta em pleno crescimento e desenvolvimento, ágil e frequentemente eficiente na solução de diversos tipos de conflitos empresariais no Brasil. / The dispute resolution clause allows contractual arrangements to be made for the different alternative methods of dispute resolution (ADR) in order to solve the most diverse types of business disputes in the national and international scope. The purpose of this study is to identify whether the dispute resolution clauses in contractual instruments are effective for resolving corporate disputes in Brazil. To do so, we resorted to the bibliographic review and it was identified that the theme allows an exploratory study, in order to investigate the perception of efficiency of the institute within the Brazilian mediation and arbitration chambers. Thus, questionnaires were administered to presidents, directors and managers of 18 mediation and arbitration chambers, including 8 of the most relevant chambers in Brazil, which enabled data collection and content analysis. The research contributes with several elements of analysis of the efficiency of dispute resolution clauses, however, for the present work, some criteria were defined, such as frequency and volume, advantages, disadvantages, reasons of use or not by companies, practical applications by type of conflict and, ultimately, efficiency in general. The results of the research offer conclusive evidence that the agreement of dispute resolution clause in contractual instruments is a fast growing and agile and often efficient tool for solving various types of business conflicts in Brazil.

O presente estudo tem por objetivo, demonstrar a evolução e a expansão do conceito de acesso à justiça, ocorrida principalmente a partir da metade do século XX, além de elucidar os impactos gerados na sociedade e no Poder Judiciário. Ademais, propõe soluções alternativas a fim de alcançar a pacificação social e de contribuir para o fim da atual crise Judiciária. Para isso, analisa minuciosamente, o conceito universal de acesso à justiça, bem como todos os aspectos que originaram a sua expansão, tais como: os movimentos políticos, sociais, o crescimento da ideologia de cidadania, a introdução de inúmeros mecanismos e instrumentos legais (questões ambientais, consumeristas, eletrônicas) a ideologia do Estado como principal provedor do bem estar social. Buscou-se contribuir para o desenvolvimento de uma inovadora visão sobre o acesso à justiça, demonstrando que a autonomia privada deve ser respeitada e incentivada pelo Estado-Juiz. Sabe-se que os cidadãos têm o livre arbítrio de renunciar ao tradicional exercício de ação, optando por um acesso à justiça por via alternativa para solucionar seus conflitos, e é essa ideologia que se quer disseminar. O presente tema é de suma importância para o aperfeiçoamento do direito brasileiro, pois, se o conceito de acesso à justiça for devidamente interpretado, pode-se evitar grande parte dos problemas enfrentados hoje pelo Poder judiciário pátrio. Serão propostas novas formas de operacionalização dos métodos alternativos de resolução de conflitos. Demonstrando que a via judicial deverá ser tratada como mais uma opção de alcance da pacificação social e não como a única forma de atingi-la. / The objective of the current study is to demonstrate the expansion of the access to justice concept and its relevant impacts on society and the judiciary branch, especially around the second half period of century XX. Although the concept of access to justice encourages the access to the legal system it still keeps the alternative methods to reach social peace and contribute to the end of the current legal system crises. Therefore, this paper will analize the universe concept of access to justice, as well as all the aspects that contributed to its creation and expansion such as: political and social movements, the meaning of the citizenship ideology, the introduction to a number of mechanisms and legal tools (environmental, consumer and electronic legal issues) and the theory of the State as the main provider of the social well-being. The present paper will reveal how the access to justice has been considered, especially by the judiciary branch, as well as the solutions that have been applied internationally in order to avoid or minimize the regular crises of the legal power. Therefore, this research will help make it possible to suggest adjustments in the Brazilians legal system in order to try to achieve the desired level of efficient in the legal services of Brazil. This research will try to contribute to develop an innovative perspective regarding the access to justice, demonstrating that the initiative and pro activeness of the private individuals shall be respected and motivated by the State. It is well known that every citizen has the right of free choice either to file a lawsuit or to reject the traditional path of the legal public system. Since the matter is related to an assets or property rights the citizen has the choice to use the assistance of private entities to solve the existing conflict and it is this option that this paper seeks to disseminate. The chosen subject is extremely important to the improvement of Brazilian legal system, due to the fact that if the access to justice concept be interpreted as it should be a significant part of the current issues that Brazil is currently dealing with will be solved, and consequently the burden of the judiciary branch will be greatly minimized.

