La pensée politique moderne a admis la dichotomie entre réforme et révolution. Le réformisme en a fait un principe qui domine actuellement les esprits. Mais la politique n’est-elle pas irrémédiablement partagée entre révolution et réforme ? La politique de Kant constitue un paradigme idéal pour poser le problème du rapport entre réforme et révolution. A l’initiative de Burke, l’opposition moderne entre réforme et révolution se forme à cette époque en réaction aux révolutions en Europe. Kant accepte bien l’opposition entre la réforme entreprise par le souverain et la révolution accomplie par le peuple. Mais sa sympathie bien connue pour la Révolution française l’amène à élaborer une politique pragmatique qui prend en compte les conditions historico-politiques de l’application des principes républicains défendus par la Révolution. Animé par un esprit révolutionnaire, le réformisme kantien entend réussir le processus politique de la républicanisation par le moyen de la réforme, tout en rendant justice à la nécessité du processus naturel de la révolution qui réagit à l’oppression de la liberté. Selon le philosophe de la Révolution, la réforme (révolutionnaire) accomplit la révolution. Pour le montrer, il faut réinscrire la politique de Kant dans son temps. La partie I en précise le contexte historique et sémantique : la réfutation kantienne du droit de rébellion est dirigée contre les monarchomaques ; l’articulation kantienne de la réforme à la révolution s’inscrit dans la lignée du consensus entre réforme et révolution mise en place par les Lumières. La partie II retrace la mise en place de la dichotomie « réformiste » entre réforme et révolution par les burkiens allemands : ils opposent à la violence destructrice de la Révolution l’option d’une réforme conservatrice qui se contente d’améliorer ponctuellement les institutions monarchiques. Kant, en revanche, se révèle être le théoricien secret d’une réforme révolutionnaire qui bouleverse le système monarchique de fond en comble : pour le montrer, la partie III décrypte l’esprit révolutionnaire de sa politique. / Modern political thought has admitted the dichotomy between reform and revolution. Reformism has turned it into a principle that currently dominates our minds. But isn't politics irremediably torn between reform and revolution?Kant's politics is an ideal paradigm to pose the problem of the relation between reform and revolution. At Burke's initiative, the modern opposition between reform and revolution is formed at that time as a reaction to the revolutions in Europe. Kant accepts the opposition between reforms adopted by the sovereign and the revolution done by the people. But his well-known sympathy for the French Revolution leads him to elaborate a pragmatic political philosophy that takes into account the historico-political conditions of the implementation of the republican principles defended by the Revolution. Stimulated by a revolutionary spirit, Kantian reformism means to successfully establish the political process of republicanisation thanks to reform, while doing justice to the necessity of the natural process of the revolution which reacts to the oppression of liberty. According to the philosopher of the Revolution, (revolutionary) reform accomplishes the revolution.So as to show it, one must place Kant's politics in his time. Part I makes clear its historical and semantic context: the Kantian refutation of the right to rebel is directed against the Monarchomachists; the Kantian way of articulating reform to revolution is inscribed in the tradition of a consensus between reform and revolution implemented by the Enlightenment. Part II charts the creation of the 'reformist' dichotomy between reform and revolution by German Burkians: rather than the destructive violence of the Revolution, they opted for a conservative reform that managed only to bring about ad hoc improvements to the monarchic institutions. Kant, on the contrary, turns out to be the secret theoretician of a revolutionary reform which totally upsets the monarchic system: to show this, part III deciphers the revolutionary spirit of his political thought.

Esta dissertação se dedica a uma comparação entre as interpretações da Revolução Francesa formuladas por dois autores e personagens políticos da França do século XIX: François Guizot (1787 1874) e Alexis de Tocqueville (1805 1859). Ambas as interpretações têm em comum o esforço intelectual de inscrever a Revolução Francesa na História de longo prazo da França e da Europa, em ruptura com a compreensão que tiveram da Revolução tanto revolucionários como contrarrevolucionários. Essa inscrição da Revolução na História implicava uma aceitação da sociedade pós-revolucionária como um produto irreversível de muitos séculos e não apenas de um ato isolado da vontade. O argumento desta dissertação tem como objetivo demonstrar que, para além dessa aceitação da sociedade pós-revolucionária a qual manteve Guizot e Tocqueville à distância tanto do discurso contrarrevolucionário, com seu projeto de restaurar na França a antiga sociedade pré-revolucionária, como do discurso socialista, com seu projeto de continuar a Revolução Francesa para levar a humanidade a uma sociedade diferente da que saiu diretamente da Revolução , os dois autores estudados legaram para a posteridade duas atitudes divergentes ou mesmo opostas diante da Revolução Francesa: Guizot celebrou o papel da Revolução na História como uma vitória das classes médias sobre o poder absoluto e o privilégio, ao mesmo tempo em que criticou suas bandeiras explícitas, com destaque para a da soberania do povo; Tocqueville, ao contrário, lamentou a obra da Revolução Francesa como uma realização inconsciente da cultura política centralizadora do Antigo Regime, mas, em vez de criticar a doutrina da soberania do povo, procurou reformulá-la em novas bases, inspirado pelo modelo americano. Para o autor de O Antigo Regime e a Revolução, a crítica à Revolução Francesa deve passar, portanto, de suas doutrinas explícitas para seu caráter implícito. Para construir essa hipótese, a dissertação faz o seguinte percurso: no Capítulo 1, são contrapostas a filosofia da História de Guizot, baseada no conceito de civilização, e a filosofia da História de Tocqueville, baseada no conceito de democracia. No Capítulo 2, compara-se o lugar que cada autor atribuía à Revolução Francesa em uma História francesa e europeia lida a partir das relações entre centro político e liberdades locais. O Capítulo 3, por fim, compara a recepção de cada autor aos chamados princípios de 1789, com destaque para o princípio da soberania do povo. / This dissertation is dedicated to a comparison between the interpretations of the French Revolution made by two authors and political figures of nineteenth-century France: François Guizot (1787 1874) and Alexis de Tocqueville (1805 1859). Both interpretations have in common the intellectual effort to inscribe the Revolution in France and Europes long term History, breaking with the understanding that both revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries had about the Revolution. This inscription of the Revolution in History implied an acceptance of post-revolutionary society as an irreversible product of many centuries and not only of an isolated act of the will. As a result, Guizot and Tocqueville were critics both of the counterrevolutionaries, whose project was to restore in France the old pre-revolutionary society, and the socialists, whose project was to continue the French Revolution in order to lead humanity into a society deeply different from the one that emerged from the Revolution. Against this background, this dissertation aims at demonstrating that, beyond the acceptance of post-revolutionary society, Guizot and Tocqueville bequeathed to posterity two divergent or even opposite attitudes toward the French Revolution: Guizot celebrated the role played by the Revolution in History, as a victory of the middle classes against both absolute power and privilege, but at the same time he opposed its explicit flags, especially the sovereignty of the people; Tocqueville, on the other hand, deplored the Revolutions work as an unconscious realization of the centralizing political culture of the Ancient Regime, but, instead of criticizing the doctrine of popular sovereignty, he sought to reformulate it on new bases, inspired in the American model. According to the author of The Ancient Regime and the Revolution, thus, the criticism of the French Revolution should pass from its explicit doctrines to its implicit character. In order to build that hypothesis, this dissertation takes the following path: In Chapter 1, we will compare Guizots philosophy of History, based on the concept of civilization, with Tocquevilles philosophy of History, based on the concept of democracy. In Chapter 2, we will compare the place each author attributed to the French Revolution in French and European History, interpreted in the light of relations between political center and local freedoms. Chapter 3, lastly, compares each authors reception to what was called the principles of 1789, especially the sovereignty of the people.

Attachée au Saint-Empire romain germanique au cours du dixième siècle, l’Alsace en demeura partie intégrante jusqu’en 1648, date à laquelle, au terme de la guerre de Trente Ans, elle fut cédée à la France par les traités de Westphalie. Mise en possession d’une province étrangère, cédée contre son gré, la monarchie française dut trouver les moyens d’intégrer l’Alsace au nouvel ensemble national. Après avoir, difficilement, réussi à affirmer sa souveraineté sur la province, la monarchie mit en place une politique d’intégration, progressive et respectueuse des privilèges régionaux. À partir de la Révolution française, l’assimilation de l’Alsace au reste de la France s’accéléra au point qu’à l’issue de la guerre 1870, c’est une province entièrement intégrée à la France qui revint à l’Allemagne. Dans le cadre de notre thèse, nous nous proposons donc d’étudier les politiques menées par la France en Alsace en vue de son intégration, en s’intéressant tout particulièrement aux institutions qui furent créées et à la façon dont les différentes législations, touchant notamment à l’administration, la justice, l’économie, la religion, la langue ou encore l’enseignement, furent imposées et appliquées à cet effet. / From the tenth century to the year 1648, Alsace remained a part of the Holy Roman Empire, until it cession to France according to the terms of the Peace of Westphalia, following the Thirty Years’ War. Having received a foreign and unwilling province, the Kingdom of France had to find ways to incorporate Alsace into its emerging national community. After having asserted with difficulty it sovereignty over the territory, the monarchy established a progressive integration policy, respectful of regional privileges. From the French Revolution onward, Alsace’s assimilation was greatly accelerated, to such an extent that it had become fully integrated to France until being conceded to the German Empire at the end of th Franco-Prussian War. This thesis reviews the various policies conducted by France toward Alsace’s integration during its rule. It examines particularly the role of specifically created public institutions, and the laws affecting administration, justice, economy, education, religion and language which were enacted and enforced to that end.

