<p>The French Revolution was a turning point towards a republican culture and morality. Merging sociology, and gender studies, historians are addressing the era’s new social structure and the political activism of women. They draw attention to the women’s political revolutionary organizations, awareness and experience that confronted male dominated society. However, while investigating revolutionary prisons, they neglect to examine the issue of gender. This dissertation addresses this lacuna to demonstrate that through the experience of prison, the incarcerated women of the revolutionary period find meaning, relive past events, but also forge new identities as they develop new political competencies behind bars.</p><p>The 18^th century prison literature examined here is unique not only because it is written by women for women, but because its narratives contrast and take place in two political regimes. The prison writings, as political and intellectual heritage, and as a response to gender marginalization, provide a historical framework and political legacy of women’s fight for their rights, and a quest for identity. Marie-Antoinette and Madame Roland are two women prisoners, with different social and educational backgrounds, who wrote letters and memoirs respectively. Their prison writings which cross political, social, spatial and temporal boundaries affirm the importance of women in building a new nation and a new modern philosophical era. </p><p><br></p><p>La Révolution française était un tournant vers la culture et la morale républicaines. À la lumière des études sociohistoriques et des études de genre les historiens accordent une attention particulière à une nouvelle structure sociale et à l’activisme politique des femmes. Ils examinent des organisations politiques révolutionnaires, la conscience et l’expérience des femmes qui ont confronté la société dominée par les hommes. Cependant, leurs études sur l’univers carcéral négligent de soulever la question du genre. La prison a permis aux femmes non seulement de trouver le sens de leur existence, de revivre les événements passés, mais aussi d'établir une identité et de guider leur compétence politique derrière les barreaux.</p><p>La littérature de prison du XVIII^èmesiècle est particulière, non seulement parce qu’elle est écrite par les femmes pour les femmes, mais parce que sa thématique se contraste et se place dans deux régimes politiques. En tant qu’héritage politique et intellectuel et en réponse à la marginalisation des sexes, elle fournit un cadre historique de la lutte des femmes pour leurs droits. Les écrits carcéraux qui manifestent la quête identitaire des prisonnières, dépassent les frontières politiques et sociales, spatiales et temporelles, en affirmant l’importance des femmes dans la construction d'une nouvelle nation et d'une nouvelle ère philosophique moderne.</p><p><br></p>

The Journal des Dames et des Modes started its publication in 1797 and was de facto the only popular and lasting fashion magazine aimed towards women since the fall of its predecessor, even prior to 1789. This study argues that this fashion magazine both reflected and constituted the mindset of the new regime’s elite. The French Directoire (1795-1799) was a short-lived but intense regime characterised by its transformative nature and excesses to redefine society’s order and limits. The Journal, although trivial in aspect, participated in this effort by moralising a frivolous part of the female population through the entertainment it proposed, making it a fun yet pedagogical tool in the hands of the dominating bourgeois mindset. The periodical spread socio-cultural norms that were in accordance with the regime’s main concern – public good. And although not active per se in politics, women had their role to play as far as public utility was concerned, that of the civic mother – their designated form of citizenship. However, the readers of the Journal were more engaged in the mundane and cultural world, which demonstrated high permeability and reciprocity with politics. So, while women typically embodied the private sphere and personal concerns, contrary to men who represented the public sphere and public good, the women of the Directoire were the first ones to set the tendency of blurring lines between individual and common concerns – an ambivalent stance which is aligned with the transformative aspect of the regime.

No description available.

One of the most defining moments in the histories of British satire and the public sphere took place in the late 1790s in an abandoned house in Piccadilly. Here George Canning and several fellow conservatives began writing and circulating their weekly newspaper the Anti-Jacobin. Although the periodical has been critically neglected, it is a valuable model for exploring how literary (partisan) politicians attempted to form a rational and critical public sphere through their satiric poetry. Founded by George Canning and edited by William Gifford, the Anti-Jacobin seems to reflect a reactionary conservative's ideology and has been summarily dismissed because of this one-sided nature. In this essay, I suggest a more nuanced reading of both Canning's biography and his Anti-Jacobin poetry that will give a fuller and more accurate version of Canning, one that illustrates a moderate reformer who is concerned with centralizing the extremism of the 1790s.