This study critically examines rulings of Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) tribunals. Under the North American Free Trade Agreement’s (NAFTA) Chapter 11, ISDS provides foreign investors with the tools to launch a claim against signatory countries should they feel their investment was inhibited by local regulations. Empirically this study draws upon Windstream Energy LLC. v. the Government of Canada as a case study to analyze the competing responses exchanged during the tribunal’s hearings. The claim by Windstream Energy LLC against the Government of Ontario (GoO) serves as both a central and relevant example for examining the ramifications of ISDS, as it is one of Canada’s most recent defeats featuring the largest award outside a pre-tribunal ISDS settlement. Information was drawn from tribunal documents, referred to as a Memorial and Counter Memorial, which outline each party’s argument and supporting claims. Additionally, the tribunal publishes their final decision and justifications. A critical discourse analysis method, theoretically informed by the corporate crime literature and Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, helps in critically examining the economic, political, and cultural assumptions that influenced the tribunal’s decision and the state’s approach to foreign investment. Overall, dominant voices reinforced neoliberal beliefs about transnational market expectations and the role of the state under a globalized capitalist system. Justifications rooted in market logics prioritized the accumulation of foreign capital over the potential dangers of Windstream’s project. Ultimately, it is the inclusion of corporate safeguards, like ISDS, in free trade pacts that help to (re)produce neoliberal capitalist ideals and further reinforce status-quo economic relations.

In the past, governments were directly responsible for carrying out projects concerning the construction of public utilities and for delivering public services to people in many areas of social and economic life. However, the budget deficits of governments in countries such as Jordan have required them to seek partners to assist in carrying out these functions. In other words, delivering services to people nowadays often involves contracts being concluded with private sector companies who fund and deliver governmental projects and have the skills and experience to carry out the projects efficiently. When private sector investors decide to enter into contracts with governments, they want to ensure that their investments are protected in case of a dispute with the host government. In this regard, the option to resolve disputes, including the disputes of government contracts, by alternatives to traditional judicial means has increasingly become one of the main incentives for private sector investors considering whether to enter into contracts with governments. This is because Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) is more informal, cheaper, faster and easier than the formal procedures which must be adhered to in the court litigation system. Jordan is considered a poor country which has to rely on the private sector to fund its projects but, because ADR is not used in this context, investors may avoid entering into contracts with the Jordanian government, believing that their investments will not be safe. Unlike in Jordan, the use of ADR has been evident in developed countries such as the UK.This thesis argues that Jordan, as a developing country in this area, should look to other countries such as the UK which have more advanced legal systems and legislation, in order to learn from their experience. Therefore, this is a comparative study which will discuss the doctrine of legal transplant and assess whether importing ADR rules and regulations from the UK to Jordan will be an effective way of improving Jordanian laws. Accordingly, this thesis discusses (i) why ADR is not used in government contracts in Jordan and (ii) the role of ADR in settling the disputes of government contracts in the UK. It also (iii) provides solutions and makes recommendations designed to encourage the use of ADR in Jordan, including on whether or not the experience of the UK can be applied in Jordan in this regard.

Charakteristika uskupení NAFTA. Popis vztahů a jednotlivých sporů mezi členskými zeměmi. Rozbor veřejného mínění. Dopad na Kanadu a přístup Kanady ke uskupení NAFTA

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2016-09-01T18:00:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Thiago Cavalcanti do Nascimento.pdf: 1298360 bytes, checksum: 3abeb0a667d1c98c98bf2d9954dea168 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-01T18:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Thiago Cavalcanti do Nascimento.pdf: 1298360 bytes, checksum: 3abeb0a667d1c98c98bf2d9954dea168 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-12-10 / Capes / This study aims to analyze the functioning of the dispute settlement Southern Common Market (Mercosur) mechanism from its commercial and political contradictions, and to evaluate its technical and institutional capacity to overcome these contradictions. The paper investigates the Mercosur dispute settlement system and its alternatives to litigation derived from the process of integration in the region, outlining the inconsistencies of the South American regionalism in the political and commercial aspects. The research uses the case study method and seeks to answer recent Mercosur problems. For this, it was held a documentary research on the reports delivered by the dispute settlement system of the referred bloc, and a reading on authors that investigated the role of institutions in the deepening of integration and cooperation among states. Finally, this paper shows the needs for breakdown with the intergovernmental model by which the bloc is conducted, and therefore, for opening spaces for permanent representatives of the productive sector and other stakeholders. It also suggests that efforts to reduce economic asymmetries are intensified. / O presente trabalho busca analisar o funcionamento do mecanismo de solução de controvérsias Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul) a partir de suas contradições comerciais e políticas, bem como avaliar sua capacidade técnica e institucional de superação destas contradições. O trabalho investiga o sistema de solução de controvérsias do Mercosul e suas alternativas para os contenciosos decorrentes do processo de integração na região, delineando as incongruências do regionalismo sul-americano nos aspectos político e comercial. A pesquisa faz uso do método estudo de caso e busca responder a problemas recentes do Mercosul. Para isto, foi realizada uma pesquisa documental sobre os laudos proferidos pelo sistema de solução de controvérsias do referido bloco e uma leitura de autores que investigaram o papel das instituições para o aprofundamento da integração e cooperação entre os Estados. Finalmente, o trabalho aponta as necessidades de ruptura com o modelo intergovernamental pelo qual o bloco é conduzido e, por conseguinte, de abertura de espaços permanentes para representantes do setor produtivo e de outros grupos de interesse. Além disso, sugere que os esforços para redução das assimetrias econômicas sejam intensificados.

A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo reconstruir os acontecimentos em torno da Operação Integrada Centro Legal (mais conhecida como Operação Sufoco), deflagrada na região central de São Paulo conhecida como cracolândia, em janeiro de 2012. Trata-se de uma intervenção policial que parece evidenciar o que todo um campo de pesquisas vem flagrando em outras cidades do Brasil e do mundo como uma lógica securitária nas formas de gestão e produção do espaço urbano. Além disso, dentro do contexto da cracolândia, essa operação pode ser tida como um ponto de virada na forma como o Estado intervém atualmente nesse território, que passou a ser foco de políticas das três esferas de governo nos últimos três anos. A hipótese que orienta a análise da operação, seus efeitos e a configuração atual da região da cracolândia é a de que as inovações nas formas de gerir esse território observadas recentemente podem ser entendidas tendo como referência as limitações e resistências geradas pelos campos de disputa que surgiram em torno desta ação policial. A partir da análise da atuação judicial de defensores e promotores públicos com vistas a fazer cessar a operação na região, são apresentados neste trabalho alguns dos conflitos e disputas que se processaram em torno da \"cracolândia\" e das formas de gerir esse espaço, por exemplo, sobre qual o papel que as forças repressivas deveriam ter (ou não) no trato da questão do crack, o embate entre o direito de ir, vir e permanecer dos usuários de cracke o direito à segurança, e as disputas entre diferentes saberes médicos sobre as formas de tratamento de usuários e dependentes químicos. Nesse sentido, a cracolândia, a Operação Sufoco e toda a reconfiguração que ela engendrou nesse território foram escolhidos como cenas privilegiadas para observar as conflituosidades que esse tipo de intervenção securitária engendra e como tais disputas influenciam na dinâmica reconfiguração dos dispositivos de