Before political party politics was not formed in Taiwan, local factions completely took control of political resources and the directions of political situations. So political factions usually dominated political parties and were the mainstay power that dominated Taiwan politics. In Kaohsiung County, local factions are severely competitive, have their own political territories, and have grabbed political resources. So local political factions are the predominant influencing force in elections for political positions. This study used document method and field research method to explore the origins, development and operating models of local factions and how the local factions of political parties have strengthened or weakened in the wake of the rising to power of Democratic Progressive Party. The study has found out that the Black Faction has remained the largest one despite the shift of national ruling power, followed by the White Faction, the Red Faction, the Yellow Faction, and the Green Faction in order of strength. The votes that the Black, the White, the Red, the Yellow, and the Green faction can control are as follows: about 200,000 to 250,000, about 150,000 to 200,000, about 70,000 to 100,000, about 30,000 to 50,000, and about 30,000 to 40,000 respectively. On May 14, 2005, Taiwan people elected their mission-specified National Assembly representatives, and the turnouts of election verified the conclusions of this research. The Black Faction remained the largest on, grabbing 57.46% of the vote, leading the Red, the White Faction by a margin of 18.65%; the Red and the White Factions scored 38.81%. On June 7, 2005, the mission-specified National Assembly representatives ratified the Constitution Revision act passed in the Legislature. According to the Constitution Revision act, the number of legislators will be reduced by 50% from the 7th Legislature Assembly and their term will be extended to four years. At the same time, a system of one constituency, two votes will be instituted. This constitutional reform will definitely redefine the territories of local political factions. How Taiwan political situations will develop, the directions of political parties, and how local political factions will grow or recede deserve further observation. Key words¡GKaohsiung County¡Bpolitical party politics¡Blocal factions¡Bpolitical factions.

This paper seeks to continue the research started by scholars such as W. Liebeschuetz and P. Bell in order to challenge the traditional argument put forth by Al. Cameron, namely that the circus factions did not have a political role in society. The objective of this study is to examine the political importance of the circus factions from the reign of Anastasius (491-518) to Heraclius (610-641). Furthermore, it explores the political motivations behind the factions’ violent behaviour, the evidence for their involvement in the military, and their role in accession ceremonies. The methodology includes establishing a typology for sixth century riots, an examination of the hippodrome and its role as a medium between people and emperor, tracing the shift in the focus of imperial ideology, and a re-evaluation of the primary sources, with a focus on the literary and epigraphic evidence, to determine if there was a political aspect to the factions. The study concludes that Cameron did undervalue the factions’ political importance and outlines the conditions that were influential in their rise in importance.

This paper seeks to continue the research started by scholars such as W. Liebeschuetz and P. Bell in order to challenge the traditional argument put forth by Al. Cameron, namely that the circus factions did not have a political role in society. The objective of this study is to examine the political importance of the circus factions from the reign of Anastasius (491-518) to Heraclius (610-641). Furthermore, it explores the political motivations behind the factions’ violent behaviour, the evidence for their involvement in the military, and their role in accession ceremonies. The methodology includes establishing a typology for sixth century riots, an examination of the hippodrome and its role as a medium between people and emperor, tracing the shift in the focus of imperial ideology, and a re-evaluation of the primary sources, with a focus on the literary and epigraphic evidence, to determine if there was a political aspect to the factions. The study concludes that Cameron did undervalue the factions’ political importance and outlines the conditions that were influential in their rise in importance.

During the last decades, funk music produced in the favelas of Rio de Janeiro has been travelling the world as a genre of contemporary cool. Construed as both hip and authentic and consumed globally, it has become a political and commercial asset in the nation’s rise to economic dominance and in Rio’s campaign to become a global city. In Brazil, however, favela funk draws the boundaries between the shanty towns of the urban margins, where it remains a social practice, and the state, by which it is condemned and sometimes prohibited for lyrics that allude to violence in an alleged glorification of gang power. This dissertation is an ethnographic inquiry into social life and power relations in one of the favelas of Rio de Janeiro. It tells the story of how a drug-dealing faction challenges the sovereignty of the state on its turf by means of both arms and the control and distribution of pleasure and fun. Funk, in this account, emerges as an immensely popular social practice and thus an instrument of drug-dealing power. By treating violence and the sexually explicit as both unifying and fragmenting in the social dynamics of this place, the dissertation uncovers the paths that favela youth tread in the context of severe poverty, vulnerability and limited access to state institutions and formal employment.

This thesis explores the influence of the Australian Labor Party's (ALP's) national factions on Party policy. The specific emphasis is on policy development during Labor's 1996-2004 period in opposition. Through a total of 88 interviews, predominantly with members of Caucus including Kim Beazley, Simon Crean and Mark Latham, this thesis has been able to examine not only the formal policy development processes but, significantly, also the informal processes within the Party. The thesis begins with an overview of the national factions' organisation and operations in relation to policy development in both the organisational and parliamentary wings. It concentrates on exploring how the informal processes of the faction system dominate the formal Party structures, and demonstrates how the factional elite control these decision-making forums. The thesis then concentrates on analysing in-depth the factional influences on policies developed within the Immigration, Trade and Family and Community Services portfolios. These case studies were selected because they provoked debate, to varying degrees, in the Party. An understanding of how consensus was reached among the diverse perspectives, particularly between the factions, within the Party is critical to exploring the relationship between the national factions and policy development. The case studies cover a range of policy development modes, and therefore provide ample opportunity to explore factional dynamics in relation to policy formulation under different circumstances throughout the 1996-2004 period. This thesis utilises Arend Lijphart's theory of the Politics of Accommodation, which was originally developed to explain inter-party negotiations within the Dutch coalition government during the twentieth century. This theory is relevant to the study of the ALP's modern factions because, similar to the Dutch political system, the faction system operates on the power-sharing principle of proportional representation (PR). By applying Lijphart's theoretical framework, this thesis provides a rigorous and comprehensive analysis of the ALP's factional dynamics in relation to policy. It gives an in-depth analysis of the elite control of the faction system in the domain of policy development. It demonstrates that faction leaders resolve contentious policy issues by negotiating in a 'spirit of accommodation' and when the factions adopt a policy position, the unwritten rules of the 'factional game' are applied to ensure the national factions reach a consensus on Party policy. Given that the national factions compete for power and sometimes pursue a different set of policy objectives, this 'spirit of accommodation' appears to be paradoxical; this palliative application of factional power is arguably in contrast to the general perception of faction politics. Through the presentation and analysis of original primary data this thesis makes a valuable contribution to the study of the ALP and factions in general, significantly advancing existing knowledge.

FundaÃÃo Cearense de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento Cientifico e TecnolÃgico / A IndÃstria de ConfecÃÃo està presente em vÃrias cidades de paÃses de capitalismo tardio e à responsÃvel pelo provimento de uma quantidade significativa de empregos para a populaÃÃo urbana, estruturando-se um modo de produÃÃo interescalar que alia o processo local ao global. Nesse contexto, sÃo consideradas as modificaÃÃes feitas nos modos de produzir, gerir e comercializar, proporcionadas pela reestruturaÃÃo produtiva na dÃcada de 1970. Procura-se, entÃo, entender, atravÃs da teoria dos circuitos da economia urbana, a IndÃstria de ConfecÃÃo na cidade de Fortaleza, capital do CearÃ. Destarte, esta pesquisa objetiva dissertar sobre as relaÃÃes dos circuitos superior e inferior na produÃÃo de confecÃÃes e, assim sendo, sobre suas repercussÃes em Fortaleza, onde sÃo evidenciadas as indÃstrias de confecÃÃo (de facÃÃo e de confecÃÃo). Para tanto, foram feitas leituras pertinentes à temÃtica deste trabalho, bem como a realizaÃÃo de pesquisas de campo em algumas indÃstrias de confecÃÃo em Fortaleza, como a FederaÃÃo das IndÃstrias do Cearà (FIEC), o Sistema Nacional de Emprego-Instituto de Desenvolvimento do Trabalho (SINE-IDT), o Sindicato das Costureiras de Fortaleza, a Prefeitura Municipal de Fortaleza (PMF), entre outras instituiÃÃes. Entende-se, portanto, a importÃncia deste trabalho por Fortaleza ter uma significativa concentraÃÃo de indÃstrias de confecÃÃes, estando essas no circuito inferior da economia urbana, possibilitando relaÃÃes espaciais produtivas, trabalhistas e comerciais ligadas em grande parte a essa dinÃmica da economia urbana. Diante do exposto, o trabalho colabora para o entendimento das relaÃÃes produtivas espaciais da IndÃstria de ConfecÃÃo em diversas escalas, tendo Fortaleza como o locus de anÃlise empÃrica analÃtica. O entendimento do fenÃmeno aqui estudado configura-se, portanto, como o aporte magno desta pesquisa. / The Clothing Industry is present in various cities of late capital and it is responsible for the provision of a significant quantity of jobs for the urban population, establishing a means of interscale production, which links the local process to the global one. In this context, there are considered the modifications made in the way of producing, managing and commercializing, provided for the productive restructuration in the decade of 1970. It is looked for, then, to understand, through the theory of the circuits of the urban economy, the Clothing Industry in the city of Fortaleza, capital of CearÃ. Therefore, this research aims at discussing about the relations of the superior and inferior circuits in the production of clothing and, in this way, about its repercussions in Fortaleza, where the industries of clothing (of faction and of clothing) are evidenced. For the purpose of this study, there were done some reading on its theme, as well as the execution of field researches in some industries of clothing in Fortaleza, such as FederaÃÃo das IndÃstrias do Cearà (FIEC), Sistema Nacional de Emprego-Instituto de Desenvolvimento do Trabalho (SINE-IDT), Sindicato das Costureiras de Fortaleza, Prefeitura Municipal de Fortaleza (PMF), amongst others. It is understood, then, the importance of this work for Fortaleza. Such significance is characteristic of the inferior circuit of the urban economy, being the productive, working and commercial space relations liked in great extent to such dynamics of the urban economy. Taken into consideration what have been discussed, this research collaborates to the understanding of the space productive relations of the Clothing Industry in diverse scales, being Fortaleza its locus for empirical analysis. The understanding of the phenomenon here studied is therefore the major contribution of this research. Keywords:

El estudio de la relación entre el individuo y el grupo tiene una larga historia en las ciencias sociales. Aún si el impulsor principal de las acciones de la gente es perseguir sus propios objetivos, los seres humanos también cohabitamos, colaboramos y cuidamos unos de otros. Para armonizar los objetivos personales con los intereses del grupo, creamos normas y reglas. Estas normas y reglas afectan nuestras preferencias, gustos y decisiones. Las personas también pueden tener una influencia más directa entre sí: por ejemplo imitamos, enseñamos y aprendemos unos de otros. En la investigación del comportamiento político -- donde las decisiones pueden tener un efecto en el entorno social de quien toma las decisiones -- estas normas, reglas e influencias personales reciben cada vez más atención. Este nuevo enfoque no se centra solo en las características individuales, sino también en la relación y las interacciones de estos individuos. Para manejar la variedad casi infinita de las relaciones e interacciones, los investigadores necesitan agruparlas en estructuras sociales. En mi tesis doctoral, estudio el papel de dos estructuras sociales en la política. La primera estructura es la red social. La red social es la colección de todos los enlaces sociales bilaterales en un grupo. La segunda estructura que estudio en mi tesis es la facción política. Las facciones son grupos jerárquicos de políticos que trabajan juntos para obtener poder político. Mi tesis está dividida en tres capítulos principales. El primer capítulo es un trabajo empírico que mide la importancia de la posición (en la red social) de los políticos en su carrera pública. El