Amid the 2011 Arab Revolts, and the subsequent worldwide Occupy movement, social movement scholars faced sudden, powerful mass mobilisations without easily identifiable resources, networks, or forms of organisation underlying them. These instances of mobilisation beyond the scope of what we traditionally consider ‘the movement’ have stretched existing theories of social movements to their limits, defying both conventional theoretical frameworks and existing approaches. This work undertakes a novel analysis of mobilisation which accounts for these new, disruptive cases. It advances the concept of Affinity: a predisposition to participate in certain causes based on social or psychological traits. Alongside this concept, it outlines conditions of Convergence: emergent situations, frames and spaces which encourage those with such Affinity to temporarily participate in mass mobilisations. These two concepts are advanced and developed through a study of the 2011 Egyptian Revolt and Occupy Wall Street movement, alongside the classic case of the 1789 French Revolution. These cases are analysed in comparative perspective to develop a powerful analytical tool with which scholars can augment conventional analyses: The Affinity-Convergence Model of Mobilisation.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-14T18:16:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rafael João Dias.pdf: 1704235 bytes, checksum: e2df6e1cac0122c4bdbec9cad09f1e94 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-04 / Conselho Nacional de Procuradores-Gerais / The global economic transformations that have occurred in the last decades, especially in the post-Cold War, are fundamental to understand the dynamic and expanding phenomenon that comprehend the formation of regional economic blocs as strategic alternatives to develop country areas. The challenge of globalization has forced African countries to look for integration as a viable path to sustain the development zone process. The African continent shows fragile and vulnerable aspects that aggravate several challenges such as logistical infrastructure, network transport system and the persistent situation of poverty and misery, resultant of a long colonial period, political failures occurred during the post-independence period and imperialists polices. This research analyzes the state of regional integration, focusing on the commercial, economic and financial policies in regional schemes, especially on the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU). The economic and monetary integration offers advantages in terms of monetary stability, growth, competitiveness, financial markets development and stronger participation in the global economic scenario. The integration can benefits the financial and commercial market, although it needs a minimum level of regional regulatory activities to define and naturally promote the intended development. The member States must organize and implement the regional activities. Particularly, the integration process is being important for the African development, however the distribution of benefits is unequal / As transformações econômicas mundiais ocorridas nas ultimas décadas, sobretudo no pós-guerra fria, são fundamentais para entender as dinâmicas e expansão do fenômeno da formação de blocos econômicos regionais como ferramentas estratégicas para os países em desenvolvimento. O desafio da globalização imposta aos países africanos impusera a necessidade da integração como alternativa viável para sustentar o processo de desenvolvimento da região. O continente Africano mostra aspectos frágeis e vulneráveis que agravam a vários desafios, tais como infraestrutura logística, sistema de rede de transporte e à situação persistente de pobreza e miséria, resultante de um longo período colonial, à qual se soma erros políticos cometidos no período pós-independência e as políticas exercidas pelos imperialistas. Este trabalho analisa o estado da integração regional no que diz respeito às relações comerciais, políticas econômicas e financeiras em regimes regionais, principalmente, União Econômica e Monetária do Oeste Africano (UEMOA). No decorrer da pesquisa constatamos que, em especial, a integração econômica e monetária regional oferece vantagens em termos de estabilidade monetária, o crescimento, a competitividade, o aprofundamento dos mercados financeiros e maior participação na economia global. Apesar dos benefícios que a integração pode trazer ao comercio e as finanças são necessárias um nível mínimo de atividades regulatórias para definir e naturalmente, promover o desenvolvimento almejado. Os Estados Membros necessitam organizar e implementar as atividades regionais. Particularmente, embora o processo de integração esteja sendo importantes para o desenvolvimento dos países membros, as distribuições dos benefícios são desiguais

Notre sujet de thèse consiste en l’étude de l’exportation, la traduction et la réception critique du roman gothique en France au tournant du XIXe siècle (1789-1822). Alors que sur le plan politique, la France et l’Angleterre entretiennent des relations conflictuelles, notamment au moment de la Révolution, l’échange culturel entre les deux pays, lui, ne cesse, comme en témoigne le succès des traductions françaises de romans gothiques auprès du lectorat français. Après un avant-propos consacré à l’histoire de l’adjectif « gothique » et à la terminologie relative au roman gothique et au roman noir du tournant du XIXe siècle, la première partie de la thèse aborde le contexte historique, politique et littéraire au sein duquel le roman terrifiant connaît sa plus grande période de vogue. Nous cherchons ensuite à déterminer l’identité des traducteurs, leurs implications politiques dans le contexte de la Révolution française ainsi que le type de roman gothique en vogue pendant la Première République. La seconde partie de la thèse est consacrée au processus d’adaptation du roman gothique à la langue française et aux goûts du lectorat du tournant du XIXe siècle. Nous nous intéressons aux stratégies de traduction, d’adaptation et de publication des traductions françaises du roman gothique par le biais de l’analyse des critères de choix éditoriaux et des méthodes de traduction. A ces fins, nous nous focalisons sur les romans eux-mêmes en termes de description physique (format et volumes) et de paratexte (éléments de la page de titre, épigraphes, dédicaces, préfaces et illustrations). Cette seconde partie se termine avec une étude comparée centrée sur l’appropriation culturelle et politique des thèmes de l’architecture et du surnaturel dans les romans gothiques lors du passage à la langue française. Enfin, dans la troisième et dernière partie de la thèse, nous nous intéressons à l’influence du roman gothique sur la production romanesque française. Nous prenons d'abord en considération les pseudo- traductions et les imitations d’Ann Radcliffe, la figure de proue du gothique anglais, avant de nous concentrer sur les parodies du genre. / Our thesis deals with the export, translation and critical reception of the Gothic novel in France at the turn of the nineteenth century (1789-1822). While politically, France and England maintain conflictual relations, especially at the time of the Revolution, the cultural exchange between the two countries never ceased, as evidenced by the success of French translations of Gothic novels. After a foreword devoted to the history of the adjective "Gothic" and the terminology relating to the Gothic novel and the “roman noir” at the turn of the nineteenth century, the first part of the thesis addresses the historical, political and literary context during the apex of the novel of terror. We then seek to determine the identity of translators, their political implications within the context of the French Revolution and the type of Gothic novel in vogue during the First Republic. The second part of the thesis is devoted to the process of adaptation of the Gothic novel to French language and readership of the turn of the nineteenth century. We look at the strategies of translation, adaptation and publication of the Gothic novel in French language through the analysis of the criteria of editorial choices and methods of translation. For these purposes, we focus on the novels themselves in terms of physical description (format and volumes) and paratext (elements of the title page, epigraphs, dedications, prefaces and illustrations). This second part ends with a comparative study centered on the translation process and more particularly on the cultural and political appropriation of the themes of architecture and the supernatural within Gothic novels. Finally, in the third and last part of the thesis, we seek to determine the influence of the Gothic novel on the French literary production. We first take into consideration pseudo-translations and imitations of the figurehead of English Gothic, Ann Radcliffe, before focusing on parodies of the genre.

This thesis investigates the affects of the French Revolution of 1789 and the Mexican Revolution of 1910 on gender roles in their respective societies. Women that contributed to political discourse challenged separations of public and private spheres, which dictated order in the late and postrevolutionary periods of France and Mexico. Given the deliberate acts by both postrevolutionary governments to send women to the periphery of their respective societies, it is vital to revisit the examples of female influence that shaped the early French and Mexican Revolutions. The understanding that comes from a detailed analysis of the parameters of gendered spaces before, during, and after revolution sheds light on the relationships between order and gender that determined the future of women in their respective postrevolutionary worlds.

