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L’objet de ce travail est l’établissement de l’édition critique du manuscrit des Nouvelles ecclésiastiques pour le XIXe siècle resté inédit, rédigé par l’ancien oratorien Jean-Louis Rondeau, prêtre assermenté, secrétaire de l’abbé Grégoire et membre du clergé de Saint-Séverin de 1801 jusqu’à son décès en 1832. Ce texte se veut la continuation des Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques du XVIIIe siècle, feuille périodique du mouvement janséniste d’une infinie richesse. Mais plus qu’un journal, c’est un témoignage qui prend la forme d’une chronique partisane sur les affaires ecclésiastiques du temps, un gigantesque kaléidoscope reflétant les intérêts et les convictions de celui qui, patiemment, du Mexique à Constantinople, de Naples à Londres, de Saint-Pétersbourg à Madrid, de Paris à Rome, a pendant des années scruté un monde en mutation. Durant deux décennies, l’auteur a méticuleusement passé au « crible janséniste » les événements et les écrits de son temps, a rassemblé informations et notes de lecture, articles de presse et on-dit, avec l’ambition de suivre l’histoire européenne, et même mondiale, sous l’angle rarement étudié d’une histoire religieuse globale. Il nous livre ainsi une passionnante évocation de ce premier XIXe siècle à travers une lecture janséniste et nettement libérale des polémiques religieuses de son temps. / The matter of this work is the manuscript scholarly edition of the Nouvelles écclésiastiques pour le XIXe siècle, that still remains unpublished. It was written by the former oratorian Jean-Louis Rondeau: a juror priest, the abbé Grégoire secretary and member of the Saint-Séverin parish from 1801 till his death in 1832. This text is willing to be the continuation of the Nouvelles Ecclésiastiques from the XVIII century, an immeasurably rich periodical paper published by the jansenist movement. More than a diary, this is an account that takes the form of a partisan chronicle about the ecclesiastical affairs, a huge kaleidoscope reflecting interests and convictions from the one who patiently, from Mexico to Constantinople, Naples to London, Saint-Petersburg to Madrid, Paris to Rome, has scrutinised during years a world in mutation. During two decades, the author, with a jansenist look, has sifted out the events and writings of his time. He has assembled information, reading notes, press articles and hearsays with the ambition of following the European and Worldwide history under the rarely studied outlook of the global religious history. Thus he delivers a passionate evocation on the early XIX century through a jansenist and a clearly liberal reading of the religious polemics of his time.

Os anos transcorridos entre a emancipação política do Brasil e o término da experiência regencial caracterizaram-se pelos embates em torno da definição das linhas mestras do arranjo político que conformaria o novo Estado que se buscava forjar. Chamado a participar deste momento ímpar da história política brasileira, o clero apresentou-se como um dos segmentos numericamente mais fortes do Parlamento. Com base nesta constatação, o presente estudo busca compreender as íntimas relações estabelecidas entre religião e política no Império e como se deu a participação dos padres políticos no processo de construção das bases do Estado brasileiro. A partir da análise da trajetória dos padres presentes na Assembleia Constituinte de 1823 e na Assembleia Geral do Brasil, ao longo das quatro primeiras legislaturas do Império, transcorridas entre 1826 e 1841, procuramos lançar luz a três questões chave. A primeira refere-se à conjunção de fatores que levou os padres a entrarem para o mundo formal da política, via processo eleitoral. A segunda diz respeito a envolvimento do clero com as discussões que perpassaram a problemática da distribuição do poder entre o centro e a periferia do Império, entre poder executivo e legislativo, e entre o poder temporal e o espiritual. A terceira questão trata, por fim, das motivações religiosas que se encontravam por trás das inúmeras batalhas travadas pelos padres no Parlamento que traduziam sua expectativa de inaugurar uma nova fase da história do catolicismo brasileiro. / The years between Brazils political emancipation and the end of the Regency experiment are characterized by conflicts over the definition of the outlines of political arrangement which would form the new state which was being created. The clergy was called to participate in this unique moment of Brazilian political history and it was one of the numerically strongest segments of the Parliament. Based on this evidence, this study seeks to understand the intimate relations between religion and politics in the Empire and how was the participation of political priests in the process of building the Brazilian state foundations. From the analysis of the trajectory of the priests present at the Constituent Assembly of 1823 and the General Assembly of Brazil, during the first four legislatures of the Empire, between 1826 and 1841, we focus on three key issues. The first refers to the conjunction of factors which led priests to enter into the formal world of politics, via electoral process. The second concerns the involvement of the clergy in discussions which problematized matters of power distribution within the Imperial center/periphery; between the Executive and the Legislative; and between the historical and the spiritual. Finally, the third point refers to the religious motivation underlying numerous battles in the Parliament among the priests, which conveyed their expectations of opening a new phase in the history of Brazilian Catholicism.

