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La thèse analyse les conséquences de processus de bureaucratisation à l’œuvre au sein d’institutions publiques telles les préfectures. L’enquête a été menée auprès d’agents d’État du « Bureau des Étrangers », qui accueillent et se confrontent aux demandes administratives des usagers (les étrangers). Comment ces agents investissent-ils l’organisation bureaucratique ? Quelles sont les dynamiques de la rencontre avec l’altérité ? Sous une perspective pluridisciplinaire qui privilégie l’approche sociologique et psychosociologique, la thèse a cherché à élucider l’expérience des agents à partir de leur vécu et de leurs propos. Il apparaît que les agents vivent les contradictions institutionnelles entre rapports de domination et désinvestissement affectif. Autre résultat de la recherche, la mise au jour de la disqualification sociale et humaine à l’œuvre sous l’emprise des processus de bureaucratisation étudiés. / The thesis analyzes the consequences of bureaucratic processes at work in public institutions such as ‘’prefectures’’. The survey was conducted with the State agents of the "Foreign office", who welcome and face administrative requests from users (foreigners). How do these agents invest the bureaucratic organization? What are the dynamics of the encounter with alterity? From a multidisciplinary perspective that privileges the sociological and psychosociological approach, the thesis sought to elucidate the experience of the agents based on their personal experiences and their words. It appears that agents live institutional contradictions between relations of domination and affective disinvestment. Another result of the research is the discovery of social and human disqualification at work under the influence of the bureaucratization processes that are studied

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / British involvement in Ethiopia after 1896 became necessary to stop French activities in the Nile Basin and to block Ethiopian expansion toward the White Nile. After wringing guarantees concerning the Ethiopian sources of the Nile from the Emperor Manilek, Great Britain worked to prevent any potentially dangerous European power from gaining overwhelming predominance at the Ethiopian Court. Thus, in pursing her own interests in Egypt and the Nile Valley, England stood at the same time as a guarantor of Ethiopia's sovereignty [TRUNCATED] / 2031-01-01

Cette thèse étudie la réception de la Question d'Orient au Royaume-Uni entre la crise orientale de1875-6 et celle de 1894-8, ainsi que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique. Preuves à l'appui, nous remettrons en cause les deux positions historiographiques prépondérantes selon lesquelles la Question d'Orient était, à l'époque pour le Royaume-Uni, une simple question diplomatique et que son incidence sur la culture politique britannique se limitait à l'affrontement entre Gladstone et Disraeli entre 1876 et 1880. Nous argumenterons, au contraire, que les influences de la Question d'Orient sur le Royaume-Uni vont bien au-delà de 1880 et sont, dans le dernier quart du dix-neuvième siècle, multiples et extrêmement complexes. Sans remettre en cause son aspect diplomatique et géopolitique, il nous faudra également considérer son incidence rhétorique,culturelle et idéologique sur la politique britannique. / This dissertation explores the reception of the Eastern Question in Britain between the 1875-6 Eastern crisis (marked by the 'Bulgarian atrocities') and that of 1894-8 (which corresponds to the episode of the 'Armenian massacres' and to its consequences), as well as the impact it had on British political culture. l will rely on contemporary evidence to question the two main historiographical positions that the Eastern Question was, at the time, just a diplomatic issue and that ~ts only impact on British political culture was the contest that opposed Disraeli and Gladstone between 1876 and 1880. Instead, it will be argued here that the impact of the Eastern Question in Britain goes well beyond 1880 and is both multi-faceted and extremely complex. Without down playing its diplomatic and geopolitical relevance, l will seek to assess its rhetorical, cultural and ideological influences on British politics.

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本文研究主題有二，第一，我們以全球1,000大銀行至40國家金融中心城市所設立的據點資料，探討全球大型銀行的海外擴張動機因素。第二，我們使用45個國家銀行在46個國家金融中心城市所設立的分行資料，探討貪污對銀行海外擴張的影響。第一個研究主題可得知全球大型銀行海外投資的一般性策略思維與吸引全球大型銀行投資的一般性誘因，不同於過去文獻以特定單一國家或先進國家銀行為研究對象，只能探究得知特定策略思維與特定吸引誘因；第二個研究主題可得知貪污在銀行跨國投資裡所扮演的角色，而此角色在過去銀行跨國投資文獻裡並未被探究。 　　第一個研究主題，我們以折衷理論（eclectic theory）為基礎探究銀行海外擴張動機因素，依該理論得三項主要實證研究結果：所有權優勢方面，規模越大或經營績效越佳的銀行在海外擴張態度上較為積極；內部化優勢方面，銀行會選擇與來源國貿易往來密切的國家設立據點；區位優勢方面，業務機會、市場成長空間及熟悉度皆是吸引銀行設立海外據點的重要誘因。與我們預期相反的是，銀行喜歡進入業務高度限制的國家設立據點，其可能原因是這些國家的銀行市場有較高利潤與較大成長空間之故。 第二個研究主題，由實證研究得知，貪污會對跨國投資產生負向影響，亦即貪污會阻礙跨國銀行分行投資活動的進行。再者，我們進一步檢視兩國貪污環境差異的影響是否為負向與其負向影響是否會隨來源國貪污程度的增加而減少，亦即負向影響是否存在不對稱性，兩者皆得到證實。此結果顯示貪污差異性會增加跨國投資的進入成本，銀行因而較傾向在貪污環境相似的國家設立分行。不對稱的負向影響則意味著來自越貪污國家的銀行對於貪污環境差異性有相對較佳的適應能力，因此，我們建議銀行應培養高貪污環境政治風險因應能力以利跨國投資的進行。 / This paper has two topics. First, we investigate the determinants of the overseas physical expansions of world’s large banks, using individual bank data on the number of foreign offices set up by top 1,000 world banks in host financial center cities located in 40 countries. Second, we explore the impact of corruption on banks’ overseas physical expansions, using data on the number of foreign branches set up by banks of 45 countries in host financial center cities located in 46 countries. Through the first one, we can know the strategy thinking of world’s large banks and common incentives that attract their investments, differing from previous studies. Through the second topic, we can know the playing role of corruption in banks’ overseas investment, which no previous study had explored before. In the first studing, we investigate the determinants of the overseas expansions of world’s large banks in views of eclectic theory and our results lead to three result. First, about the factors of ownership advantage, larger size or better performance banks tend to be aggressive in internationalization. Second, about the factor of internalization advantage, banks tend to establish more overseas offices in the countries that have closer relationship of international trade with home country. Finally, about the factors of location advantage, banks are more likely to operate in countries that have more banking opportunities, higher accessibility of market or lower information costs. But, not consistent with our expectations, banks also prefer to invest in more regulated markets, possibly because they expect to obtain higher profits or market shares in these countries. In the second studing, we examine the impact of corruption on overseas investment and find the negative impact. Corruption impedes multinational banks’ cross-border investment and thus decreases foreign branch establishing. We also find the negative impact of corruption difference between two countries and its asymmetric effect. The first one indicates that corruption difference would increase the entry cost to foreign banks and result in negative investment decisions. The second one means that negative impact of corruption difference diminishes with the level of source-country corruption. It shows that bank from higher corruption country has better capacity to handle this difference. We suggest that multinational banks should improve the managing bribery skills to benefit their overseas investment.

Cette recherche s’attache à l’étude d’une institution britannique, à son rôle et son organisation depuis la fusion, en 1968, du Commonwealth Office et du Foreign Office, jusqu’à l’année 1985.Il s’agit ainsi de voir comment le Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) fonctionne et comment il a su évoluer au gré du temps, du changement de la place de la Grande-Bretagne dans le monde, et des conflits internationaux. Ainsi, on peut se demander quelles influences le contexte a eu sur l’institution en elle-même. Dès lors, une place particulière est accordée à l’Europe, la ‘relation spéciale’ avec les États-Unis et la décolonisation.La politique étrangère britannique semble aujourd’hui être principalement dans les mains du pouvoir politique : du ministre des Affaires étrangères (Foreign Secretary), et du Premier ministre. Quelle place le FCO occupe-t-il alors, et quelles relations entretient-il avec le pouvoir politique ?Il s’agit ainsi de considérer la place du FCO au sein des différents acteurs internes et externes de la politique étrangère britannique en analysant trois cas concrets : une réorganisation interne de l’institution (la fusion de 1968), une gestion de crise (l’indépendance retardée de la Guyane britannique, 1953-1966), et une négociation d’accord en temps de paix (l’échec des négociations de la Convention des Nations unies sur le droit de la mer, 1973-1982).Ce travail de recherche tente ainsi d’offrir une interprétation allant au-delà du fonctionnement interne de l’institution. Il s’agit de mettre en relation le Foreign and Commonwealth Office et le pouvoir politique, et ainsi d’étudier les pouvoirs et influences du FCO tout en s’attachant à des périodes clés à l’orée de changements. / This research work is devoted to the study of a key British institution, its function and its organization, from the merger of the Commonwealth Office and the Foreign Office in 1968, until 1985.Of particular interest is the way the changing role of Britain in the world and international conflicts bear upon the functioning and the evolution of the FCO. The point is to assess to what extent the context influences the institution itself.British foreign policy seems to be mostly determined by the Foreign Secretary and the Prime Minister. It is therefore well worth gaging what the function of the FCO is, and its relationship with the holders of political power.The role of the FCO as one of the internal and external agents of British foreign policy is assessed here, through three cases: the internal reorganization of the service in 1968, the management of a crisis – the postponements of independence for Guiana from 1953 to 1966, and the failure of a negotiation in peacetime – the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea from 1973 to 1982.Beyond the internal functioning of the institution, this research work strives to offer an interpretation of the changes. The relationship between the FCO and the holders of political power, the real power and influence of the FCO are under consideration, in particular during key moments of particular significance for the institution.

This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.

Dans un monde globalisé où compétitivité et concurrence façonnent en partie la scène politique etéconomique internationale, la construction d’une image voire d’une identité via la communication extérieuredevient un outil de puissance. Ces implications se retrouvent de la même manière dans les relations entre unÉtat, la France, et les opinions publiques nationales et étrangères.Cette thèse de doctorat complète le questionnement de la place de la France dans le monde.L’étude de la production de la communication extérieure par l’État, personnifiant la Nation, prend formedans un contexte géopolitique mouvant, caractérisé par une évolution technologique et médiatiquedifficilement prévisible. Elle propose une synthèse de la communication extérieure marquée par les structuresde la Ve République et par la politique étrangère menée par le Ministère des Affaires étrangères et impulséepar le chef de l’État. Les freins psychologiques, le refus de la communication comme outil de visibilité et depouvoir ainsi que les problématiques intérieures pèsent sur l’élaboration de politiques pensées et crédibles.Cette recherche interroge également la légitimité de l’échelle de la communication extérieure de la Francelorsque l’attractivité économique se dispute au niveau régional et que la compétition politique se livre à unniveau supra – national.Ce travail fait état de l’existant afin de proposer la correction de travers nationaux qui compliquent lespolitiques de communication supposées porter la voix de la France dans le monde. / In a globalized world partly shaped by competition between nations, building a strong identity andimage is becoming an increasing tool of power.Producing such a good image and appearance is similarly important when it comes to relationshipsbetween states as to relationships between France and its own public opinion or foreign publicopinion. That’s where foreign communication and public diplomacy counts.This PhD thesis aims at providing another point of view and an answer to the French questioningabout France’s place in the world nowadays.Mainly managed by the French foreign office, foreign communication policies represent the will ofthe government and express its directions more than a French identity.The characteristics of the French tradition of diplomacy and international relations are marked by thespecificity of the Vth Republic. The governments’ foreign policies between 2003 and 2009 follow thenew strategy of France as a member of the international community building and preserving peace.Ambitions for France as an independent and important nation have to find a foundation in its actionsas well as a translation in the medias.The skills and means devoted to the foreign communicationpolicies appear to miss some points.We looked at the current situation to reveal the lacks and strengths of the process. Our work alsointend to suggest ways of imagining, building and managing operational policies and campaignsthroughout the world this next years.Psychological pressures from domestical tradition of rejecting communication refrains the population in itsself-representation and so far the country from entering the cognitive war this new century brought in.