Le pamphlet anonyme 'Aux Français, sur le 14 Juillet' a probablement été publié en 1799, à l’occasion du dixième anniversaire de la prise de la Bastille. Son auteur veut montrer comment la Révolution française a modifié le prestige de la politique étrangère et l’état de la politique intérieure de la France. Il examine la politique étrangère et la situation militaire du pays avant et après la Révolution. Selon lui, elles étaient auparavant affectées par la faiblesse et la corruption du gouvernement. Cela n’a pris fin qu’avec la Révolution, car celle-ci a permis à tous les citoyens, y compris les plus énergiques et les plus vertueux, d’entreprendre une carrière militaire. Pour l’auteur, les charges qui pesaient sur le tiers état avant la Révolution sont à l’origine de la stagnation économique du passé. Il voit dans l’abolition du féodalisme et la liberté nouvellement acquise la condition préalable au progrès économique. S’il souligne également les aspects négatifs de la Révolution, à savoir la guerre et la tyrannie, il juge décisif le progrès qui a été rendu possible par la prise de la Bastille. / Die anonyme Flugschrift „Aux Français, sur le 14 Juillet“ („An die Franzosen, über den 14. Juli“) wurde wahrscheinlich im Jahr 1799 anlässlich des 10. Jahrestags des Sturms auf die Bastille veröffentlicht. Ihr Autor will zeigen, wie die Französische Revolution das außenpolitische Prestige und die innenpolitischen Zustände Frankreichs verändert hat. Er untersucht die Außenpolitik und die militärische Situation Frankreichs vor und nach der Revolution. Sie seien davor durch die Schwäche und Verdorbenheit der Regierung beeinträchtigt gewesen. Dies endete erst mit der Revolution, da sie allen Bürgern, also auch den Tatkräftigen und Tugendhaften, eine militärische Karriere ermöglicht habe. Für den Autor sind die Belastungen, die vor der Revolution auf dem Dritten Stand lagen, der Grund für den wirtschaftlichen Stillstand in der Vergangenheit. Er sieht in der Abschaffung des Feudalismus und der neu gewonnenen Freiheit die Voraussetzung für den ökonomischen Fortschritt. Er weist jedoch auch auf die negativen Seiten der Revolution, nämlich Krieg und Tyrannei, hin. Entscheidend ist für ihn allerdings der Fortschritt, der mit dem Sturm auf die Bastille erst möglich wurde. / The anonymous pamphlet 'Aux Français, sur le 14 Juillet' ('To the French, on 14 July') was probably published in 1799 on the occasion of the 10th anniversary of the storming of the Bastille. His author aims to show how the French Revolution changed France’s foreign policy prestige and domestic political conditions. He examines France’s foreign policy and military situation before and after the Revolution. Before that, he says, they were marred by the weakness and corruption of the government. This only ended with the Revolution, as it made a military career possible for all citizens, including the energetic and virtuous. For the author, the burdens that lay on the Third Estate before the revolution are the reason for the economic stagnation in the past. He sees the abolition of feudalism and the newly won freedom as the precondition for economic progress. However, he also points out the negative sides of the revolution, namely war and tyranny. What is decisive for him, however, is the progress that only became possible with the storming of the Bastille.

No description available.

This paper compares two art museums, both created during the French Revolution, that fostered national unity by promoting a cultural identity. By analyzing the use of preexisting architecture from the ancien régime, innovative displays of art and redefinitions of the museum visitor as an Enlightened citizen, this thesis explores the application of eighteenth-century philosophy to the formation of two museums. The first is the Musée Central des Arts in the Louvre and the second is the Musée des Monuments Français, both housed in buildings taken over by the Revolutionary government and present the seized property of the royal family and Catholic Church. Created in a violent and unstable political climate, these museums were an effective means of presenting the First Republic as a guardian of national property and protector of French identity.