controle que visam garantir a ordem nesse espaço urbano. / This research aims to reconstruct the events around the \"Operação Integrada Centro Legal\" (known as Operation Suffocation), deflagrated in the central region of São Paulocityknown as \"crackland\" in January 2012. This is a policeintervention thatseems to evidencewhatawhole field of research is capturingin other cities in Brazil and in the world as a security-logic in the forms of managing and producing urban space. In addition, within the context of \"crackland\", this operation can be seen as a turning point in the way the state currently intervenes in that territory, which became the focus of policies of the three levels of government in the last three years. The hypothesis that guides the analysis of this intervention, its effects and the current setting of \"crackland\" region is that innovations in ways of managing this territory recently observed can be understood with reference to the limitations and resistance generated by the fields of dispute that emerged around this police operation. From the analysis of the judicial action of public defenders and prosecutors in order to end the operation in the region, some of the conflicts and disputes about \"crackland\" and ways to manage this spaceare presented in this work, e.g on what role the repressive forces should (or should not) have at the crackissue, the battlebetween thecrackusers\'right to go, come and stay versusthe right to security, and disputes between different medical knowledge on ways to treat users and addicts. In this sense, \"crackland\", \"Operation Suffocation\" and all reconfiguration itengendered in that territory were chosen as privileged scenes to observe the conflictsthat this type of security-intervention engenders and how these disputes influencein the dynamic reconfiguration of control devices that aim to ensure order in this urban space.

A globalização trouxe a necessidade de integração dos Estados. No século passado assistimos à mudança na atitude dos Estados, que não puderam permanecer isolados. Com isso, baseado no Direito Internacional vários países se reuniram em bloco para estabelecer relações econômicas ,como forma de incentivar o comercio.O Mercosul se constituiu como bloco, o qual ainda está em formação cujo objetivo é o aprofundamento do livre comercio. A fontes jurídicas do Mercosul podem ser dividas em direito originário, direito derivado e fontes jurídicas complementares. Enquadra-se nessa última classificação os princípios do Direito de Integração que embasam as decisões proferidas no âmbito do Sistema de Solução de Divergência do Mercosul. Sua utilização é amplamente difundida pois ao se realizar a formação de um bloco se estabelecem elementos econômicos, jurídicos e políticos para o seu desenvolvimento, e assim, instituem-se os fundamentos do sistema comunitário,os quais serão utilizados pela jurisprudência como princípios norteadores. A interpretação teleológica vem sendo utilizada nos laudos proferidos pelos Tribunais do Sistema de Solução de Divergência do Mercosul justamente para dar sentindo à normativa do bloco aplicando-se os princípios norteadores da integração, sempre buscando, assim, os objetivos e fins dos Tratados constitutivos do bloco como função interpretativa. Concluindo, a meta é conferir eficácia às normas o que possibilitará a persecução da evolução e o aprofundamento da integração do bloco. / Globalization has called for greater integration between the States. The past century witnessed a change in the behavior and policies of States, which were unable to remain isolated. In light of this scenario, and based on International Law, several countries gathered in blocs to build intertwined economic relations as a means of fostering trades between them. In this context, Mercosur has been organized as a trade bloc to strengthen trade relations between its member countries. The legal sources of Mercosur may be divided into basic law, derivative law, and supplemental sources of law. This latter element comprises the principles of Integration Law that serve as grounds for decisions rendered within the ambit of the Mercosur Dispute Resolution Body. Resorting to such principles is deeply encouraged because, in creating a trade bloc, it is necessary to establish the economic, legal and political elements for its development, which will in turn translate into the fundamental aspects for the community system, such aspects being eventually adopted by court rulings as a guidepost. Teleological interpretation has been adopted in the rulings handed down by the Tribunals of the Mercosur Dispute Resolution Body to give proper meaning to the Mercosur set of normative rules, and the guiding principles of integration are being applied to that end, always aimed at attaining the purposes and objectives of the Mercosur Treaties for construction purposes. Consequently, the objective is to give efficacy to said rules, which will ultimately enable the trade bloc to evolve and deepen its integration purposes.

L’éclatement de l’Autriche-Hongrie en un ensemble des nouvelles nations en 1918 constitue un événement clé dans l’historiographie de l’Europe centrale. Cette thèse porte sur les relations bilatérales entre deux Etats « nouveau nés » – la Hongrie et la Tchécoslovaquie. Elle se concentre plus particulièrement sur la politique extérieure hongroise et sur les perceptions, motivations et décisions du gouvernement hongrois et de ses différents organes politiques vis-à-vis de la République tchécoslovaque. Cette thèse questionne l'historiographie dominante qui décrit les relations entre Budapest et Prague dans l’entre-deux-guerres à travers le prisme de leur conflit territorial sur la Slovaquie et la Ruthénie – deux provinces hongroises annexées par la Tchécoslovaquie en 1918–1919. Cette recherche confirme que les élites hongroises et les cercles gouvernementaux espéraient récupérer ces territoires, mais elle démontre aussi que Budapest s’est efforcé d'éviter un conflit ouvert avec Prague, considérant que la Tchécoslovaquie était plus peuplée, industrialisée, militarisée et avait plus d'alliances internationales que la Hongrie. A partir des sources primaires principalement en hongrois et en tchèque, mais aussi en slovaque, en français et en anglais, trouvées dans les archives de Budapest et de Prague et dans des ouvrages publiés, cette thèse soutient que le gouvernement hongrois envisageait sérieusement de développer la coopération politique, économique et internationale avec Prague dans les années médianes de l'entre-deux-guerres. Cette thèse est organisée en cinq parties. Quatre périodes se distinguent: l’après-guerre (1918-21, part. 2), les années 20 (1922-1930, part. 3), le début des années 30 (1931-36, part. 5). La première partie traite des sources et de l'historiographie, tandis que la partie 4 s’intéresse plus en détails aux liens de l'opposition démocratique hongroise avec Prague en 1919–1932. / The replacement of Austria-Hungary by series of new nations in 1918 is a key event in the historical reflections in Central Europe. This thesis deals with the bilateral relations between two "new born" states - Hungary and Czechoslovakia.This thesis pays special attention the topic of the foreign policy of Hungary, by exploring the perceptions, motives, and the decisions that the government of Budapest and its different political bodies expressed in regard to the Czechoslovak Republic. This thesis aims to challenge the mainstream historiography which portrays the Budapest-Prague relations between the two World Wars through the prism of the territorial dispute over Slovakia and Ruthenia, two Hungarian provinces that were annexed by Czechoslovakia in 1918–1919. This research confirms that the Hungarian elites and the governmental circles were indeed unsatisfied with the loss of these two regions. However, the historiography has over-estimated the impact of territorial dispute on the practical and every day political attitudes and the decision making process in Budapest. This thesis claims that the Hungarian government tended to avoid open conflicts with Prague, considering that Czechoslovakia was more populous, industrialized, militarized and had more international alliances than Hungary. Analyzing primary sources mainly in Hungarian, and Czech, but also in Slovak, French and English, found both in the archives in Budapest and Prague and in published versions, this thesis argues that the government of Hungary seriously considered developing political, economic and international cooperation with Prague in the middle years of the Interwar. This thesis is organized into five parts. The opening part deals with the sources and the historiography. Part 2 examines the Hungarian policy on Czechoslovakia in 1918–1921. Part 3 tackles the Budapest-Prague relations between 1922 and 1930. Part 4 portrays the connections of the Hungarian democratic opposition with Prague in 1919–1932. Part 5 uncovers the changes of the foreign policy of Hungary towards Czechoslovakia in 1931–1936.