segundo capítulo introduce en primer lugar un modelo nuevo de colaboración dentro de las facciones políticas, y luego contrasta empíricamente algunas de las principales predicciones del modelo. El tercer capítulo modela cómo se expanden las influencias en una red social y introduce una manera simple de encontrar el actor clave de una red política en una clase especifico de redes. El Capítulo 1 incluye mi trabajo de investigación titulado “Marrying the Right One -- Evidence on Social Network Effects in Politics from the Venetian Republic”. En este capítulo mido el efecto de las redes sociales en el desarrollo de la carrera de los políticos. Con este fin, construyo una base de datos que contiene información sobre la red social de todo el electorado de una nación soberana, la República de Venecia del siglo XV. También identifico las carreras de 2.500 políticos casados del período entre 1400 y 1524. Analizando este panel de datos, encuentro evidencia empírica de que casarse con la hija de un padre más central en la red mejora significativamente las perspectivas de carrera futura en la política del marido. Además, demuestro que este efecto es independiente de otras características de cualquiera de las dos familias, como el prestigio histórico, la riqueza o el poder de voto (tamaño de la familia), y no está sesgado por matrimonios selectivos. Además, encuentro que el efecto de la red es acumulativo (se disfrutan las ventajas de un buen matrimonio durante un período prolongado) y que el efecto es más fuerte durante periodos políticamente o económicamente difíciles (como en una guerra defensiva). El Capítulo 2 está basado en mi trabajo de investigación titulado “Politics Behind the Curtain -- A Model of Endogenous Factional Competition and Evidence from the Venetian Republic”. Este capítulo presenta un nuevo modelo de competición política entre facciones donde el poder político de una facción es endógeno. En el modelo, todos los políticos son miembros de una facción y la competencia (por una promoción) ocurre en dos etapas. Primero, los políticos compiten por el apoyo de su facción. Segundo, las facciones compiten para ganar la promoción para sus candidatos. El éxito del concurso en la segunda etapa es endógeno: depende del número y la posición de todos los afiliados de la facción. La primera contribución de este trabajo de investigación es que describe las fuerzas que facilitan la colaboración de los políticos y la aparición de facciones. El segundo es que revela la naturaleza ambivalente de la competencia política en sistemas dominados por facciones políticos: las facciones más grandes son más fuertes, pero sus miembros también se enfrentan a una competencia más fuerte dentro de las facciones. Usando datos de la República de Venecia, estimo los coeficientes del modelo teórico. La estimación separa los dos canales de efectos del tamaño (de la facción): el canal de competencia interna y el canal de poder de facción. Finalmente, capítulo 3 sigue el trabajo de investigación titulado “Influences and Elections in a Political Network”. En este capítulo, desarrollo un modelo nuevo de lobbying y votación en una red social. Los jugadores en la red son votantes y candidatos potenciales al mismo tiempo. Los votantes prefieren al candidato al que puedan influir más, y el poder de presión está determinado por la posición relativa del votante y el candidato en la red social. En este modelo, las preferencias muestran algunas regularidades que son suficientes para demostrar que hay uno (o dos vecinos) candidato(s) de Condorcet en cualquier red en árbol, y que el(los) tiene(n) la mayor centralidad de proximidad en la red. Además, las preferencias tienen un solo pico en las redes en árbol, por lo que en una red en cadena (o línea) el teorema del votante mediano es aplicable. Muestro que la centralidad de proximidad supera a otras medidas de centralidad frecuentemente utilizadas (centralidad de vector propio, centralidad de intermediación) en ciertas redes. Finalmente, comparo mi modelo principal con el modelo de Cruz et al. 2017 donde los votantes tienen sesgos ideológicos: el modelo de Cruz et al. 2017 proporciona resultados más generales, pero mi modelo se basa en supuestos mejor alineados con las evidencias empíricas.

I have long been interested in Paul's writings, his various doctrinal viewpoints, and the manner in which he dealt with problems as they developed during his ministry. Certainly, the Corinthian Churoh had its problems, and they were eerious problems. Not the least of these was the matter of a faotious spirit whioh seemed to prevail among the members and whioh was keeping the oongregation from full effectiveness in its witness and work for Jesus Christ. What were the background oonditions out of whioh this Corinthian Churoh oame forth? What types of people comprised this congregation? How and why did these various problems develop? What did Paul do to meet the need? What was his answer to the problems? What does all of this say to us today? These are but a few of the questions with which I am concerned and with whioh I shall deal in this study.

Cette thèse porte sur les rapports politiques entre villes et monarchie dans le royaume de Naples à la fin du Moyen Âge, à travers le cas de L’Aquila.Dans le premier chapitre, j’analyse la structure institutionnelle de la ville et ses changements entre le XIVe et le XVe siècle. Ensuite j’examine les modalités de fonctionnement des institutions, c’est-à-dire les moyens utilisés par l’élite politique pour gouverner la ville et se maintenir au pouvoir.Dans le deuxième chapitre je prend en considération les secteurs sociaux politiquement importants (marchands, notaires, legum doctores) et je considère le problème de l’aristocratie urbaine. Dans la seconde partie j’analyse l’élite politique de la ville.Dans le troisième chapitre j’examine la figure du comte de Montorio Pietro Lalle Camponeschi, dont j’étudie les éléments du pouvoir féodal, de l’hégémonie sur la ville et du conditionnement dans les rapports avec la monarchie. En outre je prends en considération son rôle en tant que leader de faction.Le quatrième chapitre est dédié aux formes de démonstration de la fidélité, aux relations entre système fiscal urbain et fiscalité monarchique, aux rapports entre justice urbaine et justice royale, aux réseaux diplomatiques de la ville et à la circulation des citoyens dans les offices du royaume.Dans le dernier chapitre j’analyse deux aspects des rapports ville-monarchie. La première partie est dédiée au capitaine royal, dont on examine les pouvoirs et la dialectique avec les citoyens et la monarchie. La seconde partie est dédiée à la mission du lieutenant royal Antonio Cicinello (1476), qui fut la première intervention directe de la monarchie dans la vie politique locale. / This PhD thesis concerns the politic relations between towns and monarchy in the Kingdom of Naples at the end of the Middle Ages, by the case study of L’Aquila.In the first chapter I analyze the institutions of the town and their changes between 14th and 15th centuries. Thereafter I examine the political processes of the institutions, that is the ways the local elite used to rule the city and to preserve its power.In the second chapter I consider the social groups which had a political importance (merchants, notaries, legum doctores) and the problem of the urban aristocracy. In the second part of the chapter I analyze the local elite.In the third chapter I examine the figure of Pietro Lalle Camponeschi, count of Montorio, his feudal power, his hegemony in the city and his ability to influence the relations between town and monarchy. Moreover I consider his role as leader of a faction.The fourth chapter focuses on the ways of demonstrating fidelity, the relations between urban fiscal system and royal fiscal system, those between urban justice and royal justice, the diplomatic network of the town and the flows of citizens in the royal administration.In the last chapter I analyze two aspects of the town-monarchy relations. The first part is about the power of the royal captain and the dialectic between this public official, the citizens and the monarchy. The second part concerns the mission of the royal lieutenant Antonio Cicinello (1476), which was the first direct intervention of the monarchy in the local political life.

Au travers de cette thèse, nous nous sommes attachés à comprendre la politique gouvernementale menée par Richelieu vis-à-vis des parlements méridionaux (Toulouse, Bordeaux et Aix), ainsi que ses conséquences jusqu’aux guerres civiles de la Fronde. De 1624 – date de l’accès du premier cardinal ministre au Conseil de Louis XIII – à 1654 – date de rétablissement d’un parlement à Bordeaux après la Fronde –, ces années cardinales furent celles du choix de la guerre contre la monarchie espagnole. Elles furent aussi marquées par la constitution d’une alliance politique au sommet de l’État entre Richelieu et le prince de Condé. Une alliance robuste qui laissa la place à un système polycratique instable durant les années de la régence d’Anne d’Autriche, organisé autour du triumvirat Condé, Mazarin, Orléans. Ce double contexte, militaire et politique, eut d’importants échos dans les provinces méridionales et leurs parlements. Cependant, nous n’avons pas limité notre champ d’investigation au seul point de vue gouvernemental. Nous avons veillé à reconstruire les dynamiques politiques provinciales afin de comprendre au mieux les prises de position au sein des parlements. Pour cela, nous avons mis les factions et le factionnalisme au cœur de notre analyse en tentant de produire une véritable « histoire-cabales » des parlements méridionaux durant les années cardinales. Nous avons défini les factions parlementaires comme des coalitions temporaires, nébuleuses de magistrats ou de familles de magistrats, dont on pouvait distinguer un noyau dur d’adhérents fortement impliqués dans les confrontations et des marges plus ou moins actives en fonction des enjeux et des recompositions d’alliances. Leurs interactions et leurs affrontements caractérisaient le factionnalisme. Notre étude a donc porté dans une première partie sur le cadre de la vie politique provinciale. Nous y avons reconstitué le microcosme politique dans lequel évoluaient les magistrats et dans lequel se formaient leurs factions. Une attention particulière a ainsi été portée à reconstruire les tensions institutionnelles, les différents réseaux, ainsi que le contexte politique des années cardinales à la cour comme en province. Dans une seconde partie, la politique de Richelieu vis-à-vis des parlements méridionaux a été analysée. Trois séquences politiques ont été ainsi reconstruites avec minutie afin de faire apparaître comment le cardinal et ses hommes exploitaient les conflictualités locales à leur profit, y attisant le factionnalisme. Enfin, dans une dernière partie, l’ébranlement du système Richelieu et les conséquences de ce phénomène dans les guerres civiles de la Fronde ont été analysés au travers du prisme des factions. Ce travail vise ainsi à mettre les factions et le factionnalisme au cœur de l’analyse de la politique parlementaire sous l’Ancien Régime. / Through this thesis, we endeavoured to understand Richelieu's government policy towards the southern parliaments (Toulouse, Bordeaux and Aix), as well as its consequences until the civil wars of the Fronde. From 1624 – date of the first cardinal minister's access to the Council of Louis XIII – to 1654 – date of re-establishment of a parliament in Bordeaux after the Fronde – these cardinal years were those of the choice of war against the Spanish monarchy. They were also marked by the constitution of a political alliance at the summit of the State between Richelieu and the Prince de Condé. A robust alliance that gave way to an unstable polycratic system during the years of the regency of Anne of Austria, organized around the triumvirate Condé, Mazarin, Orléans. This dual context, military and political, had important echoes in the southern provinces and their parliaments. However, we have not limited our scope of investigation solely to the government's point of view. We have been working to rebuild provincial political dynamics in order to better understand the positions taken by parliaments. To this end, we have put factions and factionalism at the heart of our analysis by attempting to produce a genuine "cabal story" of the southern parliaments during the cardinal years. We have defined parliamentary factions as temporary coalitions, nebulas of magistrates or families of magistrates, of which we could distinguish a hard core of members strongly involved in confrontations and margins more or less active according to the stakes and recompositions of alliances. Their interactions and confrontations characterized factionalism. Our study therefore focused in a first part on the framework of provincial political life. We have reconstituted the political microcosm in which the magistrates evolved and in which their factions were formed. Particular attention has been paid to reconstructing the institutional tensions, the different networks and the political context of the cardinal years at court and in the provinces. In a second part, Richelieu's policy towards southern parliaments was analyzed. Three political sequences were thus carefully reconstructed in order to show how the cardinal and his men exploited local conflicts for their benefit, fuelling factionalism. Finally, in a final section, the shock of the Richelieu system and the consequences of this phenomenon in the civil wars of the Fronde were analyzed through the prism of the factions. This work aims to put factions and factionalism at the heart of the analysis of parliamentary policy under the Old Regime France.