La présente thèse traite de l'histoire d'un groupe convulsionnaire janséniste à la fin du XVIIIe siècle. Ce groupe sectaire se constitue dans le village de Fareins (dans le futur département de l'Ain) dans les années 1780, autour du curé François Bonjour, qui crucifie une prophétesse de sa "secte" en 1787 puis fait l'objet d'un procès sous la Révolution. Libéré finalement, François Bonjour s'installe à Paris, où une prophétesse convulsionnaire parisienne, dite "sœur Élisée", commence une prédication soutenue jusqu'en 1805 (année de l'arrestation de François Bonjour et ses proches). L'histoire de cette "secte" convulsionnaire a déjà été traitée par plusieurs historiens successifs, mais notre approche se distingue par un regard délibérément anthropologique et sociologique. Nous avons été attentif, pour l'épisode local de Fareins, à faire une ethnographie des luttes villageoises, ainsi qu'une analyse anthropologique du prophétisme rural et des faits de possessions démoniaques. La radicalisation des Fareinistes consécutive à la Révolution française nous a permis de reprendre le problème du millénarisme révolutionnaire. Puis l'imposant corpus des prophéties et "visions" de la sœur Élisée a été analysé selon plusieurs axes. D'une part, les discours de la prophétesse sont une arme dans les luttes de pouvoir qui l'opposent à ses adversaires. D'autre part, nous avons reconstitué la "culture" de ce groupe (au sens anthropologique de ce concept), en rendant compte du fonctionnement de l'ésotérisme biblique propre à ce milieu. Enfin, les transes spectaculaires de sœur Élisée ont été étudiées en mobilisant les travaux anthropologiques sur les faits de possession. / This thesis deals with the history of a group of convulsionnary Jeansenists of the end of the eighteenth century. This sectarian group forms in the village of Fareins (in the area which will later become the département of Ain) in the 1870's, around the priest François Bonjour, who crucified a prophetess of his "sect" in 1787 and went on trial under the Revolution. Eventually released, François Bonjour set himself in Paris, where a convulsionary Jeansenist prophetess, called “sister Élisée", started a preaching which would go on until 1805 (the year of the arresting of François Bonjour and his circle). The history of this convultionary sect has already been studied by several historians, but our approch distinguishes itself by a deliberate anthropological and sociological point of view. When dealing with the local events in Fareins, we deemed relevant to do an ethnographic study of the villager’s struggles as well as an anthropological analysis of rural prophetism and of devilish possession. The radicalization of the Fareinists which followed the French Revolution allows us to take up the problem of revolutionary millenarianism. The imposing corpus of the prophecies and “visions” of sister Élisée is then analyzed under several lines. First, the prophetess’ speeches are a weapon she uses in the struggles for power against her opponents. Secondly, we reconstructed the « culture » of this group (in the anthropological sense of the concept) and showed how the biblical esotericism specific to this environment works. Eventually, the spectacular transes of sister Élisée were studied in the light of the anthropological works on the facts of possession.

The plays of James Boaden, an author all too often forgotten in the pages of theatre history, are usually dismissed by scholars as mercenary adaptations of popular Gothic novels for the stage. Boaden’s plays of the 1790s—Fontainville Forest (1794), The Secret Tribunal (1796), The Italian Monk (1797), Cambro-Britons (1798) and Aurelio and Miranda (1799)—were certainly popular successes in their own time, but this should not discount them from serious consideration as aesthetic and ideological objects. In fact, these plays are intelligently wrought, using popular Gothic conventions to further a conservative ideology that was not originally associated with this genre. This fact has gone unrecognized by scholars partly because these plays have not been previously analysed for their dramaturgical structure as adaptations: Boaden borrows conventions from the Gothic, to be sure, but he also borrows dramaturgical techniques from Shakespeare. In so doing, Boaden harnesses both popular appeal and theatrical legitimacy to write Tory propaganda at a time when the stage was a key tool in the ideological war against France and French sympathizers in Britain. Political threats, both domestic and foreign, were of ongoing concern in Britain in the years following the French Revolution. Immediately after 1789, the Gothic was ideologically charged in ways that promoted revolutionary thinking. Boaden’s adaptation of the Gothic form responds to the revolution and the Reign of Terror by replacing the genre’s iconoclasm with a strongly nationalist orientation, drawn, in part, from eighteenth-century Shakespeare reception, itself often strongly nationalist in tone. Boaden’s plays are reactionary in that they comment on the current political situation, using allegory to play on the audience’s emotions. In his first phase, Boaden depicts the demise of a villainous usurper, a scapegoat figure, but his second phase reintegrates the villain into domestic and social harmony. In so doing, Boaden serves as a case study in the shifting attitude towards Britain’s revolutionary sympathizers, the Jacobins, and illustrates the important use of the Gothic mode for conservative purposes. Boaden emerges, in this study, as a figure whose relevance to theatre history in this fraught period requires reassessment.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal