The orans, although a gesture with a long ‘pagan’ past, was easily adopted by Christians for its symbolic meanings of prayer and piety and quickly attained a number of other more nuanced meanings as it was refined and reused. By restricting the scope of this thesis to the orans in the Christian catacombs of Rome, it becomes possible to approach the figure from a multi-directional perspective, not merely concerned with what the gesture meant to the Christian, but with its literary and material pedigrees, its transition to Christian art, and its cultural significance. To this end, chapter one examines ‘pagan’ precursors of the Christian orans through an examination of coins, sculptures, inscriptions, and reliefs, as well as by looking at the two figures whose appearance most influences that of the orans – the goddess Pietas, and the Artemisia-Adorans funerary portrait type. Chapter two addresses the importance of the orans in the Christian literary community, and examines not only the actual usage of prayer with raised hands by the Christian faithful, but also examines the aesthetic and theological reasons for the popularity of the gesture – the parallel between the spread arms of the orans and the posture of the crucified Christ. Finally, chapter three presents a spatial-thematic analysis of the usage of the orans in the Roman Christian catacombs, using a corpus of 158 orantes. This chapter enables the reader to draw conclusions about the veracity of the academic theories presented in the previous chapters, as it compares the usage of the orans against its scholarly interpretation.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 880-87).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANDERSONLIMA.pdf: 1262691 bytes, checksum: 424e13c6260aea9132d95d09f2479b56 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-08-22 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This research assumes that the Gospel of Matthew is a literary document produced at the end of the first century CE. in some urban environment of the ancient Mediterranean World, where it differs from the other gospels of the New Testament by economic emphasis in its language, and also by its content. We try to demonstrate the importance of this Matthew s language feature for the development of Gospels discourse, and to understand it, we deal with the approximations between this speech and some socioeconomic models known in the real world of the great urban centers of that time. Along the discussion, we conclude that the author of Matthews Gospel is part of an embracing debate between new judaisms that kept conflictual relations with the Greco-Roman domain and their cultural heritage. Matthew, in particular, rejects the complete ownership of clientelist patterns in interpersonal relations of the disciples of Jesus, while also appropriates the foreign socioeconomic model to develop its religious imaginary. We argue that in Matthew, God takes, as a character, the features of a divine patron who protects and benefits its faithful clients, and in retribution, they should do good deeds for the poor. However, despite this vertical relationship religious be desirable, the gospel rejects other clientelistic ties that rating the human being, and sees them as a betrayal to the first sovereign patron. / Este trabalho de pesquisa parte do pressuposto de que o Evangelho de Mateus é um documento literário produzido no final do século I EC, em algum ambiente urbano do antigo Mundo Mediterrâneo, e que se diferencia dos demais evangelhos do Novo Testamento pela ênfase econômica presente em sua linguagem e conteúdo. Procura-se demonstrar a importância dessa particularidade para o desenvolvimento do próprio discurso mateano e para compreendê-lo, trata das proximidades que há entre esse discurso e os modelos socioeconômicos conhecidos no mundo real dos grandes centros urbanos de então. Dessa pesquisa conclui-se que o autor de Mateus se insere num debate abrangente entre os judaísmos do período, que mantinham relações conflituosas com a cultura Greco-romana e a própria herança cultural. Mateus, em especial, rejeita a apropriação plena dos padrões clientelistas para as relações interpessoais dos discípulos de Jesus ao mesmo tempo que se apropria desse modelo socioeconômico estrangeiro para desenvolver seu imaginário religioso. Defende-se que em Mateus, Deus assume, como personagem, as características de um patrono divino que protege e beneficia seus fieis clientes, que em retribuição deviam praticar boas obras para com os pobres. Em contrapartida a essa relação religiosa vertical que é desejável, o evangelho rejeita os vínculos clientelistas que hierarquizam os seres humanos, vendo-as também como traição àquele primeiro e soberano patrono.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Filipe de Oliveira2.pdf: 2235436 bytes, checksum: 54d99448b518032678d03665d849c1d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-17 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / Until the fourth century AD, was common among Christians, to read the book of I Enoch. The embryo of rejection began in the second century, with Julius Africanus, and reached its peak in the fourth century with Augustine of Hippo. However, the official position, in Western Christianity, which rejected the writing of I Enoch as a useful literature to faith, happened at the Council of Laodicea (century IV) who said that the only names of angels authorized by the Scriptures would be the Miguel, Gabriel and Raphael. this position deleted the book of Enoch (book that makes reference to several names of angels) from the books useful for theological research, until recent times in the West. The great character of Christianity was a man recognized in Palestinian as Rabbi. This title presupposes knowledge of the main literature enjoyed by the Jews. The consensus among most of the Second Temple scholars, is that the writing of I Enoch occupied a distinct place in the literary scene of that time. This thesis was born from a plausible suspicion, which is embedded within the cultural context of the I century AD, that Jesus knew the Book of I Enoch. But not only that, distrust develops in the possibility that he has studied the writing and he built teachings based on that text. The research had as general objective: Find the relationship between Jesus of Nazareth and the Written I Enoch. With regard to its technical procedures, research is bibliographic, exploratory and documentary. For this research to gain form, we used the historiographical proposal of the Historical Jesus, and have developed a methodology called Analysis of the Sayings of Jesus (ASJ), for use in the investigation of sayings attributed to Jesus contained in the Gospels. The first chapter, besides being a book review of I Enoch addressing the book on various perspectives, was built aiming to bring the Brazilian Academy the latest information on research related to I Enoch, in dialogue with the principal investigators of this literature. The second chapter was developed in order to examine by historiography, the potential of some words recorded in the Gospels in being originates from the person of Jesus. The third and last chapter presents an approach among words that were examined and the Book of I Enoch. The end result indicates that the literature of Enoch may have occupied a prominent place among the estimated written by Jesus Christ. / Até o século IV d.C. era comum, entre os cristãos, a leitura do livro pseudepígrafo de I Enoque. O embrião da rejeição começou no século II, com Júlio Africano, e atingiu o seu auge no século IV com Agostinho de Hipona. Porém, o posicionamento oficial, no cristianismo ocidental, que descredenciou o escrito de I Enoque como uma literatura útil à fé, deu-se no Concílio de Laodiceia (Séc. IV) que afirmou que os únicos nomes de anjos autorizados pelas Escrituras seriam o de Miguel, Gabriel e Rafael, afastando I Enoque (que cita vários nomes de anjos) do cenário teológico, até épocas recentes no Ocidente. O grande personagem do cristianismo foi um homem reconhecido na Palestina como Rabi, título que pressupunha o conhecimento das principais literaturas apreciadas pelos judeus. É consenso entre a maioria dos estudiosos do Segundo Templo que o escrito de I Enoque ocupava um lugar distinto no cenário literário daquela época. A presente tese nasceu de uma desconfiança plausível, inserida dentro do contexto cultural do I século da era cristã, de que Jesus Cristo conhecia o livro de I Enoque. Mas, não somente isso, a desconfiança evoluiu para a possibilidade de que ele tenha feito uso do escrito construindo ensinos embasados no mesmo. A pesquisa teve como objetivo geral: Pesquisar a relação entre Jesus de Nazaré e o Escrito de I Enoque. No que se refere aos seus procedimentos técnicos, a pesquisa é de natureza bibliográfica, exploratória e documental. Para que esta pesquisa ganhasse forma, fizemos uso da proposta historiográfica do Jesus Histórico, bem como desenvolvemos uma metodologia chamada Análise dos Ditos de Jesus (ADJ), para ser utilizada na investigação de ditos atribuídos a Jesus contidos nos evangelhos. O primeiro capítulo, além de ser uma análise do livro de I Enoque abordando o escrito sobre várias perspectivas, foi construído objetivando trazer à academia brasileira as informações mais recentes sobre as pesquisas relacionadas a I Enoque, em diálogo com os principais pesquisadores da obra. O segundo capítulo foi desenvolvido com vistas a examinarmos, pela historiografia, o potencial de alguns ditos, de serem originários da pessoa de Jesus. O terceiro e último capítulo apresenta uma aproximação entre os ditos trabalhados e o livro de I Enoque. O resultado final indica que a literatura enoqueana pode ter ocupado um lugar de destaque entre os escritos estimados por Jesus Cristo.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:21:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Luiz Izidoro.pdf: 360009 bytes, checksum: 2775fbb4b1ad79ca6f3b134f212e38f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-03-08 / In recent times, it has become very important to explicitate the Christian experiences that existed in and co-existed with, or even were immersed in the extrapalestinian cultures, and which were protagonists in the project of the proclamation of the Christian kerygma. Those experiences were lived and realized in the period of Early Christianity and, without a doubt, contributed significantly to its expansion process. We present the passage of Acts 8,26-40, the episode of Philip and the Ethiopia n. What happens here is a dislocation of the missionary-geographical axis from Samaria to the way that goes down from Jerusalem to Gaza , and reaching back to Caesarea. The text opens up the horizon of Christian experiences to other peoples and nations represented in the figure of the Ethiopian eunuch. Taking Acts 8,26-40 in its Lucan redaction as a starting point, using exegetical methods and historical-literary resources, based on the theoretical reference to the concepts of ethnicity and ethnic boundaries, we intend to investigate the possibility of a Christian experience lived in Ethiopia, which constructed itself ethnically from the identities that interacted in the text, and which points out to the imaginary of Ethiopia s symbolic universe. Doing so, we reclaim, within Biblical Exegesis, hermeutical issues for our own theological, biblical, and pastoral practice, on the horizon of the identities and ethnic boundaries of the Africanamerican and Caribian universe. / Torna-se muito importante demonstrar as experiências cristãs que existiram e coexistiram juntas ou/e imersas nas culturas extrapalestinenses e que exerceram protagonismo no anúncio do querigma. São experiências cristãs vividas e realizadas no período do cristianismo primitivo, e que, sem dúvida, contribuíram significativamente para o seu processo de expansão. Apresentamos a perícope Atos 8,26-40. Trata-se do episódio de Filipe e o Etíope. Acontece um deslocamento do eixo geográfico-missionário de Samaria ao caminho que desce de Jerusalém a Gaza , retornando a Cesaréia. O texto abre o horizonte das experiências cristãs a outros povos e nações, representadas nesta perícope pela figura do Etíope eunuco. Partindo de Atos 8,26-40, na perspectiva da redação lucana como ponto de partida, por meio dos procedimentos exegéticos e dos recursos histórico- literários, apoiado no referencial teórico dos conceitos de etnicidade e fronteiras étnicas, nós pretendemos investigar a possibilidade de uma experiência cristã vivenciada na Etiópia, que se constrói etnicamente desde as identidades que interagem na perícope e que apontam ao imaginário do universo simbólico do Etíope. Assim, resgataremos na exegese bíblica pautas hermenêuticas para a nossa prática teológico-bíblica-pastoral no horizonte das identidades e fronteiras étnicas do universo afro americano e caribenho.

The orans, although a gesture with a long ‘pagan’ past, was easily adopted by Christians for its symbolic meanings of prayer and piety and quickly attained a number of other more nuanced meanings as it was refined and reused. By restricting the scope of this thesis to the orans in the Christian catacombs of Rome, it becomes possible to approach the figure from a multi-directional perspective, not merely concerned with what the gesture meant to the Christian, but with its literary and material pedigrees, its transition to Christian art, and its cultural significance. To this end, chapter one examines ‘pagan’ precursors of the Christian orans through an examination of coins, sculptures, inscriptions, and reliefs, as well as by looking at the two figures whose appearance most influences that of the orans – the goddess Pietas, and the Artemisia-Adorans funerary portrait type. Chapter two addresses the importance of the orans in the Christian literary community, and examines not only the actual usage of prayer with raised hands by the Christian faithful, but also examines the aesthetic and theological reasons for the popularity of the gesture – the parallel between the spread arms of the orans and the posture of the crucified Christ. Finally, chapter three presents a spatial-thematic analysis of the usage of the orans in the Roman Christian catacombs, using a corpus of 158 orantes. This chapter enables the reader to draw conclusions about the veracity of the academic theories presented in the previous chapters, as it compares the usage of the orans against its scholarly interpretation.

[pt] É já notório o conhecimento de que o legado da cultura persa no período pós-exílico do judaísmo não pode ser desprezado, especialmente no final deste período, quando o gênero literário apocalíptico estava florescendo. A presente tese analisa a ressurreição individual no que tange às possíveis relações entre a religião persa e o judaísmo intertestamentário, bem como o cristianismo primitivo. Para tanto, o trabalho começa verificando as origens e desdobramentos do fenômeno apocalíptico. Em seguida, focaliza as conexões literárias que poderiam revelar as ligações entre persas e judeus: a tradição do Avesta antigo (especialmente o Yasna 30,7 e o Yasht 19.11.89) é cotejada com o texto de Daniel 12,1-3. Posteriormente, a possível conexão entre Daniel 12,1-3 e Mateus 27,51b-53 é analisada. O objetivo da tese é verificar em que medida o texto de Daniel refletiria um desenvolvimento dentro do judaísmo a partir do contato com a apocalíptica iraniana, bem como em que medida a origem da tradição presente na perícope mateana refletiria a ressurreição individual a partir da tradição de Daniel. A despeito das características próprias de cada texto, os pontos de contato são bastante plausíveis a partir do marco social, gênero literário e objetivo dos textos, especialmente entre Daniel e Mateus. A perícope mateana revelaria uma tradição daniélica, na qual a ressurreição foi vista como uma recompensa aos judeus que morreram em virtude da justiça divina. Como o redator em Daniel, o evangelista revela uma comunidade em conflito, agora com o judaísmo formativo; ela deixa transparecer uma crença em um reino messiânico que atende à expectativa de uma era escatológica que se inicia justamente na morte e ressurreição de Jesus Cristo. / [en] It is well known that the legacy of the Persian culture in the Jewish postexilic period cannot be despised, mainly in the end of this period, just when the apocalyptic literary genre was flourishing. This thesis analyzes the individual resurrection regarding to the possible relationships between the Persian religion and the intertestamental Judaism, as well as the Early Christianity. So, the work begins by reviewing the origins and development of apocalyptic phenomenon. Then, it focalizes on the literary links that could reveal the connections between Persian and Jews: the tradition of the Old Avesta (notably the Yasna 30:7 and the Yasht 19:11.89) is collated with the text of Daniel 12:1-3. Afterward, the possible connection between Daniel 12:1-3 and Matthew 27:51b-53 takes place. The aim of this work is to ascertain the extent to which the text of Daniel would reflect a development within the Judaism based on the apocalyptic Iranian features. After this, verify the extent to which the origin of the tradition revealed by the Matthean pericope would reflect the individual resurrection from the tradition of Daniel. In spite of the own features of each text, the contact points are quite likely from the social setting, literary gender and the aim of the texts, mainly between Daniel and Matthew. The Matthew s pericope would reveal a tradition drawn from danielic tradition, where the resurrection was seen as a reward to the Jews who died because of the divine righteousness. Like the editor of the text in Daniel, the evangelist reveals a community in conflict, now with the formative Judaism. His community presents a belief in a messianic kingdom that meets the expectation of an eschatological era that begins with the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.

The thesis aims to examine and refine the concepts of flesh and spirit in Musar le-Mevin, discussing Jörg Frey's hypothesis of the possibility to derive Paul's concept of sarx from Palestinian sapiential literature, in light of recent advancements in the field. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the term baśar and its relationship to sin, knowledge and election. The second part focuses on the term jeṣer, its possible translation and the role it might have played in the development of the concept of jeṣer ha-raʿ as an evil agent. The third part analyses the term ruaḥ and describes how the sapiential composition develops its specific view of the spirit. The last chapter attempts to locate the text in relation to other intertestamental views of flesh and sin. Finally, the thesis discusses the possibility of studying Musar le-Mevin as a background to Paul's anthropology. The thesis suggests that the text develops an idea of allotted shares of the spirit which determine a person's position and fate. It also attempts to describe how this view incorporates ruaḥ baśar as a designation for those who were not given the knowledge of good and evil. The term baśar might be understood as the outcome of a fusion of the traditional Biblical connotations of fleetingness and earthliness with a pessimistic...

初期ユダヤ教の分派の一つとして誕生した原始キリスト教団は、霊・天使概念等に見られる聖書解釈、敬虔さの追及と内面化の傾向、文学的技法等の点で、初期ユダヤ教の特徴を継承していることが窺われる。その一方で、パウロとルカが行なった聖書の受容は、双方が結果的に「異邦人も神の言葉を受ける対象に含まれる」との解釈に至っていることを示しており、この点がキリスト教がユダヤ教から分岐するに至る「転換点」であったことが考えられる。 / It can be inferred that early Christianity, which began as a sect of early Judaism, inherited characteristics of early Judaism, such as Scriptural interpretations of concepts such as spirits and angels, the pursuit of piety, a tendency towards internalization, and literary techniques. However, receptions of Scripture by Paul and Luke shows that each concluded that Gentiles were included in those who can receive God’s word, and that this belief was the “turning point” at which Christianity began to diverge from Judaism. / 博士(神学) / Doctor of Theology / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The history of Western civilisation is generally demarcated into three broad epochs: ancient, Christian and modern. These eras are usually defined in political terms, but they may also be differentiated in terms of fundamental differences in the nature of the organisations that constitute civil society in each age, how they defined the public good, and even what they consider philanthropic. In the nineteenth century, for instance, 'Scientific philanthropy' displaced 'Christian charity' as the dominant model for charitable giving; a development accompanied by a number of other secularising trends in Western civil society, generally understood as a broad cultural shift in conceptions of public good, from religious to scientific. From the fourth to the sixth century CE, by comparison, another broad cultural shift, from paganism to Christianity, also led to fundamental changes in the nature and composition of ancient civil society. A central premise of this dissertation is that fundamental historical transformations in Western civilisation – from pagan to Christian, to modern, to post-modern – may be traced to the influence of some of the most important philosophers in the Western philosophical tradition, among them: Protagoras, Socrates, Plato, Francis Bacon and Friedrich Nietzsche. Each of these philosophers may be seen to have promulgated their teachings in a consciously Promethean manner; as gifts of fire, understood as philosophical teachings intended to be promulgated for the wider benefit of humankind. In Greek myth, Prometheus, whose name is traditionally thought to have literally meant 'forethought', is the one who steals fire from the gods and gives it to humans. Prometheus is also the first figure in history to be described as "philanthropic" (Prometheus Bound, 11 & 28). Plato, Bacon and Nietzsche all employ significant variants of the Promethean mũthos in their philosophical works, and may be seen to personally identify with the figure of Prometheus, as an allegorical figure depicting the situation of the wise, particularly in relation to political power. This dissertation thus closely analyses the Promethean mũthos in order to cast light on the philosophical philanthrôpía and Promethean ambitions of Protagoras, Socrates and Plato, and to provide the basis for consideration of the same in Bacon and Nietzsche.