法國歷史長期以來多樣性文化造成的地方特殊性，在旺代地區與羅馬公教信仰結合，成為宗教信仰與地方認同的綜合體——鐘聲文化。透過教堂與教堂的鐘，神職人員掌控居民的一切活動，創造與教堂密不可分的生活經驗，也以教堂為中心建立一個居民共享的文化空間。 　　法國大革命延續波旁王室追求中央集權與教權歸屬王權的目標，希望能夠創立全國性的國家認同，打破過去各地方獨立的地方特殊性，以及宗教干預政治的傳統，並將法國建構成一個想像的共同體。而在鐘聲文化之下，旺代則希望能夠維持地方情感，保護信仰，延續法國歷史上地方精神與中央精神的抗衡。旺代戰爭的意義在於突顯出法國並不是一個單一的概念，在法國一詞之下，包含的是各種各樣的文化與生活模式。 　　旺代的地方意識，顯現出法國歷史的延續性，並沒有因為革命發生而斷裂。而法國大革命所彰顯的國家認同，目的則在使法國能真正朝向一個民族國家前進，不再是分散的、對中央沒有依賴性的不緊密結構。延續與變遷，便構成法國大革命時期，旺代地區的認同糾葛。 　　本文所要探究的，即是從旺代地區在舊制度時期羅馬公教下鐘聲文化開始，進而探討大革命發生後，在旺代戰爭過程中，地方意識與中央集權的對抗，以及戰後國家認同的問題。 / In French history, cultural diversity influenced the identity of many different regions. In the case of Vendée, local identity, strengthened by the Roman Catholic Church, formed a special concept, which was described as “esprit du clocher”. The rhythm of daily life, as well as the general view of the world, was dominated by the church bell. Even after the French revolution, the French government followed the example from the ancien régime. They tried to replace this feeling of local identity with the spirit of a new nation. The general tendency of centralization continued. However, Vendée tried hard to maintain their long held approach. The Vendée War was a result of the cumulation of this tension. The outcome of this war proved that the new national identity was prevailing. In this thesis, the author wishes to examine the transition from the esprit du clocher to the esprit de la nation.

This study demonstrates how royal portraiture functioned during the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars as a vehicle for visualizing and processing the contemporary political upheavals. It does so by considering a notion of the 'sovereignty of the portrait', that is, the semiotic integrity (or precisely the lack thereof) and the material territory of royal portraiture at this historical juncture. Working from an assumption that the precariousness of sovereignty which delineated the Revolutionary and Napoleonic wars goes hand in hand with the precariousness of representation during the same period, it reframes prevailing readings of royal portraiture in the aftermath of the French Revolution by approaching the genre less as one defined by the oneway propagation of a message, and more as a highly unstable intermedial network of representation. This theoretical undertaking is refracted through the figure of Maria Carolina, Queen of Naples (1752-1814), close sister and foil to Queen Marie- Antoinette of France, and who, as de facto ruler of the Kingdom of Naples, physically survived revolution but was twice dethroned and thrice exiled. A diverse ecology of royal portraiture revolving around Maria Carolina is presented across five case studies. Close attention to the materiality of a hyperrealistic wax bust of Maria Carolina reveals how portraiture absorbed the trauma of the French Revolution; Maria Carolina’s correspondence in invisible ink is used as a tool to read a highly distinctive visual language of 'hidden' silhouettes of sovereigns and to explore the in/visibility of exile; a novel reading of Antonio Canova's work for the Neapolitan Bourbons through the lens of contemporary caricature problematizes the binary between ancien régime and parvenue monarchy; and a unique miniature of Maria Carolina offers itself as a material metaphor for post-revolutionary sovereignty. Finally, Maria Carolina’s death mask testifies to how Maria Carolina herself became a relic of the ancien régime.

Dans un système constitutionnel fondé sur la souveraineté de la nation, le pouvoir constituant fait figure de phénomène ambivalent, difficilement analysable en termes juridiques. Par définition réfractaire à tout encadrement impératif, le pouvoir suprême au sein de l’Etat n’en doit pas moins revêtir une forme organisée pour exprimer une volonté normative. Les acteurs de la Révolution française agissent aux confins du droit, tirant profit des ressources de la philosophie politique et de l’histoire pour établir une constitution, principe fondamental du système juridique qu’ils cherchent à établir. Ils se dotent d’outils pour parvenir à leurs fins : le concept de « convention nationale » en est un, auréolé du succès des réalisations américaines. Plutôt qu’à une transposition institutionnelle, les révolutionnaires français procèdent à une adaptation. En devenant « extraordinaire », la représentation constituante qu’ils conceptualisent perd son caractère révolutionnaire pour devenir pleinement juridique. Elle offre une alternative à l’insurrection. Un tel processus présente cependant un revers. Ce pouvoir, en accédant à l’existence investi de l’exercice de la souveraineté, est dégagé de toutes contraintes juridiques autres que celles qui découlent de son organisation. Ces contraintes pèsent sur ses membres, exacerbant les tensions qui déchirent un corps collectif doté des pouvoirs les plus étendus. Les dérives sanglantes qui frappent la Convention nationale ne sont pas inéluctables ; elles découlent de l’exploitation politique des failles inhérentes au fonctionnement d’une représentation souveraine dont les membres ne doivent jouir d’aucun privilège. / In a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege.