Zugl.: Luzern, Univ., Habil.-Schr., 2006

During the apartheid era in South Africa there was an unequivocal commitment to white supremacy, segregation and inequality. Discrimination but not on the basis of race was entrenched by the pre-democratic government. The 1980‟s saw the first steps towards reversing such practices through various measures, in the form of formal equality. Formal equality holds that the state must be act neutrally in relation to its employees and must favour no one above another. It assumes that all people are equal and that inequality can be eradicated simply by treating all people in the same way. Formal equality is therefore blind to structural inequality. Substantive equality in contrast to formal equality holds the value that equality is not simply a matter of likeness, that those who are different should be treated differently. The very essence of equality is to make distinction between groups and individual in order to accommodate their different needs and interests. It considers discrimination against groups which have been historically advantaged to be qualitatively aimed at remedying that disadvantage. The Constitution Act 108 of 1996 confers the right to equal protection and benefit of the law and the right to non discrimination. Prohibition of unfair discrimination in itself is insufficient to achieve true equality in a historically oppressed society. Hard affirmative action measures are required, the Constitution further explicitly endorses such restitutionary measures. Affirmative action is a systematic, planned process whereby the effects of colonialism and racial discrimination are being reversed in all areas if life. It is designed to achieve equal employment opportunities. In order to achieve this goal the barriers of the workplace which restrict employment and progressive opportunities have to be systematically eliminated through proactive programmes. Affirmative action is a delicate instrument of social engineering which must be used with caution. The Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998 gives effect to the constitutional provisions and to regulate affirmative action measures in employment. The Employment Equity Act spells out the beneficiaries, who should do the protection, and advancement and what may happen to employers if they fail to comply in the view of the Director-General of the Labour. However the explicit constitutional and legislative endorsement of affirmative action comes with its controversy and legal challenges and it has been left to the courts to resolve tension on the one hand and to ensure equal treatment on the other. / Abstract

Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Substantive equality is a constitutional imperative, hence the need for strategies that attempt to realise it for the sake of genuine social reconstruction. The principle of equality runs through all other rights in the South African Constitution. Be that as it may, equality is an elusive concept, which makes its achievement an ambitious task. Nonetheless, there are strategies that attempt to bring to the fore the ‘substance’ of the concept in order to ensure the actual realisation of socio-economic benefits. Such strategies include, among others: social security, education, economic empowerment, skills development and affirmative action. This study will focus on the latter of these strategies, namely affirmative action. Although affirmative action is practised around the world, one of the (many) criticisms of the policy is that it fails to bring about substantive or structural change. In other words, it may change the racial and gender composition of the classroom or the workplace, but does not address the challenges that cause the disadvantages of marginalised groups in the first place. It is arguable that affirmative action has increased inequality in South Africa by benefiting the apex of the class structure and not the majority of the population living in abject poverty. This study develops a theoretical analysis of the link between status (race, sex and ethnicity) and socio-economic disadvantage, and the central question that the study addresses is the following: How can the policy of affirmative action be redesigned to ensure that it benefits the socio-economically disadvantaged? A secondary question that is investigated is whether affirmative action can contribute to the development of human capacities in the context of poverty alleviation. It is arguable that substantive equality facilitates the adoption of strategies (such as affirmative action) to address socio-economic inequality, poverty and social exclusion. The research suggests that a paradigm shift is necessary in order to reconceive of affirmative action as a policy that does not only focus on ensuring ‘equitable representation’ of disadvantaged groups in the workforce or the classroom, but also provides for the development of human capacities. This can be achieved if one adopts an expansive view of affirmative action and if one utilises class as one of the numerous criteria for determining the beneficiaries of the policy. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Substantiewe gelykheid is ′n grondwetlike vereiste, vandaar die behoefte om strategieë te ontwikkel wat poog om dit te realiser in die belang van daadwerklike sosiale rekonstruksie. Die beginsel van gelykheid is vervleg met alle ander regte in die Suid-Afrikaanse Grondwet. Gelykheid is nietemin ′n ontwykende konsep, en dit maak die bereiking daarvan ′n ambisieuse taak. Daar is egter strategieë wat gemik is daarop om sosio-ekonomiese voordele te bereik. Voorbeelde van sodanige strategieë sluit in sosiale sekuriteit, opvoeding, ekonomiese bemagtiging, die ontwikkeling van vaardighede, en regstellende aksie. Hierdie studie fokus op laasgenoemde strategie, naamlik regstellende aksie. Ten spyte van die feit dat regstellende aksie regoor die wêreld toegepas word, word die beleid nietmin gekritiseer as sou dit nie werklik wesenlike of strukturele verandering teweeg bring nie. Met ander woorde, dit bring moontlik ‘n verandering teweeg in die rasse-en geslagsamestelling van die klaskamer of die werkplek, maar spreek nie die uitdagings aan wat in die eerste plek lei tot die posisie van relatiewe benadeling waarin gemarginaliseerde groepe hulself bevind nie. Sommige argumenteer dat regstellende aksie bydra tot ongelykheid in Suid-Afrika deur voordele te beperk tot diegene wat hulself aan die toppunt van die klasstruktuur bevind terwyl dit die meerderheid van die bevolking wat in armoede leef ignoreer. Hierdie studie ontwikkel ′n teoretiese ontleding van die verband tussen status (ras, geslag en etnisiteit) en sosio-ekonomiese benadeling. Die sentrale vraag van die studie is die volgende: Hoe kan die beleid van regstellende aksie herontwerp word om te verseker dat dit lei tot die bevoordeling van die sosio-ekonomiese benadeeldes? ’n Sekondêre vraag wat in die studie onder die loep kom is of regstellende aksie ’n bydrae kan maak tot die ontwikkeling van menslike vermoë in die konteks van armoedeverligting. Daar kan geragumenteer word dat die strewe na substantiewe gelykheid strategieë (soos regstellende aksie) na vore bring om sosio-ekonomiese ongelykheid, armoede en sosiale uitsluiting aan te spreek. Die navorsing dui daarop dat ′n paradigmaskuif nodig is om regstellende aksie te herkonseptualiseer as ′n beleid wat nie net fokus op die bereiking van ‘billike verteenwoordiging’ van benadeelde groepe in die werkplek of klaskamer nie, maar ook voorsiening maak vir die ontwikkeling van menslike vermoë. Dit kan bereik word deur die aanvaarding van ’n uitgebreide siening van regstellende aksie en deur die benutting van klas as een van menige faktore wat in ag geneem word om die bevoordeeldes van die beleid te identifiseer. / Stellenbosch University, Faculty of Law / National Research Fund

Women’s rights in Islam became a major subject after the third feminist movement in the United States. When feminism spread globally, many Islamic scholars connected it to Islam. Islamic feminism is a term that takes most of its ideologies from the two primary sources of Islam – the Quran and the Sunnah. This qualitative research explained the bias directed towards women in Islam by using objective reasoning through examples as well as by encompassing any misinterpretation of views regarding women’s rights in Islam. The method used was a content analysis. The findings were that Islam is a feminist religion. While Islam provides Muslim women with full rights, U.S. and Saudi Arabian cultures have impeded Islamic feminism. Lastly, the U.S. feminism started as a movement by women to empower women. However, Islamic feminism first focused on the rights of all human beings, then concentrated on women in Islam. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

La recherche part du constat de "l'érosion de la protection globale dont se trouvait dotée la communauté des travailleurs …" Causes de cette érosion, l'activité législative, mais aussi l'évolution de la jurisprudence ;en effet, "aucun texte n'est si clair que son application ne doive s'accompagner du choix de son sens et de sa portée et qu'il ne dispense le lecteur – et donc le juge, interprète privilégié – d'une reformulation de la règle.". <p><p>Comment le juge reformule-t-il la règle, quels sont les moyens dont il dispose ou use pour ce faire, quelle est son implication dans cette érosion ?La recherche, soutenue par une réflexion à la fois juridique, politique et philosophique, analyse des décisions judiciaires, leurs commentaires, et des articles de doctrine, qui ont en commun de paraître consacrer cette érosion. <p><p>La première partie de ce travail porte sur l'éradication des inégalités entre travailleurs masculins et féminins par le recours à des discriminations positives, par le biais de ce que Dworkin appellerait un "hard case" :un arrêt de la Cour de Justice des Communautés Européennes du 17 octobre 1995, statuant quant à la conformité de la législation d'un état membre à la directive européenne du 9 février 1976 relative à la mise en œuvre de l'égalité de traitement entre hommes et femmes en ce qui concerne l'accès à l'emploi, à la formation et à la promotion professionnelles, et les conditions de travail. La haute juridiction y fait bifurquer l'idée en deux concepts, l'égalité des chances et l'égalité des résultats, les définit puis les oppose ;ensuite, elle disqualifie la législation de l'état membre, au motif que celle-ci favorise l'égalité de résultats et non la seule égalité des chances. L'analyse décrit cette