Os anos transcorridos entre a emancipação política do Brasil e o término da experiência regencial caracterizaram-se pelos embates em torno da definição das linhas mestras do arranjo político que conformaria o novo Estado que se buscava forjar. Chamado a participar deste momento ímpar da história política brasileira, o clero apresentou-se como um dos segmentos numericamente mais fortes do Parlamento. Com base nesta constatação, o presente estudo busca compreender as íntimas relações estabelecidas entre religião e política no Império e como se deu a participação dos padres políticos no processo de construção das bases do Estado brasileiro. A partir da análise da trajetória dos padres presentes na Assembleia Constituinte de 1823 e na Assembleia Geral do Brasil, ao longo das quatro primeiras legislaturas do Império, transcorridas entre 1826 e 1841, procuramos lançar luz a três questões chave. A primeira refere-se à conjunção de fatores que levou os padres a entrarem para o mundo formal da política, via processo eleitoral. A segunda diz respeito a envolvimento do clero com as discussões que perpassaram a problemática da distribuição do poder entre o centro e a periferia do Império, entre poder executivo e legislativo, e entre o poder temporal e o espiritual. A terceira questão trata, por fim, das motivações religiosas que se encontravam por trás das inúmeras batalhas travadas pelos padres no Parlamento que traduziam sua expectativa de inaugurar uma nova fase da história do catolicismo brasileiro. / The years between Brazils political emancipation and the end of the Regency experiment are characterized by conflicts over the definition of the outlines of political arrangement which would form the new state which was being created. The clergy was called to participate in this unique moment of Brazilian political history and it was one of the numerically strongest segments of the Parliament. Based on this evidence, this study seeks to understand the intimate relations between religion and politics in the Empire and how was the participation of political priests in the process of building the Brazilian state foundations. From the analysis of the trajectory of the priests present at the Constituent Assembly of 1823 and the General Assembly of Brazil, during the first four legislatures of the Empire, between 1826 and 1841, we focus on three key issues. The first refers to the conjunction of factors which led priests to enter into the formal world of politics, via electoral process. The second concerns the involvement of the clergy in discussions which problematized matters of power distribution within the Imperial center/periphery; between the Executive and the Legislative; and between the historical and the spiritual. Finally, the third point refers to the religious motivation underlying numerous battles in the Parliament among the priests, which conveyed their expectations of opening a new phase in the history of Brazilian Catholicism.

Gaspard-Hilarion Fornier d’Albe naît en 1769 au sein d’une famille appartenant à l’aristocratie protestante gardoise, bientôt anoblie grâce à ses activités négociantes. Il débute sa carrière militaire peu avant la fin de l'Ancien Régime, au terme d’une éducation exemplaire. Se distinguant dans les armées méridionales révolutionnaires, il est destitué comme noble et fédéraliste, puis réintègre l'armée pour participer à l'expédition d’Égypte. Il enchaîne ensuite les fonctions administratives à l'armée du Rhin, au camp de Boulogne puis dans les états-majors de la Grande Armée, avant de couronner son parcours par une défense de la place prussienne de Custrin pendant 13 mois en 1813-1814. Mis en retraite au retour des Bourbons, il mène une vie de bourgeois rentier à Paris, et – véhiculant la légende napoléonienne – se fait le relais d’un parti libéral protestant nîmois profondément traumatisé par la Terreur Blanche. Le général Fornier d’Albe se distingue davantage par ses aspects privés que par sa carrière militaire. Il lègue en effet à l’histoire trois écrits intimes d’une richesse exceptionnelle : le Journal d’Égypte, le Mémorial de Custrin et son journal de santé. Narrant à sa maîtresse le spleen qu’il ressent dans l’environnement égyptien et ses expériences sexuelles dans le premier, décrivant la descente aux enfers de la garnison de Custrin durant le siège de la place et analysant l’effondrement de l’Empire dans le second, il passe sa fin de vie à étudier la lente décomposition de son corps touché par un mal vénérien dans son journal de santé. Les écrits du “ for privé ” servent de fil conducteur à la biographie de ce notable bibliophile et érudit qui incarne les contradictions d’une génération qui façonna la France contemporaine. / Gaspard-Hilarion Fornier d’Albe was born in 1769 in a family of protestant aristocrats from the department of the Gard, soon ennobled thanks to their trade activities. He begins his career just before the end of the Ancien Régime after an exemplary education. Distinguishing himself in southern armies during the French Revolution, he’s dismissed as a noble and federalist, then reintegrated to participate to the expedition in Egypt. He’s then assigned to administrative fonctions in general staff, participates to napoleonian campaigns, and crowns his career with the defense of the place of Custrin during 13 months in 1813-1814. Retired when Bourbons return, he lives in Paris as a bourgeois with property incomes, and – conveying the napoleonian legend – becomes the relay of a liberal protestant party traumatised by the Terreur Blanche. General Fornier d’Albe is a lot more interesting because of the private aspects of his life than his military career. He leaves to history three intimate and extremely rich writings : the Egyptian Diary, the Custrin Memorial and the health diary. Telling to his mistress the spleen he feels in the egyptian environment and his sexual relationships in the first one, describing the horror of the siege of Custrin and analyzing the fall of the Empire in the second one, he studies the slow decomposition of his body because of e venereal disease in the health diary. Private writings are a common thread for the biography of this bibliophile and erudite notable who embodies the contradictions of the generation that shaped contemporary France.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Ayant vécu de 1771 à 1841, Édouard Bignon incarne la génération d’hommes qui a traversé, non sans encombre, la Révolution, le Directoire, le Consulat, l’Empire, la Restauration et la monarchie de Juillet. Sa carrière est le reflet des changements politiques français. Précepteur à la fin de l’Ancien Régime, il s’enrôle dans l’armée en 1793 pour fuir les proscriptions de la Terreur. Sous le Directoire, en 1797, il intègre la carrière diplomatique au sein de laquelle il reste dix-neuf années, jusqu’en 1815 : il y connaît une progression continue, passant du rang de second secrétaire de légation en 1797 à celui de ministre plénipotentiaire en Pologne en 1813. Après avoir participé aux Cent-Jours, il se retire de la vie publique. Deux ans après Waterloo, il est élu député et siège dans les rangs de l’opposition libérale jusqu’à la chute de la monarchie bourbonienne. Indépendamment de ses mandats de députés, il se lance dans une carrière de publiciste et d’historien qui lui assure une notoriété grandissante. En effet, dans son testament, Napoléon Ier lui a commandé une histoire diplomatique de la France à laquelle Bignon s’attelle dès 1821. Divisée en quatorze tomes, cette Histoire de France paraît à partir de 1829. L’année suivante, Bignon participe à la chute de Charles X et devient proche des gouvernements de Louis-Philippe : il est nommé pair de France en 1837, couronnement d’une longue carrière au service de la France. Cette étude biographique, qui embrasse la totalité de sa carrière, entend mettre à l’honneur le parcours d’un diplomate napoléonien à l’envergure secondaire, les activités d’un parlementaire sous la Restauration et la monarchie Juillet, et l’originalité d’un historien de l’Empire. / Born in 1771 and died in 1841, Édouard Bignon embodies the generation who has live, with some trouble, through the French Revolution, the Directory, the Consulate, the First Empire, the Restoration and the July Monarchy. His career reflects all the French political changes. A private tutor, he enlisted in 1793 while trying to avoid being arrested. During the Directory, in 1797, he joined the Foreign Office and stayed in this departement until 1815 : he was constantly promoted, from the position of 2nd secretary in 1797 to minister plenipotentiary in Poland in 1813. As he joined the ranks of Napoleon during The Hundred Days, he had to retire from public life once Louis XVIII came back. Two years after Waterloo, he became a member of Parliament and sat among the liberals until the Bourbons fall. Separately from his political activities, he published several historical books which rose his popularity. In his will, Napoleon asked him to write the diplomatic history of his reign. Begun in 1821, the Histoire de France was issued from 1829 to 1850 and split into 14 volumes. In 1830, he contributed to the July Monarchy’s birth and became one of its support in Parliament : Louis-Philippe rewarded him and appointed him as peer of France in 1837, as a public recognition for his duties. This study which tackles all Bignon’s activities, aims to emphasize a medium scale diplomatic experience, parliamentarian’s occupations during the Restoration and the July Monarchy and Napoleon historian’s originality.

Les mots utilisés par les historiens pour décrire la nation ou la société diffèrent de ceux des autorités entre 1800 et 1820. La création des préfectures place les préfets au cœur d'une administration centralisée. Situés entre les ministres et les sous-préfets, en relation directe avec les autorités militaires et religieuses, ils entretiennent une correspondance administrative quotidienne avec divers interlocuteurs et traitent parfois les réclamations qui leurs sont transmises, directement ou non, par leurs administrés. En tant que relais du pouvoir central, le personnel préfectoral est également amené à s’adresser directement à la population par le biais de proclamations. Tous ces documents révèlent les vues des gouvernants. Leurs représentations changent, ainsi que leur langage, au gré des succès diplomatiques, politiques ou militaires, et des défaites qui sonnent le glas de l'Empire fondé par Napoléon remplacé à sa chute par Louis XVIII sur le trône de France. Les images véhiculées par les autorités n'évoluent pas toutes au même rythme ; elles demeurent complexes et soumises à des tensions révélatrices de leurs contradictions. Les pouvoirs publics réaffirment les traits communs propres à un « peuple » exceptionnel, distinct de ses voisins européens, souvent supérieur. Ils ne cachent pas pour autant les nombreuses divisions qui opposent les Français, « bons » ou « mauvais ». Ils ne taisent pas non plus les différences qu'ils établissent entre les élites et le reste de la population, dénigré pour son appartenance sociale ou géographique et prennent en compte la souffrance des « malheureux ». / The words used by historians to describe the nation or society differ from those used by the authorities between 1800 and 1820. The creation of prefectures places prefects at the heart of a centralised administration. Situated between ministers and sub-prefects, in direct contact with military and religious authorities, they maintain daily administrative correspondence with various interlocutors and sometimes handle complaints transmitted to them, directly or indirectly, by their constituents. As a relay of the central power, prefectoral staff also have to address the population directly through proclamations. All these documents reveal the views of the rulers. Their representations changed, as did their language, depending on diplomatic, political or military successes, and the defeats that sounded the death knell of the Empire founded by Napoleon, which was replaced when Louis XVIII fell to the throne of France. The images conveyed by the authorities do not all evolve at the same rate; they remain complex and subject to tensions that reveal their contradictions. The public authorities reaffirm the common features of an exceptional "people", distinct from its European neighbours, often superior. However, they do not hide the many divisions between the French,"good" or "bad". Nor do they ignore the differences between the elites and the rest of the population, denigrated for their social or geographical affiliation and taking into account the suffering of the "unfortunate.

Au-delà des fantasmes persistants qui entourent la police napoléonienne et son ministre Fouché, aucune étude d'ensemble n'avait encore été consacrée à la «haute police» entre 1799 et 1814. La période du Consulat et de l'Empire est capitale. Elle voit en effet la naissance d'une «haute police», qui ne constitue pas une entité policière spécifique, mais une mission : assurer la survie de l'État et de son chef, par la mise à l'écart des individus perçus comme dangereux. Les «mesures de haute police» prennent une triple forme : surveillance préventive, détention sans jugement, et envoi en «surveillance spéciale» (résidence surveillée). Les discours des autorités justifient l'existence de ces mesures extrajudiciaires et extralégales par la mise en scène d'une menace présentée comme exceptionnelle, et par la nécessité de rassurer, stabiliser et unifier. La «haute police» prend alors une place centrale dans le processus de contrôle de l'esprit public et de renforcement du pouvoir. Napoléon occupe ainsi un rôle croissant dans le contrôle et l'orientation d'une action policière tout entière tournée vers la sauvegarde de sa propre personne. L'élaboration policière de critères de dangerosité en partie nouveaux, imbriquant contrôle politique et contrôle social, permet de construire une surveillance à l'intention panoptique. Cette recherche croise histoire des représentations et histoire «par le bas», au plus près du terrain. Elle remet en cause la vision verticale d'un régime policier, puisque la surveillance préventive s'appuie aussi sur une participation populaire, et que, d'autre part, son efficacité peut être nuancée, à l'échelle de l'Empire. / Beyond the enduring fantasies surrnunding the Napoleonic police and its Minister Fouché, no overall study had yet been devoted to the "high police" between 1799 and 1814. The period of the Consulate and the Empire is crucial, with the birth of a "high police", which did not consist in a specific police entity, but a mission: to ensure the survival of the State and its leader by removing individuals seen a dangerous. "High police measures" took three forms: preventive surveillance, detention without trial, and placing under "special surveillance" (house arrest). The authorities' speeches justified the existence of these extrajudicial and extra-legal measures by staging a threat - presented as exception. - and by introducing the need to reassure, stabilize and unify people. The "high police" then took a central place in the process of controlling the public mind and strengthening the power. Napoleon thus occupied an increasing role in the control and orientation of a police action entirely aiming at protecting his own person.The police development of partially new criteria on dangerousness, intertwining both political and social control, made it possible to build a surveillance with a panoptic purpose. This research combines history of representations and history "from below", studied at ground level. It challenges the vertical interpretation of a police regime, since preventive surveillance is also based on popular involvement, and its effectiveness can be qualified, on the scale of the Empire.