construction par la Cour d'un savoir juridique de l'égalité ;elle s'inquiète de la conformité de ce savoir au droit communautaire, du bien-fondé d'une bifurcation entre chances et résultats, et de ses effets sur les inégalités entre hommes et femmes. <p><p>Sa deuxième partie porte sur la construction du savoir du droit social, en général. Elle en exhibe certains ingrédients et évalue leurs agencements :la manière dont sont traités les faits, les diverses sortes d'intérêts à l'origine de la production de jurisprudence, la maîtrise du langage et l'art de convoquer le droit, et le pouvoir du praticien d'affecter et d'être affecté par le droit et son milieu. Elle pointe deux grandes bifurcations :celle entre dire le droit et juger quant au fond ;et celle entre "juridiquement correct" et "juste". Elle observe à quelles conditions la jurisprudence devient source effective de droit et se divise en courants majoritaire et minoritaire. Elle distingue deux moments dans la pratique juridique, et deux modes d'existence du jugement. La construction de la motivation, ajustée à tel litige particulier, constitue le moment créatif, qui aboutit au jugement vivant, à l'usage des protagonistes. Ce même jugement, s'il est diffusé dans les médias juridiques, connaît une autre forme d'existence, au sein du corpus jurisprudentiel commun ;si les juristes sont libres de s'y référer ou de l'ignorer, il nourrira un nouveau moment créatif, à titre d'exemple de savoir-faire ;le moment dogmatique, lui, est celui où le système judiciaire se saisit des énoncés de tel jugement vivant pour les imposer, en tant que savoir a priori, lieux de passage obligés, mots d'ordre, limitant ainsi le champ de possibles ouvert à l'activité créatrice. <p><p> / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study evaluates the constitutionality of section 78(1B) of the Criminal Procedure Act 51 of 1977 (CPA), which places the burden of proving criminal capacity on the party who raises the issue, against section 9 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 (CRSA). In a legal system such as ours, that has a high regard for equality, any form of unequal treatment must be scrutinised, assessed and, if found to be unjust, rooted out. Even more so where the unequal treatment affects a marginalised minority group such as the mentally disabled. This study weighs section 78(1B) against section 9(1) of the CRSA. It also weighs the section against section 9(3) of the CRSA. Attempts are made to justify possible infringements according to section 36 of the CRSA. An appropriate remedy is then ascertained. This study also provides the historical development of section 78(1B) of the CPA – both in the common law and statute. This study furthermore provides original guidelines and principles in assessing expert evidence where criminal capacity is placed in dispute due to a mental illness or defect of the accused. The main findings are that section 78(1B) infringes on both section 9(1) and section 9(3), that it cannot be justified in terms of section 36 of the CRSA and that the appropriate remedy is the striking out of the whole section from the CPA. Copyright / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Public Law / unrestricted

Text in Afrikaans. / Die definisie van 'n huwelik tref 'n onderskeid tussen heteroseksuele en homoseksuele lewensmetgeselle ten opsigte van die bevoegdheid om te trou. Hierdie onderskeid op grond van seksuele georiënteerdheid mag moontlik ongrondwetlik wees. Voorts is daar 'n menigte regte en verpligtinge wat outomaties uit huweliksluiting spruit, maar nie outomaties op lewensverhoudings van toepassing is nie. Hierdie onderskeid op grond van huwelikstaat mag eweneens moontlik teen die bepalings van die Grondwet van die Republiek van Suid-Afrika, 1996 indruis. Hierdie studie is gevolglik daarop toegespits om ondersoek in te stel na die grondwetlikheid van hierdie twee onderskeide. Die ondersoek word geloods met verwysing na relevante wetgewing en regspraak. 'n Bondige oorsig van fundamentele regte word as agtergrond verskaf. Na afhandeling van die ondersoek word daar aandag geskenk aan die huidige en voorgestelde toekomstige erkenning en regulering van lewensverhoudings in die Suid-Afrikaanse reg, waarna die bevindings saamgevat en krities beoordeel word. SUMMARY The definition of marriage differentiates between heterosexual and homosexual life partners with regard to the capacity to marry. This differentiation on account of sexual orientation may possibly be unconstitutional. Furthermore there are a multitude of rights and obligations that automatically flow from marriage, which are not automatically applicable to life partnerships. This differentiation on account of marital status may also violate the provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996. Accordingly this study is aimed at investigating the constitutionality of these two differentiations. The investigation is conducted with reference to relevant legislation and case law. A concise overview of fundamental rights is provided as background. In conclusion of the investigation, attention is paid to the present recognition and regulation of domestic partnerships in South African law, after which the findings are summarised and evaluated critically. / Jurisprudence / LL.M.

Prior to 1994, citizenship was one of the pillars upon which the erstwhile government's policy of separate development rested. The concepts of citizenship and nationality were manipulated by the apartheid government to justify the denationalisation of black people and the creation of different classes of citizenship. Race, colour and language were the distinguishing features used to classify people into the different classes of citizenship. With the advent of the new constitutional order in 1994, common citizenship and the rights associated with it were restored to all South Africans. This discussion shows how in the post-1994 constitutional order citizenship has become an element of nation-building, while on the other hand it continues to perpetuate discrimination against non-citizens. The study aims to further the debate regarding the ill treatment of non-citizens with a view of influencing legislative and policy reform to replace the existing laws which are biased against no-citizens. / Law / LL.M.

Thesis (LLM)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The rights entrenched in the Bill of Rights in South Africa’s final Constitution are, with a few exceptions, guaranteed to citizens and non-citizens alike. South Africa has seen an influx of migrants, asylum seekers and refugees since 1994, and this migratory movement has posed significant challenges to the post-apartheid legal order. This thesis is concerned with the State’s implementation of its constitutional obligations to protect and guarantee the constitutional rights of everyone within the borders of South Africa. It is important that these constitutional obligations do not remain mere aspirations but should translate into reality. Most non-citizens living in South Africa face numerous barriers to accessing justice and the processes that could enable them to realise their rights. The thesis examines the concept of “access to justice” and investigates a number of obstacles encountered by different categories of non-citizens – such as refugees, asylum seekers and documented and undocumented migrants – in trying to access justice and to realise their rights. Against this background, arrest, detention and deportation under the Immigration Act and Refugees Act are examined because these processes have often been abused by State officials to prevent non-citizens from accessing the rights and protections guaranteed in these Acts and the Constitution, and to frustrate the implementation of court orders vindicating the rights of non-citizens. The application of the Immigration and Refugees Acts is discussed through the lens of sections 12(1), 33, 34 and 35(2) of the Constitution which ensure that arrest, detention and deportation are done in a lawful and procedurally fair manner, as opposed to the arbitrariness that most non-citizens experience on a daily basis. Secondly, the thesis also examines access to justice for non-citizens in the context of xenophobia and bias based crimes. The State has in the past failed to respond in a coordinated and timely fashion in the face of violent manifestations of xenophobia. Against this background, the State’s obligation to protect non-citizens from violence from either public or private sources in terms of section 12(1)(c) of the Constitution is discussed and analysed. The role, accessibility and effectiveness of Equality Courts are also examined in light of the Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act and the cases that were brought before them emanating from xenophobic incidents. The thesis concludes with proposals on areas which require better implementation of existing laws; and areas in which legislative reform is needed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die regte wat in die Handves van Regte in Suid-Afrika se finale Grondwet veranker is, word op enkele uitsonderings na vir burgers en nie-burgers gewaarborg. Sedert 1994 het Suid- Afrika instroming van migrante, asielsoekers en vlugtelinge beleef, en hierdie verskuiwing het wesenlike uitdagings aan die post-apartheid regsorde gestel. Hierdie tesis is gemoeid met die Staat se implementering van sy grondwetlike verpligting om die grondwetlike regte van almal wat hul binne Suid-Afrika se landsgrense bevind, te beskerm en te waarborg. Dit is belangrik dat hierdie grondwetlike verpligtinge nie blote aspirasies bly nie, maar ’n werklikheid word. Die meeste nie-burgers wat in Suid-Afrika woon staar talle hindernisse in die gesig wat dit vir hulle moeilik maak om toegang tot geregtigheid te verkry en om hul regte te verwesenlik. Die tesis ondersoek die begrip “toegang tot geregtigheid” en bekyk aantal struikelblokke in die weg van verskillende kategorieë nie-burgers – soos vlugtelinge, asielsoekers en gedokumenteerde en nie-gedokumenteerde migrante – wat toegang tot geregtigheid probeer verkry en hul regte probeer verwesenlik. Teen hierdie agtergrond word arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering ingevolge die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge ondersoek, aangesien hierdie prosesse dikwels deur staatsamptenare misbruik word om nie-burgers te verhinder om toegang te verkry tot die regte en beskermings wat in hierdie wetgewing en in die Grondwet gewaarborg word, en om geregtelike bevele wat die regte van nie-burgers afdwing, te verydel. Die toepassing van die Wet op Immigrasie en die Wet op Vlugtelinge word deur die lens van artikels 12(1), 33, 34 en 35(2) van die Grondwet bespreek, wat probeer verseker dat arrestasie, aanhouding en deportering op regmatige en prosedureel billike manier geskied, in teenstelling met die willekeur wat nie-burgers op daaglikse basis ervaar. Tweedens ondersoek die tesis toegang tot geregtigheid vir nie-burgers in die konteks van vreemdelingehaat en misdade wat op vooroordeel gebaseer is. Die Staat het in die verlede in gebreke gebly om in die aangesig van gewelddadige manifesterings van vreemdelingehaat op gekoördineerde en tydige manier te reageer. Die Staat se verpligting om ingevolge artikel 12(1)(c) van die Grondwet nie-burgers teen geweld van hetsy openbare hetsy private oorsprong te beskerm, word bespreek en ontleed. Die rol, toeganklikheid en doeltreffendheid van gelykheidshowe word ook bespreek in die lig van die Promotion of Equality and Prevention of Unfair Discrimination Act en die sake wat deur hierdie howe beslis is wat uit xenofobiese voorvalle voortspruit. Die tesis sluit af met voorstelle oor terreine waar beter implementering van bestaande wetgewing benodig word, asook terreine waar wetgewende hervorming verlang word.

En 1906 le royaume de Perse connut une révolution constitutionnelle qui lui a donné la première constitution écrite du pays. Durant les années où la révolution se prépare, la société civile ouvre un grand champ d’émergence des concepts modernes du droit public. L’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante de 1906, qui a donné naissance à la constitution et à son complément, en est un exemple par excellence. Dans cette thèse nous allons procéder à l’exploitation de l’œuvre de l’assemblée constituante pour y suivre la genèse et l’évolution des concepts de droit public. Nous allons chercher à travers les concepts principaux du droit public - représentation, égalité civique et égalité devant la loi - la conception qu'avaient les constituants de la Constitution. Nous allons aussi observer la notion de constitution à certains moments décisifs de la révolution, où par exemple les révolutionnaires appelleront le roi au serment pour protéger la constitution. Dans cette thèse nous assisterons aussi à un processus qui par le biais de la redéfinition des anciens concepts de droit public, fait naître les concepts modernes du droit public. Cette thèse en se référant à l’histoire constitutionnelle du pays vise à relever un défi du droit constitutionnel d’aujourd’hui en Iran. Un droit constitutionnel qui, dès sa naissance, ne prend pas au sérieux l’histoire de la discipline. Par cette thèse nous voulons mettre en valeur l’importance et la nécessité des études historiques dans l’enseignement ainsi que dans l’étude du droit constitutionnel. / In 1906 the Persian Kingdom witnessed a constitutional revolution which gave it its first written constitution. In the early years of the revolution, civil society opened a great field for the emergence of modern concepts of public law. The work of the Constituent Assembly of 1906, which gave birth to the Constitution and its Supplement, is a unique illustration of this. The present thesis proceeds to explain the work of the Constituent Assembly in order to follow the genesis and evolution of the principles of public law in Iran. Referring to the principal concepts of public law - representation, civic equality and equality before the law - we will attempt to find the particular conception that the constituents of the Constitution had of these concepts. We also explore the notion of constitution at certain key moments of the revolution, where, for example, the revolutionaries called the King to give oath for the safeguard of the Constitution. Further, the thesis explains the process by which modern concepts of public law were given birth through a redefinition of ancient concepts. By referring to constitutional history, the present study aims to expose the challenges to constitutional law in Iran today, a constitutional law which has failed to seriously account for the history of the discipline. The present study therefore aims to show the importance of, and need for, historical studies in the teaching and study of constitutional law in Iran.